https://thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking May 19, 2026, 12:18 pm Thedailyguardian Thedailyguardian en-US https://thedailyguardian.com/wp-content/themes/thedailyguardian/images/the-daily-guardian-logo.png Thedailyguardian https://thedailyguardian.com/ Feed provided by thedailyguardian. <![CDATA[World’s Largest Ancient Bead Collection Unearthed in 5,000-Year-Old Spanish Tomb]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/worlds-largest-ancient-bead-collection-unearthed-in-5000-year-old-spanish-tomb/ Seville, Spain: In a stunning archaeological breakthrough, researchers have uncovered the world’s largest ancient bead collection—over 270,000 beads—from a 5,000-year-old tomb in Montelirio Tholos, located in Valencina de la Concepción, near Seville. According to a recent study published in Science Journal, the find dates back to the Chalcolithic period (3200–2500 BCE) and provides deep insights into early social hierarchies and ceremonial practices in Copper Age Iberia.

Inside the Montelirio Tholos

The Montelirio Tholos is a 39-meter-wide underground megalithic structure, built around 3000 BCE. It was excavated between 2007 and 2010 by a team led by Leonardo García Sanjuán from the University of Seville. Inside the tomb, researchers found the remains of at least 25 individuals, mostly believed to be high-status women, accompanied by rich grave goods including finely crafted shell, amber, greenstone, and calcite beads ranging from 1 to 10 millimeters in size.
“This is the most extensive prehistoric bead collection ever documented,” the researchers stated.

Symbolism and Social Significance

One group of 90 beads was discovered alongside a crystal blade dagger with an ivory handle, indicating the beads may have served as elite decorations or symbols of status. The team’s multi-analytical study, carried out over five years, involved raw material analysis, radiocarbon dating, morphometric analysis, phytolith examination, and experimental reconstructions. The results suggest the beads were sumptuary items—ritual or symbolic adornments used by a select group of women of high social importance.

Cultural Insights

The Montelirio Tholos, dated to 2875–2700 BCE, reflects a complex society on the cusp of the Bronze Age. The arrangement and craftsmanship of the beads demonstrate not just artistic achievement but also the ceremonial and social depth of early Iberian communities. This discovery significantly enhances our understanding of Copper Age burial practices, gender roles, and symbolic expression in prehistoric Europe.  ]]> June 30, 2025, 5:37 am https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/worlds-largest-ancient-bead-collection-unearthed-in-5000-year-old-spanish-tomb/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Balochistan – A Tale of Betrayed Borders and a Fight for Nationhood]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/balochistan-a-tale-of-betrayed-borders-and-a-fight-for-nationhood/ Balochistan is the largest and most resource-rich region of Pakistan. However, it is also the most alienated, impoverished, and exploited zone. While the world focuses on Pakistan's external posturing as a “victim of terror,”- a silent yet violent struggle continues in its southwest: the Baloch nation's fight for dignity, sovereignty, and survival. This struggle has deep roots in a history that dates resistance to Pakistani oppression with treaties signed centuries ago with the British. A legacy of broken promises - from Muhammad Ali Jinnah to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto - marks decades of rebellions fueled by exploitation and military suppression. In the aftermath of Operation Sindoor - the parched Sindh and troubled Pashtuns of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa rose against the military rule - creating the perfect ambiance for the balkanization of Pakistan. So, the question must now be asked: Is Balochistan finally at the cusp of realizing its long-sought independence? The Forgotten Treaty: Kalat’s Sovereignty and the British Betrayal In 1666, under Mir Ahmed Khan I, the Khanate of Kalat, the first unified presentation of a political entity of Balochistan. The nomadic Baloch and Brahui tribes united and declared independence from Mughal rule. Thereafter, in 1876, the Khanate signed a treaty with the British that made it a protectorate, not a part of British India. This allowed Kalat internal autonomy, its legislature, and clear boundaries that defined it as a sovereign state - albeit under British rule. The British administered its foreign affairs and defense, but it remained outside the jurisdiction of colonial India. By 1946, as the British prepared to exit the subcontinent, the Khan of Kalat appointed none other than Muhammad Ali Jinnah to represent him before the British Crown. Jinnah presented Kalat's claim - stating that the Khanate had a treaty relationship with the British, not with India or Pakistan. Thus, in 1947 when the British divided Bharat, unlike other princely states such as Las Bela and Kharan, the Khanate of Kalat had a unique position. On 15th August 1947, a day after Pakistan came into being, the Khanate of Kalat declared its independence. The nation formed a bicameral legislature comprising the Darul Umara (Upper House of Sardars) and Darul Awam (Lower House of elected representatives). This was not nominal independence. It was a functioning state ready to assert its sovereign rights. However, this dream collapsed within 227 days of independence. ● Jinnah, who once argued for Kalat’s autonomy, made an about-turn. Despite earlier assurances, Jinnah began pressuring the Khan to accede to Pakistan. ● The British refused the sale of arms to the Khanate of Kalat without Pakistan’s public permission, thereby leaving Kalat defenseless against a hostile neighbor. ● The Khan presented Pakistan's demand of cessation in the Kalat parliament - the Upper and Lower Houses of Kalat refused to cede independence. Thus, asking the Khan of Kalat to refuse Pakistan’s command from across the border. ● When the Khan refused, Pakistan moved militarily aggressively to forcibly capture this swatch of land. ● At Pakistan’s aggressive military posture, Khan of Kalat wrote to India for help. Unfortunately, India -without sharing borders with Kalat - was unable to help at the time. ● On March 26th March Pakistan captured Kalat’s coastal borders - bringing the Khanate to its knees. ● On 27th March 1948, Pakistani forces entered Kalat. The Khan, fearing bloodshed, signed the Instrument of Accession under duress. On 3rd October 1952, Kalat joined with the neighboring states of Kharan, Las Bela, and Makran to form the Baluchistan States Union. They chose Mir Ahmed Yar Khan of Kalat as their leader and gave him the title Khan-e-Azam. However, this attempt to gain autonomy failed on 14th October 1955, when the states were forcibly merged with West Pakistan. This forced merger was named One Unit Plan, which triggered a fresh spate of rebellion under Nawab Nauroz Khan and other leaders. Thereafter, in 1958, Mir Ahmad Yar Khan once more defiantly declared his status as Khan in an attempt to regain autonomy. In retaliation, Pakistan began a military clean-up and arrested Yar Khan along with key Baloch leaders. This led to another uprising, notably the first where the Pakistan Air Force was deployed against its citizens. Again, the Baloch rebellion was militarily defeated, but politically it ignited growing discontent. In 1959, Pakistan promised leniency to Nauroz Khan in return for surrender. However, they executed Nauroz and his sons upon arrest - creating a vacuum of leadership in Balochistan’s quest for independence. The Baloch people never accepted the One Unit Plan - despite military oppression and political attempts to whitewash their existence as a separate identity. In 1963, they rebuilt their resistance to Pakistani occupation of Balochistan with the Third Balochistan Conflict. Most of the 1960s decade witnessed attempts at insurgency in the region - to finally call a halt in 1969 with Balochistan being named a separate province in Pakistan. However, the most significant of all rebellions came between 1973 and 1977, in the aftermath of the creation of Bangladesh. The beaten Pakistani administration and army feared Balochistan’s increasing demand for independence. Thus, in 1973, under a flimsy pretext of arms discovered in the Iraqi Embassy Pakistan declared martial law. PM Zulfikar Ali Bhutto dismissed the elected Baloch provincial government - triggering a rebellion. The region witnessed a war-like situation when over 55,000 Baloch guerrillas, backed by thousands of sympathizers, took to the mountains. The Baloch now openly demanded cessation from their occupying Pakistani regime. The Pakistani military, with assistance from the Shah of Iran, conducted brutal counterinsurgency operations. Over 5,000 Baloch fighters and civilians died - bringing a bloody end to the rebellion in 1977. A Region Redefined: Baloch Identity Beyond Kalat Initially, the resistance revolved around the Kalat state. Over time, however, Baloch nationalism has grown to include all Baloch-majority regions: Makran, Gwadar, Dera Bugti, and more. The modern Baloch flag, institutions, and narrative all reflect a larger, unified identity rather than a dynastic one. Historically, the various rebel groups of Balochistan - The Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), Baloch Republican Army (BRA), and Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF) - functioned with distinct ideological and territorial aims. However, lately, all the rebel groups have raised a singular united demand for independence. They ask for recognition to call independent Balochistan under one national flag and their resistance has adapted to modern guerrilla warfare - where resources are short and will is strong. Each crackdown by the Pakistani state has only deepened support in the hinterlands. Unlike earlier generations, today's Baloch youth are not just reacting to betrayal - they are ideologically committed to sovereignty. Consequently, Pakistan’s administration attempts to undermine this ideology by calling it India-sponsored terrorism. Recently, Pakistan tried to disconnect the Balochi rebels from their identity as a distinct regional force committed to claiming sovereignty by clubbing them under the identity of “Ftina-al-Hind” - labeling the Baloch rebellion an illegitimate militant force under orders of Hindustan or India. However, such a renaming does not deny the fact that Mir Yar Baloch has declared independence from the soil of Balochistan - asking the world to recognize the nation as separate from Pakistan and its occupying forces. Present Crisis: From CPEC to Operation Sindoor Any conversation on Balochistan’s struggle for cessation from Pakistan is incomplete without understanding the role China played in the region. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), worth over $60 billion, is an international symbol of the economic colonial exploitation of Balochistan. While Gwadar was being developed into a port for Chinese strategic access, the locals remained jobless, displaced, and under military surveillance. The Pakistani military, well aware of Baloch's troubles and insurgency, keeps the people poor and struggling for survival by kidnapping its youth - specifically males and activists. In 2018, under continued suppression and oppression, BLA attacked the Chinese consulate in Karachi. At the time, Chinese leaders chose to pacify the group with backchannel talks. However, the promises made were never fulfilled by the Chinese. Hence, the Baloch view China as their economic oppressor who empowers their Pakistani military occupiers. In 2020, after BLA stormed the Pakistan Stock Exchange, China tried to help Pakistan label Baloch cessationists as international terrorists at the UN. Thus, China plays the dual role of economic oppressor to political subjugators for Balochistan. In 2024, Pakistani politics took a turn for the worse - with rumors of rigged elections - Pakistan is currently ruled by its military using a puppet PM and proxy government. Hence, the BLA renewed its attacks in 2024 on Chinese installations to showcase its rejection of the tyrant military rule enforced upon its people. The rebellion took on the face of targeted attacks on Chinese engineers, CPEC convoys, and state pipelines intensified. Corrupt Pakistani officials - unable to deliver a completed CPEC - sank millions in Chinese investment. As a result, China began facing losses in the very project it hoped to earn billions from. In addition to aggression from the BLA, China faced offensive military action from Afghanistan and its locally supported arm of TTP in Pakistan. Thereby, losing both its millions and Chinese nationals in the northern region of Pakistan. Despite all of this, China stands steadfast as an “Iron Brother” to Pakistan - continuing to supply arms and loans - financing terrorism - choosing to believe that this economic vassal state shall protect its investments and people. Meanwhile, India’s response to the Pakistan-sponsored Pahalgam attack took the form of Operation Sindoor on 7th May 2025. Though the operation officially targeted terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, the tremors were felt across Balochistan. The Pakistani military and its empty boasts stood exposed in the 84-hour brutal show of might by the Indian Armed Forces. With the weakness of Pakistan out in the open, social media exploded with hashtags supporting Baloch's independence. The Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) too expressed solidarity, accusing the military of treating Pashtun and Baloch regions as occupied territories. A Tipping Point in 2025? Today’s Baloch resistance is not an isolated rebellion. It is part of a regional domino. The world cannot ignore the 20,000 or more missing youth and the arrest of prominent Baloch activists like Mahrang Baloch, and Beebow Baloch. The Baloch youth, with the internet and global media, are aware of their own oppression and the world’s apathy. For decades, India remained distant from the Baloch cause due to a lack of shared borders and diplomatic caution. But today, international forums are increasingly being leveraged. And Indian nationalists are making space for the Baloch cry for sovereignty to be heard across continents! The exiled Baloch government is very vocal - inviting Indian and Western think tanks to raise awareness and expose Pakistan's internal fault lines. The 77-year Baloch struggle might be approaching its culmination. If this moment is seized - through coordinated international advocacy, strategic support, and unity among Baloch factions - then 2025 may mark more than the anniversary of Pakistan’s forced annexation. It may mark the end of Pakistan’s occupation of Balochistan. With evidence available via media, the world must finally acknowledge the atrocities Balochistan continues to suffer under Pakistan and its army. Moreover, they must understand that Balochistan’s rebellion is not Pakistan's internal matter. It is a case of betrayal, annexation, and military subjugation of an entire nation by the Pakistani Military. The Baloch cries for freedom echo through history - from the halls of Kalat to the mountains of Dera Bugti. With a unified Baloch identity, a hostile environment for Pakistan's military, rejection of the economic exploitation of China, and a growing international awareness - the quest for Balochistan’s freedom is no longer a distant dream. It is knocking on the doors of geopolitical reality - but the question is - will the world answer this knock of fate? This article is written by Shruti Dasgupta]]> October 27, 2024, 11:35 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/balochistan-a-tale-of-betrayed-borders-and-a-fight-for-nationhood/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Is Cong Guilty of Historic Betrayal of Punjab? A Low- Down]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/is-cong-guilty-of-historic-betrayal-of-punjab-a-low-down/ As Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann declared that the state government will soon introduce a new draft Act for the management and control of Punjab’s dams, he asserted that Punjab will no longer accept the Dam Safety Act, 2021, imposed by the Centre. Speaking during the ongoing special session of the Punjab Vidhan Sabha, Mann disclosed that the Bhakra Beas Management Board (BBMB) has now filed a petition in the Punjab and Haryana High Court — objecting to Punjab’s decision to depute state police at Nangal Dam, an infrastructure entirely located in Punjab. Mann also directly questioned Leader of Opposition Congress Leader Partap Singh Bajwa, asking why Himachal Pradesh’s Congress leaders voted in favour of Haryana in BBMB, even when Punjab is the riparian state. “How can you claim to represent Punjab and stay silent when your own party votes against Punjab’s rights?” Mann asked. Before this, Cabinet Minister Tarunpreet Singh Sond took the floor and delivered a hard-hitting address exposing the historical and ongoing theft of Punjab’s river waters, carried out through legal manipulation, central overreach, and betrayal by successive Congress governments. “Let me remind the House — **1 cusec of water is worth ₹1.25 crore**. Think of how much money Punjab would have earned had its waters not been gifted away to non-riparian states like Rajasthan and Haryana. We have been bled dry under the pretext of national interest,” said Sond. He emphasized that Punjab is already grappling with a severe water crisis, with many blocks in the state classified as ‘dark zones’ due to depleting groundwater levels. Highlighting historical references and data, the Minister outlined how Punjab’s water resources have been systematically looted. He noted that during the 1980s, when Congress was in power both at the Centre and in Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan states, the state government failed to defend Punjab’s water rights and instead bowed before the Centre. Sond directly blamed Congress’s policies in the past for the current situation. He also reminded the House how, during the reorganization of Punjab, the Congress-led Central government betrayed the state by not granting it full control over its own capital. He cited the statement of Justice R.S. Narula, who had clearly said that Punjab’s demands, including that for Chandigarh, were completely justified. Congress’s Amendments to Constitution: Legal Theft in the Name of Nation Sond gave a detailed account of how then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi amended the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, changing three key clauses: Clause 78, originally dealing with water distribution as a State Subject, was turned into a Union Subject, taking Punjab’s consent out of the equation. Clause 79, on river development, was similarly nationalised. Clause 80, which governed Punjab’s control over river headworks, was also shifted from state to Union jurisdiction. “No other state in India has had its resources snatched like this. Would Rajasthan allow its marble to be taken for free? Would Gujarat allow free oil? Why is only Punjab’s water — **worth crores per cusec** — handed over like charity?” Timeline of Injustice: How Punjab was pushed aside by Congress Sond methodically laid out the history of water appropriation, all backed by data: 1950: Under Congress CM and Union Minister Gulzarilal Nanda, Punjab’s rivers were manipulated. 12 km-long tunnels redirected the Ravi into the Beas and then into the Sutlej, all without local consultation. 1955: Construction of the Bikaner Canal allowed Rajasthan to begin receiving Punjab’s water — with zero payment. 1966: Haryana, a non-riparian state, was carved out of Punjab. Yet it too was allotted water — despite no legal or geographical claim. 1976: Creation of BBMB, under which Punjab lost actual control of its rivers to bureaucrats appointed by the Centre. 1981: PM Indira Gandhi forced all Congress Chief Ministers — of Punjab, Haryana, and Rajasthan — to sign a tripartite agreement handing over Punjab’s waters, again without consulting Punjab’s people. The Numbers Don’t Lie: Punjab gets the least from Its own Rivers According to latest data presented by Sond: Punjab receives only 24.58%** of the water that originates from its own rivers. Rajasthan takes 50.9%. Haryana gets 20.38%. Even Jammu & Kashmir receives 3.80%, and Delhi gets 1.16% — despite none of these regions being riparian with Punjab’s rivers. “This is not federalism — this is economic colonisation. And Punjab is the colony,” said Sond. “We are left with empty canals and debt, while others build empires using our water.” BBMB Now Suing Punjab for Managing Its Own Dam Sond backed CM Mann’s revelation that BBMB has filed a petition against Punjab for deploying its own police at Nangal Dam, which is located entirely within the state. “What kind of federal structure is this,” he asked, “where a state is being sued for guarding its own infrastructure?” ₹8,000 Crore a year Just to extract water from below With its surface water diverted, Punjab has been forced to rely on groundwater extraction — a process so expensive that the state spends ₹8,000 crore annually in subsidies just to keep farming alive. “Meanwhile, states receiving Punjab’s water get it for free — and build mega cities and industries on our loss. And every cusec costs ₹1.25 crore. This isn’t mismanagement. This is plunder.” Sond referenced the Shah Commission Report, which also affirmed Punjab’s rights over Bhakra Dam, Nangal Dam, their powerhouses, and canal systems. He noted that to feed the nation, Punjab has exhausted its groundwater, and warned that the current pace of water exploitation will soon push the state into an even deeper crisis. Congress betrayed Punjab — Then, Now and Always: Sond Sond didn’t spare the Congress either. He said those leaders who now claim to stand with Punjab were the very ones who signed its rights away. “They didn’t just surrender in Delhi. They surrendered Punjab’s future. Today they shout slogans but back then they amended laws, signed deals, and stayed silent while Punjab bled." He ended with a challenge to both opposition and the Centre: “This Assembly isn’t going to sit idle anymore. We are not here to beg. We are here to demand what’s legally, morally, and historically ours.”]]> October 27, 2024, 11:35 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/is-cong-guilty-of-historic-betrayal-of-punjab-a-low-down/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Did You Know We Didn’t Always Have This PMO? It Was Indira Gandhi Who First Consolidated Power in Office]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/did-you-know-we-didnt-always-have-this-pmo-it-was-indira-gandhi-who-first-consolidated-power-in-office/ The Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) of India has grown from a modest secretarial unit at independence into the nerve center of national governance. Established in 1947 as the Prime Minister’s Secretariat (PMS), it was initially a low-profile office intended to assist the Prime Minister with routine administrative support. Over the decades, the PMO’s structure, authority, and influence have expanded significantly, shaped by the leadership style of each Prime Minister and the political context of their tenure​. This report provides a narrative history of the PMO’s institutional development from 1947 to the present, highlights key milestones in its evolution, and analyzes how its role has changed under various Prime Ministers. It also spotlights two key advisers—P. N. Haksar and Brajesh Mishra—who played pivotal roles in redefining the PMO’s trajectory. Finally, it examines the changing nature of the PMO’s influence in governance and its relationship with other institutions like the Cabinet Secretariat and ministries. The Prime Minister’s Office is located in the iconic South Block of the Secretariat Building in New Delhi​. Over time, the PMO has become the administrative hub for the Prime Minister’s immediate staff and key advisors, reflecting its central place in Indian governance.​ Origins and Early Years (1947–1964): A Modest Secretariat In August 1947, with India’s independence, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru set up the Prime Minister’s Secretariat (PMS) as his support office. Nehru’s PMS was intentionally low-profile – it was headed by a civil servant of joint secretary rank and focused mainly on providing personal secretarial assistance. Nehru preferred to govern through the traditional cabinet system, relying on strong ministers and the Cabinet Secretariat for policy coordination​. His Principal Private Secretary, e.g. H. V. R. Iengar and later M. O. Mathai, wielded some influence but remained a step below top bureaucratic ranks​. Nehru even allowed his private secretary to attend Cabinet meetings – an unusual move at the time – but generally maintained the norm that major decisions were taken collectively by Cabinet ministers, with the Prime Minister acting as a coordinator​. In essence, during Nehru’s 17-year tenure, the PMS did not yet emerge as an independent power center; it functioned as a secretarial unit while the Cabinet Secretariat (headed by the Cabinet Secretary) continued to coordinate inter-ministerial matters and implement cabinet decisions​. However, by the early 1960s, circumstances began to change. The demands of governance had grown, and Nehru himself faced health issues in his final years. After Nehru’s death in May 1964, his successor Lal Bahadur Shastri immediately saw the need to strengthen the Prime Minister’s personal office. Shastri was a more diffident leader who felt the pressures of high office and lacked a large personal political base. Within a month of taking charge, in June 1964, Shastri institutionalized the PMS by giving it formal statutory status through an insertion in the Government of India (Allocation of Business) Rules. This seemingly minor administrative change had far-reaching consequences: it marked the elevation of the PMS’s role from merely clerical to a more authoritative coordinating office at the center of government. Shifting Power: Shastri’s Reforms and Indira Gandhi’s PMO (1964–1977) Shastri (1964–66) appointed L.K. Jha as Secretary to the PM—the first with Secretary rank—marking a pivotal shift. Jha became Shastri’s closest aide, advising on economy and foreign policy, including the Tashkent peace talks and speech drafts. His influence rivaled the Cabinet Secretariat, leading observers to say Shastri “permanently eroded the primacy” of the Cabinet Secretary. This created a parallel power channel in the PMO. Indira Gandhi, succeeding Shastri, retained Jha but appointed P.N. Haksar in 1967. Haksar, sharing her socialist vision, became Principal Secretary in 1971 and centralized power in the PMS. He drove major policies like bank nationalization (1969) and strategy in the 1971 Bangladesh war. PMS was called “a super agency that dictated [to] different ministries,” running a parallel government. Ministers lost autonomy, as policies were routed through the PMS. Critics accused Indira of personal rule through the PMS, undermining cabinet system and civil service neutrality. Haksar believed Nehru lacked an apex mechanism to enforce PM’s vision. Under Indira, PMS coordinated with central ministries and states, maintained its own info channels, and kept dossiers on political opponents. By early 1970s, PMS eclipsed Cabinet Secretariat as administrative fulcrum. Post-Emergency, Morarji Desai’s Janata Govt. (1977–79) renamed PMS to PMO, cut its size, abolished the Principal Secretary post, and restored Cabinet Secretariat primacy. This was a short-lived corrective phase, but the strong PMO model was now well established. Resurgence and Adaptation: Indira’s Return and the Rajiv Gandhi Era (1980–1989) Indira’s 1980 return revived the PMO’s central role. She reappointed a Principal Secretary and used the PMO for policy direction and oversight. Her second-term Principal Secretary, P.C. Alexander, managed the PMO in a more bureaucratic style. Yet, the PMO oversaw major issues like public sector expansion, 1982 Asian Games, and Punjab security. Indira retained multiple advisors, shaping a robust PMO structure with secretaries, advisors, and political aides. After Indira’s 1984 assassination, Rajiv Gandhi modernized the PMO to match his 21st-century vision. His PMO initiated national tech missions (e.g., telecom, literacy), with advisors like Sam Pitroda. The office had career bureaucrats like Gopi Arora and political aides. In 1985, Sarla Grewal became India’s first woman Principal Secretary. The PMO coordinated on major issues like the 1987 Sri Lanka peace accord and Punjab negotiations. However, scandals like Bofors led Rajiv to reshuffle aides (e.g., Gopi Arora ousted in 1987), relying more on political advisors. B.G. Deshmukh noted a recurring issue: “ministers and the non-civil servants (advisors) in the PMO” often encroached on ministry powers, while bureaucrats remained professional. By 1989, the PMO was firmly a central power node, though needing recalibration for the evolving political landscape. PMO in the Coalition Era (1989–1998): Diminished Authority, Shared Power From 1989 to 1998, India saw a succession of coalition and minority governments, which reduced the PMO’s assertiveness. Prime Ministers like V.P. Singh, Chandra Shekhar, Deve Gowda, and Gujral relied on consensus and compromise, limiting the PMO to a coordinating role rather than a policymaking hub. Even during P.V. Narasimha Rao’s tenure (1991–96), though reforms were introduced, the PMO functioned behind the scenes, with key decisions (like economic liberalization) driven by ministries. Rao preferred decentralized advice over a powerful inner circle. The Cabinet Secretariat and ministers enjoyed more autonomy, and the PMO’s influence depended on the Prime Minister’s personal authority. While its structure remained intact, the PMO's clout was muted, awaiting revival under stronger leadership. The Vajpayee Era (1998–2004): Professionalization and Expansion of Scope Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s tenure as Prime Minister from 1998 reinvigorated and expanded the PMO. Despite leading a coalition, Vajpayee’s stature gave him significant control. The PMO gained authority and professionalized, especially in national security, under Principal Secretary Brajesh Mishra, a former diplomat who also became India’s first National Security Advisor in 1998. Holding both posts, Mishra was Vajpayee’s chief coordinator and troubleshooter, often seen as the de facto head of government in key areas due to Vajpayee’s delegatory style. The PMO under them became central to foreign affairs and defense, with Mishra playing a key role in the secretive Pokhran-II nuclear tests, India’s diplomatic outreach post-tests, the 1999 Lahore peace process, and the Kargil War response. The office’s capacity grew with new advisory roles and mechanisms like the National Security Council, embedding strategic planning in the PMO. Mishra brought strategic experts like K. Subrahmanyam and ensured direct PMO access to intelligence and defense planning. His diplomatic experience meant the PMO began asserting itself in external affairs, occasionally causing turf tensions with the External Affairs Ministry. Specialists like N. K. Singh (economic affairs) and Ashok Tandon (media advisor) added to a corporate-style PMO with formal protocols. Mishra’s influence often surpassed Cabinet Ministers, yet Vajpayee maintained a collegial Cabinet, respecting coalition dynamics. By 2004, the PMO had firmly established itself as a central player in domestic administration and foreign/security policy. Mishra’s powerful tenure earned him the title “arguably India’s most powerful principal secretary.” UPA Years (2004–2014): Dual Power and a Restrained PMO During the UPA rule (2004–2014), Prime Minister Manmohan Singh led a consensus-based government with limited personal authority, while Congress President Sonia Gandhi, though outside government, held significant influence via the National Advisory Council (NAC). This dual power structure meant the PMO played a coordinating role rather than being the central driver of policy. Key decisions were often made through Group of Ministers, with the NAC shaping major welfare schemes like MNREGA and RTI. The PMO focused on implementation and strategic issues, notably during the India-US nuclear deal and the 2008 Mumbai attacks. Although Singh's PMO oversaw core functions, real power often rested with the party leadership, creating what was termed a “remote control” model of governance. The PMO remained functional but lacked dominant political clout. The Modi Era (2014–Present): Centralized Power and an Assertive PMO Since 2014, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has transformed the PMO into the most powerful center of governance, marking a sharp shift toward centralization. With a strong electoral mandate, Modi reduced reliance on cabinet committees, bringing all key decisions under PMO control. Ministries must align with the PMO’s directives, and flagship initiatives like Swachh Bharat and Make in India are monitored directly by the PMO.]]> March 31, 2025, 11:01 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/did-you-know-we-didnt-always-have-this-pmo-it-was-indira-gandhi-who-first-consolidated-power-in-office/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Modi France visit: Indian soldiers recognised in the Battle of Marseille]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/modi-france-visit-indian-soldiers-recognised-in-the-battle-of-marseille/ The French East India Wars encompass a series of conflicts between European colonial powers, primarily France and Britain, for dominance over the Indian subcontinent. These wars, spanning from the late 17th century to the early 19th century, played a pivotal role in shaping the colonial landscape of India. While Britain ultimately emerged victorious, France's military engagements and strategic alliances with Indian rulers significantly influenced the region's history. The French East India Company (Compagnie française pour le commerce des Indes orientales) was established in 1664 under the patronage of King Louis XIV. The French initially settled in key trading outposts such as Pondicherry (Puducherry), Chandannagar, Mahe, Karikal, and Yanam, which became strategic centers for their commercial and military endeavors in India.

Conflict with the British

The Anglo-French rivalry in India was most evident in the Carnatic Wars, fought between 1746 and 1763. These wars, a subset of the global struggle between Britain and France, had lasting consequences for colonial rule in India.
  • First Carnatic War (1746–1748): A theater of the War of Austrian Succession. French forces under Joseph François Dupleix captured Madras in 1746. The war ended with the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748), which returned Madras to the British.
  • Second Carnatic War (1749–1754): Involved local Indian rulers, including the Nizam of Hyderabad and the Nawab of Arcot. Dupleix's aggressive policies initially led to French victories, but lack of support from France weakened their position. The war concluded with the Treaty of Pondicherry (1754), diminishing French influence.
  • Third Carnatic War (1756–1763): A theater of the global Seven Years' War. British forces, led by Robert Clive and Sir Eyre Coote, defeated the French decisively. The Battle of Wandiwash (1760) marked the end of French aspirations in India. The Treaty of Paris (1763) confined the French presence in India to a few enclaves, effectively ending their military and political influence in the subcontinent.

Impact of the French Wars in India

The Carnatic Wars solidified British supremacy in India, paving the way for the establishment of the British Raj. Indian rulers like Tipu Sultan of Mysore later sought French support to counter British expansion, but the decline of French power rendered such alliances ineffective. Despite their loss, French trading posts and cultural influences remained an enduring part of India's colonial history.

India’s Role in the Battle of Marseille

During World War I, India, under British colonial rule, played a crucial role in global conflicts, particularly on the European front. Over 1.3 million Indian soldiers fought for the British Empire across multiple theaters, including Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. In September 1914, Indian troops arrived in Marseille to support the British Expeditionary Force. The Lahore and Meerut divisions were among the first Indian contingents deployed on the Western Front. The arrival of Indian soldiers was met with admiration from the French populace, as depicted in a famous photograph of a French woman pinning a flower on a Sikh soldier’s chest. Indian forces participated in major battles, including: First Battle of Ypres (1914) – Indian soldiers played a crucial role in preventing German advances. Battle of Neuve Chapelle (1915) – Indian troops fought valiantly, suffering heavy casualties. Battle of Loos (1915) – Indian divisions were instrumental in offensive operations. Battle of the Somme (1916) – Indian cavalry provided crucial support. Battle of Cambrai (1917) – Indian troops played a role in one of the first large-scale tank battles. Despite their bravery, Indian soldiers faced severe challenges, including harsh weather conditions, unfamiliar warfare tactics, and racial discrimination. Their letters home, often censored, conveyed both pride and suffering.

Recognition and Legacy

The sacrifices of Indian soldiers were acknowledged through the awarding of the Victoria Cross (VC), the highest military decoration for bravery. Notable recipients include: Sepoy Khudadad Khan – The first Indian recipient of the VC for his actions at Hollebeke, Belgium (1914). Naik Darwan Singh Negi – Awarded the VC for his bravery at Festubert, France (1914). Rifleman Gabar Singh Negi – Posthumously awarded the VC for his actions at Neuve Chapelle (1915). Subedar Mir Dast – Honored for gallantry during the Second Battle of Ypres (1915). Lance-Daffadar Gobind Singh – Awarded the VC for carrying messages under enemy fire in Palestine (1917).

The 1918 Influenza Pandemic in India

As World War I concluded, India faced another catastrophe: the 1918 influenza pandemic. Often referred to as the "Spanish Flu," it devastated India, killing an estimated 12 to 20 million people. The pandemic arrived in India in June 1918, first reported in Bombay. It spread rapidly, exacerbated by the movement of returning troops and famine-like conditions due to a failed monsoon. The second wave of the pandemic, peaking in September 1918, was the deadliest. Cities like Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta reported tens of thousands of deaths weekly. The disease disproportionately affected young adults aged 20–40, with women being especially vulnerable. Mahatma Gandhi contracted the virus but survived. The death toll was so high that rivers became clogged with bodies due to a shortage of firewood for cremation. The pandemic exposed the weaknesses of British colonial governance, with the healthcare system unable to meet the crisis. The economic and social devastation fueled anti-colonial sentiments, contributing to increased nationalist movements. The collective suffering and sacrifices made by Indian soldiers and civilians alike further cemented the desire for self-rule.

Legacy and commemoration

The sacrifices of Indian soldiers have left an enduring legacy in France. The Mazargues War Cemetery in Marseille stands as a solemn testament to their contributions. On February 12, 2025, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and French President Emmanuel Macron visited the cemetery to pay homage to the fallen Indian soldiers. They laid wreaths and reflected on the deep historical ties between India and France, forged in the crucible of war. President Macron remarked, "More than 100,000 Indians fought for France in 1914. Ten thousand never returned. They set foot on the soil of Marseille before fighting in the mud of the trenches, unaware that they were marching to their deaths. Their sacrifice binds France and India forever."]]> February 12, 2025, 10:32 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/modi-france-visit-indian-soldiers-recognised-in-the-battle-of-marseille/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Chequered history of epidemics in India]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/india/chequered-history-of-epidemics-in-india/ India has a long history of combating infectious diseases, with smallpox being one of the earliest documented viral illnesses. Ancient Indian texts, such as the Sushruta Samhita (circa 6th century BCE), describe a disease resembling smallpox, indicating its presence in the region for millennia. These texts show that India was aware of infectious diseases long before modern medicine, utilizing various methods to manage outbreaks. Smallpox, one of the most devastating diseases, existed globally for thousands of years, affecting civilizations across the world. The historical context of smallpox in India reflects the country’s early awareness of public health issues.

Smallpox

Smallpox, highly infectious with no known cure at the time, has a documented history in India as far back as 1350 BCE. Archaeological studies have found evidence of smallpox in the study of Egyptian mummies, which suggests that the disease was widespread and known across ancient civilizations. In India, smallpox outbreaks caused widespread mortality and affected various regions, contributing to the development of early medical systems. The Indian National Smallpox Eradication Programme (NSEP) was founded in 1962 with the ambitious goal of vaccinating the entire population within three years. However, this initiative initially failed due to lack of coverage and challenges in reaching remote areas. The policy was adjusted in 1964, focusing on regions with higher incidence rates, such as Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, and West Bengal. Despite early setbacks, the NSEP's revised strategy proved effective. After years of sustained vaccination campaigns and public health awareness, India became one of the key players in the global smallpox eradication effort. The Indian program succeeded in eradicating smallpox by 1977, following the global initiative led by the World Health Organization (WHO).

Development of the Smallpox Vaccine

Dr. Edward Jenner, an English physician, is credited with developing the first smallpox vaccine in 1796. Jenner observed that milkmaids who had contracted cowpox—a milder disease—seemed immune to smallpox. This led him to hypothesize that exposure to cowpox protected against smallpox. His landmark experiment involved inoculating a young boy with cowpox material, demonstrating the protective effect of the vaccine. Jenner's discovery laid the groundwork for modern immunology and the eventual global eradication of smallpox. Prior to Jenner's work, the practice of variolation—intentionally infecting individuals with smallpox to induce a mild form of the disease and grant immunity—was used in various cultures. Jenner’s use of cowpox represented a more scientific approach to inoculation and marked a critical turning point in the fight against infectious diseases.

Rabies

Rabies has been recognized in India since at least 3000 BCE. The god of death in ancient depictions was often shown accompanied by a dog, symbolizing the association between dogs and fatal outcomes, likely due to rabies. During British colonial rule, rabies became widespread in both humans and animals, posing significant health risks. The colonial government faced mounting financial pressure as the number of rabies cases soared, especially following dog bites. The Pasteur Institute of India played a pivotal role in addressing rabies, developing an inactivated rabies vaccine in 1970, which improved the country's ability to manage and prevent the disease. The establishment of the National Rabies Control Program (NRCP) further strengthened efforts to control rabies, focusing on training healthcare workers, raising awareness, and providing post-exposure prophylaxis. Despite these measures, India still faces a significant rabies burden, accounting for about 36% of the world’s rabies deaths.

Rabies Vaccine Development

Dr. Louis Pasteur, the French chemist and microbiologist, developed the first effective rabies vaccine in 1885. The first human patient treated with the vaccine, a nine-year-old boy named Joseph Meister, had been bitten multiple times by a rabid dog. After receiving 13 inoculations over 11 days, the boy survived without contracting rabies. Pasteur’s work revolutionized the treatment of rabies and paved the way for further breakthroughs in vaccine development.

Kyasanur Forest Disease (KFD)

Kyasanur Forest Disease (KFD), commonly known as “monkey fever,” is a tick-borne viral hemorrhagic fever endemic to South India, particularly the Western Ghats region. The disease was first identified in 1957 in the Kyasanur Forest of Karnataka. Since then, it has posed significant public health challenges. The causative agent, a virus from the Flaviviridae family, is primarily transmitted through the bite of infected hard ticks (Haemaphysalis spinigera). Over the years, KFD has spread beyond Karnataka, with cases also reported in Tamil Nadu and Kerala, expanding the geographic area of concern. Public health efforts to combat KFD have included vaccination campaigns, tick control measures, and increased public awareness. The National Institute of Virology (NIV) has been instrumental in researching KFD, developing diagnostic tools, and formulating vaccines. The Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) initiated research into KFD in the 1960s, culminating in the development of an inactivated vaccine in 1985. This vaccine has been used to immunize individuals at risk, particularly those in endemic regions. Despite these efforts, KFD outbreaks are still reported regularly, and the disease remains a persistent public health threat. Recent research has brought new hope for KFD control. In 2023, a study described the development of a single-dose vaccine using a genetically engineered vesicular stomatitis virus (VSV) platform. This vaccine has shown promising results in animal models, including mice and macaques, and is now set to enter clinical trials. These developments represent a significant step forward in combating KFD, offering hope for better control and prevention.

Chandipura Virus (CHPV)

Chandipura virus (CHPV), identified in 1965 in Maharashtra, India, is primarily transmitted through sandfly bites. Initially considered a low-pathogenic virus, CHPV has been associated with acute encephalitis syndrome (AES) outbreaks, particularly in children. The virus’s high case-fatality rate—up to 75% in some outbreaks—has made it a significant public health concern. Recent outbreaks, including one in 2024, have led to heightened awareness of the virus’s impact. Preventive strategies for CHPV focus on vector control, early detection, and prompt medical intervention. Research into CHPV has contributed to the development of diagnostic assays and improved surveillance systems, with ongoing efforts to create effective vaccines. In 2011, researchers developed an inactivated vaccine candidate using Vero cells, which demonstrated immunogenicity in animal models. More recently, subunit vaccines targeting CHPV’s glycoprotein have shown promise, offering hope for a future vaccine.

Nipah Virus (NiV)

Nipah virus (NiV) is a zoonotic pathogen that can cause severe illness in both animals and humans. Since its emergence in Malaysia and Singapore in 1998, NiV has been responsible for several outbreaks in India, particularly in Kerala. The virus’s high fatality rate—often reaching 70%—and its ability to spread from animals (fruit bats) to humans have made it a critical focus of public health efforts in India. The state of Kerala has faced several outbreaks, with the most recent in 2018 resulting in 17 deaths. Surveillance, containment strategies, and strengthened healthcare infrastructure have been essential in managing outbreaks. Ongoing research on NiV focuses on both vaccine development and therapeutic interventions. In 2024, the University of Oxford launched a clinical trial for a NiV vaccine, while the National Institutes of Health (NIH) in the United States is testing an mRNA-based vaccine, mRNA-1215, for its safety and efficacy. These efforts, along with therapeutic antibody development, are crucial steps in the fight against NiV.

Way forward

India’s battle against infectious diseases such as smallpox, rabies, KFD, CHPV, and Nipah virus has been a long and ongoing effort. From ancient remedies to modern medical breakthroughs, the country has made significant strides in managing these diseases. Public health initiatives, advancements in vaccine development, and continued research are central to reducing the burden of these diseases. However, challenges remain, and continued investment in surveillance, research, and healthcare infrastructure is critical to safeguarding the health of India’s population in the face of evolving infectious threats.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/india/chequered-history-of-epidemics-in-india/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Unlocking Prosperity: Madhya Pradesh’s Kuber Temple That Never Locks]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/unlocking-prosperity-madhya-pradeshs-kuber-temple-that-never-locks/ In the heart of Madhya Pradesh’s Mandsaur district, a temple dedicated to Lord Kuber, the deity of wealth, stands out for an intriguing tradition—it has never been locked. Located in Khelichpur village, this 1,300-year-old shrine draws thousands of devotees, especially during Dhanteras, with the promise of prosperity and wish fulfillment.

A Unique Temple Ritual: The Door That Never Locks

Unlike other temples, this temple’s sanctum sanctorum has never been locked. Devotees believe this tradition strengthens the sanctity and power of the shrine, deepening their faith in Lord Kuber’s blessings for financial well-being and protection.

Special Worship on Dhanteras

Dhanteras marks the beginning of Diwali and holds special significance in Hindu culture, particularly for invoking wealth and health. In this Kuber temple, an ancient tantric puja is held at 4 AM on Dhanteras, inviting devotees to seek blessings for prosperity. The rituals on this day are dedicated to not only Lord Kuber but also Lord Dhanvantari and Goddess Lakshmi, enhancing the spiritual significance of the occasion.

Historical Roots: An Icon from the Maratha Period

Dating back to approximately 1,300 years, the temple is believed to have been built during the Maratha period. The idol of Lord Kuber, depicted with four arms, is a powerful symbol of wealth. He holds a pot of treasure, a weapon, and a cup, while seated on a mongoose—a symbol of abundance and fortune. The idols of Lord Shiva and his family also reside here, adding a distinctive blend of deities to the shrine’s sacred atmosphere.

Fulfillment of Desires and Financial Peace

The belief that worshipping here can relieve financial troubles attracts many devotees. Visitors flock to this extraordinary temple with faith in Kuber Dev’s powers to grant wishes and financial relief.

Why You Should Visit This Temple on Dhanteras

If you’re seeking divine intervention for prosperity and stability, this rare, unlocked temple is a remarkable destination. Known for its mysterious and auspicious qualities, it represents a unique spiritual legacy that blends devotion, tradition, and the blessings of wealth.]]> October 27, 2024, 11:35 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/unlocking-prosperity-madhya-pradeshs-kuber-temple-that-never-locks/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Dynastic politics: Unseen power stranglehold in modern democracies]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/dynastic-politics-unseen-power-stranglehold-in-modern-democracies/ Dynastic politics has been a defining feature of Indian politics for decades, with both the Congress and the BJP exhibiting elements of this trend, though in different ways. While the Congress Party’s leadership is more overtly tied to the Nehru-Gandhi family, dynastic influences are also present in regional politics and, to a lesser extent, in the BJP. Critics argue that dynastic politics weakens democratic values by prioritising familial ties over merit, while its defenders point to the experience and continuity it can provide. Nevertheless, it remains a central theme in the discourse around modern evolving democracy. [caption id="attachment_457451" align="aligncenter" width="696"]JFK's final days in Texas (archives.org) JFK's final days in Texas (archives.org)[/caption] Despite the rise of democratic systems, dynastic politics persists in modern democracies, particularly through political families that dominate parties and electoral systems. The Kennedys in the United States: One of the most famous examples of a modern political dynasty, the Kennedy family has been active in U.S. politics since the early 20th century. John F. Kennedy served as President (1961–1963), and his brothers Robert and Edward (Ted) Kennedy held significant political roles, with the family continuing to influence American politics today. [caption id="attachment_457452" align="aligncenter" width="700"]PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari (right) and his sister Aseefa Bhutto Zardari (left) attend the party's election campaign rally on January 21, 2024. (Facebook/ PPP) PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari (right) and his sister Aseefa Bhutto Zardari (left) attend the party's election campaign rally on January 21, 2024. (Facebook/ PPP)[/caption] The Nehru-Gandhi family in India: As mentioned earlier, the Nehru-Gandhi family has shaped Indian politics for generations. Starting with Jawaharlal Nehru, India's first Prime Minister, followed by his daughter Indira Gandhi and her son Rajiv Gandhi, the family remains influential in the Congress Party. The Bhutto-Zardari family in Pakistan: Zulfikar Ali Bhutto founded the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) in 1967, and his daughter Benazir Bhutto became the first female Prime Minister of Pakistan. The family's political legacy continues through Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, who is currently active in Pakistani politics. The Marcos family in the Philippines: After Ferdinand Marcos' presidency (1965–1986), which ended in a dictatorial rule, his family returned to power with Imelda Marcos and their son Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., who became president in 2022. The Eyadéma family in Togo: Gnassingbé Eyadéma ruled Togo for 38 years (1967–2005), and his son, Faure Gnassingbé, succeeded him as president. The Kabila family in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: Laurent-Désiré Kabila led a rebellion to become president in 1997, and after his assassination, his son, Joseph Kabila, took over and ruled until 2019. Problem with dynastic politics in modern democracies India: Political dynasties are deeply entrenched, with the Gandhi family being a prominent example. Rahul Gandhi, the latest political figure from this family, has inherited much of his political clout, despite performance criticisms. Dynastic control is common across Indian politics, leading to nepotism and weakening of democratic meritocracy. Research shows that dynastic politicians tend to underperform compared to non-dynastic ones, especially when power is inherited across generations, leading to inefficiency and economic setbacks in regions dominated by political families​. [caption id="attachment_457453" align="aligncenter" width="1024"]From left to right: Simon Marcos, Borgy Manotoc, Senator Imee Marcos, Ilocos Norte Governor Matthew Manotoc, Rep. Sandro Marcos, Imelda Marcos, President Bongbong Marcos, First Lady Liza Araneta Marcos, Vinny Marcos and Aimee Marcos during the inauguration of Bongbong Marcos on June 30, 2022. (Wikipedia) From left to right: Simon Marcos, Borgy Manotoc, Senator Imee Marcos, Ilocos Norte Governor Matthew Manotoc, Rep. Sandro Marcos, Imelda Marcos, President Bongbong Marcos, First Lady Liza Araneta Marcos, Vinny Marcos and Aimee Marcos during the inauguration of Bongbong Marcos on June 30, 2022. (Wikipedia)[/caption] The Philippines: Political dynasties continue to dominate, particularly with the rise of Ferdinand Marcos Jr. in the 2022 elections. His presidency signals the resurgence of a family dynasty that has historically faced accusations of corruption and authoritarianism. The dominance of families like the Marcoses stifles political diversity and reinforces cronyism, as positions of power are passed within the family. [caption id="attachment_457454" align="aligncenter" width="900"]Togo President Faure Gnassingbé casts his vote in legislative elections in Lomé on July 25, 2013. Gnassingbé's party secured a decisive parliamentary majority solidifying his grip on power in Togo's government. (AP) Togo President Faure Gnassingbé casts his vote in legislative elections in Lomé on July 25, 2013. Gnassingbé's party secured a decisive parliamentary majority solidifying his grip on power in Togo's government. (AP)[/caption] United States: The Bush and Clinton families are prime examples of dynastic influence. Both families have produced multiple presidential candidates, shaping political power across generations. Although the U.S. operates under a highly competitive political system, dynasties still manage to sway elections, often discouraging fresh leadership and diverse political representation​. [caption id="attachment_457455" align="aligncenter" width="220"]Kabila, the 4th President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. (Wikipedia) Kabila, the 4th President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. (Wikipedia)[/caption] In modern Indian politics, dynastic politics remains a contentious issue, with both major parties—BJP and Congress—often accusing each other of nepotism. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has frequently attacked Congress for its reliance on the Nehru-Gandhi family, criticising it as emblematic of "parivaarvaad" (dynasty rule). He claims dynastic politics undermines democracy and promotes corruption. However, the BJP is not immune to these allegations. Several BJP leaders, such as Jyotiraditya Scindia, Anurag Thakur, and Piyush Goyal, come from political families. Scindia, originally from Congress, is now a BJP leader, and his son has also been active in his political campaigns. This has led critics to point out the contradiction in the BJP's stance, accusing it of selectively embracing dynastic leaders while publicly opposing the practice. For instance, in states like Karnataka, figures like B.S. Yediyurappa and his family wield significant influence, challenging the BJP's anti-dynasty narrative. In defence, BJP leaders often argue that their dynastic members are not "launched" but earn positions through hard work​. Historical background Ancient and medieval eras: Dynastic politics is rooted in monarchies and empires, where leadership passed down within royal families. In ancient Rome, the Julio-Claudian dynasty ruled for nearly a century, starting with Augustus. Succession through family lines ensured continuity but often led to internal conflicts, as seen during the reign of Nero. In medieval India, the Mughal Empire exemplified dynastic rule, with emperors like Akbar and Shah Jahan transferring power through hereditary succession. British royalty also followed dynastic principles, with the Plantagenets and Tudors shaping England's governance, maintaining power through familial lines. These dynasties not only consolidated power but often justified their rule through divine or cultural mandates, intertwining politics and lineage. Transition to democracy: With the rise of democratic systems in the modern era, dynastic politics transformed but did not disappear. While democratic principles emphasised merit-based leadership and electoral choice, political families continued to exert influence. In the U.S., the Kennedy family became synonymous with political leadership, spanning multiple generations. In India, the Nehru-Gandhi family dominated the Congress Party, starting with Jawaharlal Nehru, followed by Indira Gandhi and later generations. These families maintained political power through elections rather than inheritance, yet their prominence reflects a continued reliance on family legacy in shaping political dynasties within democratic frameworks. Thus, dynastic politics adapted, coexisting with democratic ideals in various nations. Efforts to curb dynastic politics Legal reforms: Examples of legal reforms to promote transparent elections in India include electoral bonds, introduced in 2018, which allow anonymous donations to political parties, although they have been criticised for lacking transparency. Another reform is linking Aadhaar to voter ID to prevent duplicate entries and reduce voter fraud, an initiative by the Election Commission of India​. Campaign finance reforms have capped anonymous cash donations at Rs 2,000 to limit the influence of unaccounted wealth​. Additionally, term limits for elected representatives have been proposed to prevent the concentration of political power, often benefiting dynastic families​. Political education and awareness: Voter education is critical in reducing dynastic influences. Efforts such as introducing the "None of the Above" (NOTA) option in Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) empower voters to reject unfit candidates​. Additionally, civic programs and media campaigns raise awareness of the downsides of dynastic politics, such as nepotism and a lack of fresh ideas. These initiatives encourage citizens to choose leaders based on merit rather than family background​. Promotion of meritocracy: Indian political parties are being urged to adopt internal democracy to curb nepotism and dynastic politics. The Law Commission's 170th report highlights the need for transparent candidate selection, while internal revolts, such as the INC's Group of 23, call for reforms. The Election Commission of India (ECI) is recommended to have stronger oversight to enforce internal elections. Additionally, amending the Anti-Defection Law is proposed to reduce centralised control and promote merit-based leadership​. Compiled by Ruchira Talapatra]]> September 30, 2024, 2:18 am https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/dynastic-politics-unseen-power-stranglehold-in-modern-democracies/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Colonial legacies fuel Kashmir’s unrest]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/colonial-legacies-fuel-kashmirs-unrest/ Colonial legacies and geopolitical manoeuvring continue to fuel Kashmir’s unrest, as the region’s struggle for justice and self-determination persists. Kashmir proposed standstill agreements with India and Pakistan in August 1947 to maintain existing arrangements pending a final decision. Pakistan agreed but India sought negotiations. Kashmir didn't send a representative and no agreement with India was reached. A legacy of colonialism The Partition of British India in 1947, a violent and chaotic process that claimed over a million lives and displaced millions more, was the culmination of British colonialism’s exploitative policies. The hurried and arbitrary division of the subcontinent into India and Pakistan was driven not by the interests of the masses, but by the ruling elites and colonial administrators seeking to preserve their power and privileges. The fate of over 500 princely states, including Jammu and Kashmir, was left unresolved by the British, further exacerbating the chaos and violence of Partition. Jammu and Kashmir, ruled by the autocratic Maharaja Hari Singh, was a microcosm of the contradictions that marked the broader subcontinental landscape. The state’s predominantly Muslim population had long suffered under the oppressive rule of a Hindu monarch, who, like many of his contemporaries, was more concerned with maintaining his personal power than addressing the needs and aspirations of his people. The state’s strategic location, nestled between the newly created dominions of India and Pakistan, made it a focal point of geopolitical tensions. The dilemma faced by Jammu and Kashmir was emblematic of the broader failure of the princely states to act in the interests of their people. These states, remnants of feudalism and colonial patronage, were ill-equipped to navigate the demands of a rapidly changing political landscape. The Maharaja’s hesitation in deciding whether to accede to India or Pakistan was less about protecting the interests of his people and more about safeguarding his own rule in the face of mounting pressure. The standstill agreement: A band-aid on a deep wound The Standstill Agreement, signed between Jammu and Kashmir and Pakistan, was intended as a temporary measure to maintain administrative continuity in the immediate aftermath of Partition. The agreement, however, was a superficial solution that failed to address the deep-seated issues plaguing the region. It was, at best, a stopgap measure designed to buy time for the Maharaja while he deliberated over his next move. At worst, it was a cynical attempt by the ruling elite to maintain control over a restive population. The agreement’s emphasis on maintaining the status quo ignored the urgent need for political and social reforms in Jammu and Kashmir. The state was plagued by widespread poverty, illiteracy, and economic exploitation, conditions that were exacerbated by decades of autocratic rule. The agreement did nothing to address these issues, nor did it offer any real solutions to the growing demand for self-determination among the state’s population. For the people of Jammu and Kashmir, the Standstill Agreement was a symbol of the continued domination of their lives by external forces, be it the Maharaja, the British, or the new nation-states of India and Pakistan. It was a reminder that their aspirations for freedom and justice were secondary to the strategic calculations of those in power. Elites in crisis Maharaja Hari Singh: Maharaja Hari Singh, the architect of the Standstill Agreement, was a ruler deeply out of touch with the realities of his subjects. His decision to sign the agreement was driven by a desire to maintain his precarious hold on power rather than by any genuine concern for the welfare of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. His later decision to accede to India was similarly motivated by self-interest, as he sought military assistance to quell a popular uprising against his rule. The Maharaja’s actions throughout this period were marked by a consistent disregard for the democratic aspirations of his people, as evidenced by his statement: “The Standstill Agreement represents my commitment to ensure that no sudden or rash decisions disrupt the harmony of Jammu and Kashmir during this critical period.” However, this so-called “harmony” was nothing more than the suppression of popular discontent. Mohammad Ali Jinnah: As the leader of the newly formed Pakistan, Mohammad Ali Jinnah viewed the Standstill Agreement as a tactical move to secure Pakistan’s interests in Jammu and Kashmir. However, Jinnah’s approach was emblematic of the narrow, sectarian nationalism that had driven the Partition in the first place. Jinnah’s statement, “The Standstill Agreement is a practical approach to ensure that the newly established state of Pakistan maintains its interests while we await the Maharaja’s final decision regarding the state’s future,” reflects the transactional nature of his politics. Jinnah’s vision for Pakistan was one that prioritised the interests of the Muslim elite over those of the broader working and peasant classes, a vision that ultimately failed to address the root causes of social and economic injustice in the region. Jawaharlal Nehru: India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, presented himself as a champion of secularism and democracy, yet his response to the Kashmir crisis revealed the contradictions in his own ideology. Nehru’s opposition to the Standstill Agreement was driven not by a desire to empower the people of Kashmir, but by a fear that Pakistan might gain control over the strategically important region. Nehru’s assertion that “While the Standstill Agreement may provide temporary relief, it does not address the fundamental question of Kashmir’s political alignment. The real issue is whether the people of Kashmir will have a say in their future” rings hollow when one considers that India’s own actions in Kashmir were guided by geopolitical considerations rather than a commitment to self-determination. Sheikh Abdullah: Sheikh Abdullah, the leader of the National Conference and a prominent figure in Kashmiri politics, initially supported the Maharaja’s decision to sign the Standstill Agreement. However, Abdullah’s later disillusionment with both India and Pakistan highlights the limitations of nationalist politics in addressing the aspirations of the Kashmiri people. Abdullah’s statement, “The agreement might be seen as a means to delay the inevitable. The people of Kashmir are eager for clarity and a decision on their political future,” underscores the growing impatience among Kashmir’s population with the status quo. Yet, Abdullah’s own leadership would come under scrutiny as he navigated the complex and often contradictory demands of his position, ultimately leading to his imprisonment by the Indian government in 1953. Region in perpetual crisis The Standstill Agreement failed to prevent the outbreak of violence and conflict in Jammu and Kashmir. Just two months after its signing, the region was plunged into chaos as tribal militias from Pakistan, with the tacit support of the Pakistani government, launched an invasion of Kashmir. This invasion, motivated by a desire to force the Maharaja’s hand, led to widespread violence and displacement, further exacerbating the suffering of the Kashmiri people. The tribal invasion can be seen as a manifestation of the class and sectarian conflicts that had been simmering in the region for decades. The invasion was not simply a matter of territorial ambition; it was a reflection of the deep-seated economic inequalities and social injustices that had been perpetuated by both the Maharaja’s regime and the broader structures of colonialism and feudalism. The instrument of accession and the Indo-Pakistani war: Faced with the prospect of losing control over his state, Maharaja Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession on October 26, 1947, formally joining India. This decision, far from resolving the conflict, only deepened the divisions within Jammu and Kashmir. The subsequent Indo-Pakistani War of 1947-48, fought over the region, resulted in the establishment of the Line of Control (LoC), a de facto border that continues to divide Kashmir to this day. For the Kashmiri people, the Instrument of Accession and the war that followed represented yet another betrayal by the ruling elites. The conflict, fought ostensibly in their name, did nothing to address the underlying issues of poverty, landlessness, and political disenfranchisement that had plagued the region for decades. Instead, it entrenched the power of the Indian and Pakistani states, both of which have continued to exploit Kashmir for their own strategic interests. The UN intervention and the ceasefire: The UN’s intervention in the Kashmir conflict, culminating in the January 1, 1949, ceasefire, did little to resolve the deeper issues at play. The ceasefire, which established the Line of Control, effectively partitioned Jammu and Kashmir between India and Pakistan, creating a situation that has led to perpetual instability in the region. The UN’s role in the conflict, while often portrayed as neutral, was in reality shaped by the broader Cold War dynamics of the time, with both the United States and the Soviet Union seeking to influence the outcome in line with their own geopolitical interests. A narrative of control During the period of the Standstill Agreement, media coverage was heavily influenced by the dominant narratives of the time, which framed the conflict in Kashmir as a dispute between two newly formed nation-states. This framing obscured the voices and experiences of the Kashmiri people, who were often portrayed as passive subjects rather than active agents in their own history. The media’s focus on the geopolitical aspects of the conflict ignored the underlying social and economic issues that were driving the unrest in Kashmir. The media’s role in shaping public perception of the Kashmir conflict reflects the broader dynamics of control and manipulation that characterise capitalist societies. The media, often controlled by corporate interests, tends to prioritise the perspectives of the ruling elites while marginalising the voices of the oppressed and exploited. In the case of Kashmir, this has meant that the aspirations of the Kashmiri people for self-determination and social justice have been consistently downplayed or ignored in favor of narratives that serve the interests of the Indian and Pakistani states. A continuing struggle The legacy of the Standstill Agreement is evident in the continued tension between India and Pakistan over Kashmir. The agreement, intended as a temporary solution, failed to address the deeper issues of sovereignty and national identity that have fueled the conflict for decades. The subsequent tribal invasion and the First Indo-Pakistani War, which followed the agreement, set the stage for the protracted dispute over Kashmir that remains unresolved to this day. The Line of Control, established after the war, continues to be a contested boundary, with periodic skirmishes and military standoffs between India and Pakistan. The internal political landscape of Jammu and Kashmir has also been profoundly shaped by the events that followed the Standstill Agreement. The state’s accession to India, the rise of political figures like Sheikh Abdullah, and the revocation of Article 370 in 2019 are all part of the region’s complex and volatile history. Internationally, the Standstill Agreement’s legacy is reflected in the ongoing global engagement with the Kashmir issue. The UN’s role in mediating the conflict and the continued diplomatic efforts by various nations highlight the international community’s concern over the potential for renewed violence in the region. However, these efforts have often been superficial, failing to address the root causes of the conflict or to challenge the underlying structures of power and inequality that perpetuate the crisis in Kashmir. The way forward The Standstill Agreement of 1947, far from being a mere footnote in history, represents a critical moment in the ongoing struggle for justice and self-determination in Kashmir. The agreement was emblematic of the broader failures of the post-colonial states of India and Pakistan to address the needs and aspirations of their people. The way forward in Kashmir must involve a fundamental rethinking of the region’s political and social structures. This will require a commitment to addressing the underlying issues of poverty, inequality, and political disenfranchisement that have fueled the conflict for so long. It will also require a willingness to challenge the entrenched interests of the ruling elites in both India and Pakistan, as well as the international powers that have sought to manipulate the conflict for their own ends. Only by centering the voices and experiences of the Kashmiri people can a just and lasting solution to the conflict be found.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/colonial-legacies-fuel-kashmirs-unrest/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Historically Speaking : Dr. Aishwariya Pandit Sharma and Sanjay Kumar Unpack Evolution of Psephology and Democracy’s Core Challenges]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/historically-speaking-dr-aishwariya-pandit-sharma-and-sanjay-kumar-unpack-the-evolution-of-psephology-and-democracys-core-challenges/
Dr. Aishwariya Pandit Sharma and psephologist Sanjay Kumar discuss the history of psephology, tracing its development from the 1980s to the present, in their YouTube series "Historically Speaking." In this episode, they delve into the major issues surrounding psephology and examine the fundamental challenges that democracy faces worldwide, particularly in the context of past and upcoming elections. [embed]https://youtu.be/JQQA3rt_Y4M[/embed]
Psephology, a branch of political science, focuses on the study and statistical analysis of elections and voting patterns. Those who specialize in this field are known as psephologists. "Historically Speaking" is renowned for its engaging discussions on politics and art, offering a deep dive into the intersections of history, politics, and culture. The channel often features interviews and analytical content, examining how art influences societal perceptions and understanding. In this particular discussion, several crucial points were addressed, including the origins of psephology, which began gaining traction in the 1980s and became a more consistent practice from the 1995 Lok Sabha elections onward. The conversation also covered the evolution of election prediction methods, such as exit polls, post-poll surveys, and the process of conducting pre-poll surveys. A significant part of the discussion focused on the impact of psephology, particularly its potential to address fundamental issues within democratic systems. The conversation also touched on the vital role of democracy and the challenges that arise under democratic governance.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/historically-speaking-dr-aishwariya-pandit-sharma-and-sanjay-kumar-unpack-the-evolution-of-psephology-and-democracys-core-challenges/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Tax Odyssey: From Raj to Reform]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/tax-odyssey-from-raj-to-reform/ The evolution of India's tax system is a complex narrative interwoven with the country's historical, economic, and social fabric. From the heavy-handed imposition of taxes during the British colonial era to the modern challenges of balancing revenue generation with social welfare, India's tax system has been a reflection of its broader societal transformations. The recent increase in the taxation of health insurance premiums, as highlighted in the Union Budget of 2024-25, has rekindled a debate about the role of taxes in the healthcare sector. This essay explores the historical trajectory of India's tax policies, tracing how these policies have shaped contemporary attitudes towards health insurance taxation and their broader implications for healthcare access and equity. A Colonial Legacy of Extraction India's tax history is deeply rooted in the colonial era, where taxation was primarily a tool for resource extraction by the British Empire. The colonial tax structure was designed to maximize revenue for the British while minimizing their administrative costs. The infamous land revenue systems—the Permanent Settlement, Mahalwari, and Ryotwari—were emblematic of this approach, placing an enormous burden on the rural population. These systems not only entrenched poverty and indebtedness among farmers but also disrupted traditional agricultural practices, leading to widespread economic distress. In addition to direct taxes like land revenue, the British imposed various indirect taxes, such as the salt tax, which disproportionately affected the poorer sections of society. The introduction of income tax in 1860 marked a shift towards direct taxation, but this shift was undermined by numerous exemptions that favored the wealthy and powerful. The inequity of the colonial tax system fueled resentment and resistance, epitomized by Mahatma Gandhi's Salt March in 1930, a protest against the oppressive salt tax that symbolized the broader struggle against colonial exploitation. Post-Independence: A Balancing Act The dawn of independence in 1947 brought with it the monumental task of overhauling the colonial tax system and creating a framework that would support nation-building and economic development. The early post-independence years saw the Indian government grappling with the dual challenges of addressing the inequities of the past while laying the groundwork for a modern economy. Income tax emerged as a key revenue source, with the introduction of income tax slabs aimed at ensuring a fairer distribution of the tax burden. However, the challenge of balancing revenue generation with social welfare remained a persistent issue. The 1970s witnessed an ambitious experiment with a highly progressive tax structure, which sought to reduce income inequality by imposing steep taxes on the wealthy. Unfortunately, this approach backfired, leading to widespread tax evasion and stifling economic growth. The experience underscored the importance of finding a balance between equity and efficiency in tax policy—a lesson that continues to resonate in contemporary debates about health insurance taxation. The Middle Class and the Tax Burden The emergence of the Indian middle class as a significant economic force in the latter half of the 20th century coincided with important changes in tax policy. The introduction of income tax slabs allowed the burgeoning middle class to save and invest, contributing to economic growth and social mobility. However, this segment of society has also borne the brunt of successive tax increases over the years. The imposition of capital gains tax on real estate, for example, has had a considerable impact on the middle class, affecting their ability to invest in property—a traditional avenue for wealth accumulation. Moreover, the rising cost of living, coupled with stagnant income growth for many, has exacerbated the tax burden on the middle class. In this context, the recent hike in health insurance premiums is seen as yet another financial blow to a segment already struggling with economic pressures. Health Insurance: A New Frontier in Taxation The inclusion of health insurance premiums within the tax net is a relatively recent development in India's fiscal landscape. This move, ostensibly aimed at broadening the tax base, has sparked intense debate about its implications for healthcare accessibility and affordability. Critics argue that taxing health insurance premiums discourages individuals from opting for private health insurance, which could lead to an increased reliance on the already overburdened public healthcare system. From the government's perspective, the tax hike is justified as a necessary measure to fund healthcare initiatives and improve the overall health infrastructure. However, the perception of this move as contradictory to the stated goal of making healthcare more affordable has eroded public trust. The public's discontent with the taxation of health insurance reflects a broader frustration with the perceived inequities of the tax system—a sentiment that has deep historical roots. The Economic Ripple Effects of Health Insurance Tax Hike The decision to increase taxes on health insurance premiums has far-reaching implications for the Indian economy. While the government may anticipate increased revenue from this move, the potential economic consequences are complex and multifaceted. Direct Economic Impact One of the immediate effects of the health insurance tax hike is a reduction in disposable income for individuals and households. With higher health insurance premiums adding to the already significant inflationary pressures, many families find their purchasing power further diminished. This reduction in disposable income can dampen consumer spending, which is a key driver of economic growth in India. For the middle class, which is already grappling with rising living costs, the increased tax burden represents a significant financial strain. This demographic is likely to cut back on discretionary spending, leading to a potential slowdown in consumption-driven sectors of the economy. Additionally, if businesses are forced to bear a larger share of health insurance costs for their employees, they may resort to cost-cutting measures, including layoffs. Such actions could increase unemployment rates and further dampen economic activity. Indirect Economic Consequences The broader economic implications of the health insurance tax hike are equally concerning. In the healthcare sector, there is a risk that the tax increase could discourage people from purchasing health insurance, leading to a decline in the insurance pool. A smaller insurance pool would make it more expensive for insurers to operate, potentially triggering further premium hikes and creating a vicious cycle. For individuals who opt out of health insurance due to the higher costs, the result is likely to be increased out-of-pocket expenses for medical treatments. This can lead to financial hardship, particularly for lower-income families who are already vulnerable to economic shocks. Furthermore, a decline in private health insurance coverage could place additional strain on the public healthcare system, which is already under-resourced and struggling to meet the needs of the population. Long-Term Implications In the long term, the increased tax burden on health insurance premiums could have a chilling effect on the investment climate in India. High taxes and rising costs of living may discourage both domestic and foreign investors, potentially slowing economic growth. Moreover, if the tax hike is perceived as unfair or regressive, it could lead to social unrest and protests, disrupting economic activity and further eroding public trust in the government. Another potential long-term consequence is the risk of a "brain drain," where skilled professionals, disillusioned by high taxes and limited economic opportunities, seek employment abroad. Such a loss of talent could hamper India's economic progress and innovation, undermining the country's competitive position in the global economy. Balancing Act: Revenue Generation and Economic Growth The government faces the challenging task of balancing the need for revenue generation with the potential economic consequences of tax hikes. To mitigate the negative impact of the health insurance tax increase, the government could explore alternative revenue sources. Improving tax compliance, reducing tax exemptions for the wealthy, and exploring new avenues of taxation are potential strategies to consider. Moreover, it is crucial for the government to invest the additional revenue generated from the health insurance tax wisely. Strengthening the public healthcare system and making quality healthcare accessible and affordable to all citizens should be a top priority. Such investments would not only improve the overall health of the population but also contribute to economic growth by reducing productivity losses due to illness. Tax Exemptions and Healthcare Access: A Complex Relationship Tax exemptions have long been a cornerstone of fiscal policy in India, aimed at incentivizing specific behaviors or supporting particular sectors of the economy. In the healthcare sector, tax exemptions have been used to promote health insurance coverage, encourage medical research, and support charitable activities. However, the effectiveness of these exemptions in shaping healthcare access is a complex issue with both positive and negative implications. Tax Exemptions and Health Insurance One of the most common uses of tax exemptions in healthcare is to incentivize individuals to purchase health insurance. By allowing individuals to deduct health insurance premiums from their taxable income, the government aims to make insurance more affordable and increase coverage rates. While this approach has been successful in some countries, its effectiveness in India is debatable due to several factors. First, income inequality remains a significant challenge. Tax exemptions primarily benefit higher-income individuals who are more likely to afford health insurance in the first place. Lower-income individuals, who would benefit most from increased coverage, may not be able to take advantage of these exemptions due to their limited taxable income. Additionally, a large portion of the Indian population operates in the informal economy, with limited access to formal financial services and tax benefits. This limits the reach of tax exemptions in promoting health insurance coverage among vulnerable groups. Another challenge is the administrative burden associated with claiming tax exemptions. The process can be complex and time-consuming, often requiring individuals to maintain detailed records and navigate bureaucratic hurdles. This can deter people from claiming eligible deductions, reducing the overall impact of the exemption. Tax Exemptions and Medical Research Tax exemptions are also used to promote medical research and development. By providing tax breaks to pharmaceutical companies, research institutions, and donors, the government aims to accelerate innovation and the development of new treatments and cures. While these incentives can stimulate research, they also raise concerns about the affordability and accessibility of new drugs and technologies. Pharmaceutical companies may use tax exemptions to offset research and development costs, but this does not always translate into lower prices for consumers. High drug prices can limit access to life-saving treatments, particularly for patients who cannot afford the exorbitant costs. Moreover, research efforts are often directed towards diseases with a larger market potential, leading to a neglect of rare or neglected diseases that disproportionately affect low-income populations. To address these challenges, the government could explore alternative approaches to incentivizing medical research, such as public-private partnerships, grants, and subsidies. These mechanisms could help ensure that the benefits of medical innovation are more equitably distributed across society. Tax Exemptions and Charitable Healthcare Activities In addition to promoting health insurance and medical research, tax exemptions are also used to support charitable healthcare activities. Nonprofit organizations that provide free or low-cost medical services to underserved populations often rely on tax-exempt donations and grants to fund their operations. These organizations play a crucial role in filling gaps in the public healthcare system, particularly in rural and remote areas. However, the reliance on tax-exempt donations raises questions about the sustainability and scalability of charitable healthcare initiatives. While these organizations provide essential services, they are often limited by funding constraints and may not be able to meet the growing demand for healthcare in India. Moreover, the availability of tax exemptions can create disparities in the allocation of resources, with some regions or populations receiving more support than others.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/tax-odyssey-from-raj-to-reform/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Union Budget 2024-25: Controversy Over Health Insurance Taxation]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/union-budget-2024-25-controversy-over-health-insurance-taxation/ The evolution of India's tax system is a complex narrative interwoven with the country's historical, economic, and social fabric. From the heavy-handed imposition of taxes during the British colonial era to the modern challenges of balancing revenue generation with social welfare, India's tax system has been a reflection of its broader societal transformations. The recent increase in the taxation of health insurance premiums, as highlighted in the Union Budget of 2024-25, has rekindled a debate about the role of taxes in the healthcare sector. This essay explores the historical trajectory of India's tax policies, tracing how these policies have shaped contemporary attitudes towards health insurance taxation and their broader implications for healthcare access and equity. A Colonial Legacy of Extraction India's tax history is deeply rooted in the colonial era, where taxation was primarily a tool for resource extraction by the British Empire. The colonial tax structure was designed to maximize revenue for the British while minimizing their administrative costs. The infamous land revenue systems—the Permanent Settlement, Mahalwari, and Ryotwari—were emblematic of this approach, placing an enormous burden on the rural population. These systems not only entrenched poverty and indebtedness among farmers but also disrupted traditional agricultural practices, leading to widespread economic distress. In addition to direct taxes like land revenue, the British imposed various indirect taxes, such as the salt tax, which disproportionately affected the poorer sections of society. The introduction of income tax in 1860 marked a shift towards direct taxation, but this shift was undermined by numerous exemptions that favored the wealthy and powerful. The inequity of the colonial tax system fueled resentment and resistance, epitomized by Mahatma Gandhi's Salt March in 1930, a protest against the oppressive salt tax that symbolized the broader struggle against colonial exploitation. Post-Independence: A Balancing Act The dawn of independence in 1947 brought with it the monumental task of overhauling the colonial tax system and creating a framework that would support nation-building and economic development. The early post-independence years saw the Indian government grappling with the dual challenges of addressing the inequities of the past while laying the groundwork for a modern economy. Income tax emerged as a key revenue source, with the introduction of income tax slabs aimed at ensuring a fairer distribution of the tax burden. However, the challenge of balancing revenue generation with social welfare remained a persistent issue. The 1970s witnessed an ambitious experiment with a highly progressive tax structure, which sought to reduce income inequality by imposing steep taxes on the wealthy. Unfortunately, this approach backfired, leading to widespread tax evasion and stifling economic growth. The experience underscored the importance of finding a balance between equity and efficiency in tax policy—a lesson that continues to resonate in contemporary debates about health insurance taxation. The Middle Class and the Tax Burden The emergence of the Indian middle class as a significant economic force in the latter half of the 20th century coincided with important changes in tax policy. The introduction of income tax slabs allowed the burgeoning middle class to save and invest, contributing to economic growth and social mobility. However, this segment of society has also borne the brunt of successive tax increases over the years. The imposition of capital gains tax on real estate, for example, has had a considerable impact on the middle class, affecting their ability to invest in property—a traditional avenue for wealth accumulation. Moreover, the rising cost of living, coupled with stagnant income growth for many, has exacerbated the tax burden on the middle class. In this context, the recent hike in health insurance premiums is seen as yet another financial blow to a segment already struggling with economic pressures. Health Insurance: A New Frontier in Taxation The inclusion of health insurance premiums within the tax net is a relatively recent development in India's fiscal landscape. This move, ostensibly aimed at broadening the tax base, has sparked intense debate about its implications for healthcare accessibility and affordability. Critics argue that taxing health insurance premiums discourages individuals from opting for private health insurance, which could lead to an increased reliance on the already overburdened public healthcare system. From the government's perspective, the tax hike is justified as a necessary measure to fund healthcare initiatives and improve the overall health infrastructure. However, the perception of this move as contradictory to the stated goal of making healthcare more affordable has eroded public trust. The public's discontent with the taxation of health insurance reflects a broader frustration with the perceived inequities of the tax system—a sentiment that has deep historical roots. The Economic Ripple Effects of Health Insurance Tax Hike The decision to increase taxes on health insurance premiums has far-reaching implications for the Indian economy. While the government may anticipate increased revenue from this move, the potential economic consequences are complex and multifaceted. Direct Economic Impact One of the immediate effects of the health insurance tax hike is a reduction in disposable income for individuals and households. With higher health insurance premiums adding to the already significant inflationary pressures, many families find their purchasing power further diminished. This reduction in disposable income can dampen consumer spending, which is a key driver of economic growth in India. For the middle class, which is already grappling with rising living costs, the increased tax burden represents a significant financial strain. This demographic is likely to cut back on discretionary spending, leading to a potential slowdown in consumption-driven sectors of the economy. Additionally, if businesses are forced to bear a larger share of health insurance costs for their employees, they may resort to cost-cutting measures, including layoffs. Such actions could increase unemployment rates and further dampen economic activity. Indirect Economic Consequences The broader economic implications of the health insurance tax hike are equally concerning. In the healthcare sector, there is a risk that the tax increase could discourage people from purchasing health insurance, leading to a decline in the insurance pool. A smaller insurance pool would make it more expensive for insurers to operate, potentially triggering further premium hikes and creating a vicious cycle. For individuals who opt out of health insurance due to the higher costs, the result is likely to be increased out-of-pocket expenses for medical treatments. This can lead to financial hardship, particularly for lower-income families who are already vulnerable to economic shocks. Furthermore, a decline in private health insurance coverage could place additional strain on the public healthcare system, which is already under-resourced and struggling to meet the needs of the population. Long-Term Implications In the long term, the increased tax burden on health insurance premiums could have a chilling effect on the investment climate in India. High taxes and rising costs of living may discourage both domestic and foreign investors, potentially slowing economic growth. Moreover, if the tax hike is perceived as unfair or regressive, it could lead to social unrest and protests, disrupting economic activity and further eroding public trust in the government. Another potential long-term consequence is the risk of a "brain drain," where skilled professionals, disillusioned by high taxes and limited economic opportunities, seek employment abroad. Such a loss of talent could hamper India's economic progress and innovation, undermining the country's competitive position in the global economy. Balancing Act: Revenue Generation and Economic Growth The government faces the challenging task of balancing the need for revenue generation with the potential economic consequences of tax hikes. To mitigate the negative impact of the health insurance tax increase, the government could explore alternative revenue sources. Improving tax compliance, reducing tax exemptions for the wealthy, and exploring new avenues of taxation are potential strategies to consider. Moreover, it is crucial for the government to invest the additional revenue generated from the health insurance tax wisely. Strengthening the public healthcare system and making quality healthcare accessible and affordable to all citizens should be a top priority. Such investments would not only improve the overall health of the population but also contribute to economic growth by reducing productivity losses due to illness. Tax Exemptions and Healthcare Access: A Complex Relationship Tax exemptions have long been a cornerstone of fiscal policy in India, aimed at incentivizing specific behaviors or supporting particular sectors of the economy. In the healthcare sector, tax exemptions have been used to promote health insurance coverage, encourage medical research, and support charitable activities. However, the effectiveness of these exemptions in shaping healthcare access is a complex issue with both positive and negative implications. Tax Exemptions and Health Insurance One of the most common uses of tax exemptions in healthcare is to incentivize individuals to purchase health insurance. By allowing individuals to deduct health insurance premiums from their taxable income, the government aims to make insurance more affordable and increase coverage rates. While this approach has been successful in some countries, its effectiveness in India is debatable due to several factors. First, income inequality remains a significant challenge. Tax exemptions primarily benefit higher-income individuals who are more likely to afford health insurance in the first place. Lower-income individuals, who would benefit most from increased coverage, may not be able to take advantage of these exemptions due to their limited taxable income. Additionally, a large portion of the Indian population operates in the informal economy, with limited access to formal financial services and tax benefits. This limits the reach of tax exemptions in promoting health insurance coverage among vulnerable groups. Another challenge is the administrative burden associated with claiming tax exemptions. The process can be complex and time-consuming, often requiring individuals to maintain detailed records and navigate bureaucratic hurdles. This can deter people from claiming eligible deductions, reducing the overall impact of the exemption. Tax Exemptions and Medical Research Tax exemptions are also used to promote medical research and development. By providing tax breaks to pharmaceutical companies, research institutions, and donors, the government aims to accelerate innovation and the development of new treatments and cures. While these incentives can stimulate research, they also raise concerns about the affordability and accessibility of new drugs and technologies. Pharmaceutical companies may use tax exemptions to offset research and development costs, but this does not always translate into lower prices for consumers. High drug prices can limit access to life-saving treatments, particularly for patients who cannot afford the exorbitant costs. Moreover, research efforts are often directed towards diseases with a larger market potential, leading to a neglect of rare or neglected diseases that disproportionately affect low-income populations. To address these challenges, the government could explore alternative approaches to incentivizing medical research, such as public-private partnerships, grants, and subsidies. These mechanisms could help ensure that the benefits of medical innovation are more equitably distributed across society. Tax Exemptions and Charitable Healthcare Activities In addition to promoting health insurance and medical research, tax exemptions are also used to support charitable healthcare activities. Nonprofit organizations that provide free or low-cost medical services to underserved populations often rely on tax-exempt donations and grants to fund their operations. These organizations play a crucial role in filling gaps in the public healthcare system, particularly in rural and remote areas. However, the reliance on tax-exempt donations raises questions about the sustainability and scalability of charitable healthcare initiatives. While these organizations provide essential services, they are often limited by funding constraints and may not be able to meet the growing demand for healthcare in India. Moreover, the availability of tax exemptions can create disparities in the allocation of resources, with some regions or populations receiving more support than others.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/union-budget-2024-25-controversy-over-health-insurance-taxation/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Historically Speaking: New Budget Session vs Past; Opposition Disruptions Explained]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/historically-speaking-new-budget-session-vs-past-opposition-disruptions-explained/ Dr. Aishwariya Pandit Sharma and Joyeeta Basu delves into the 2024 Budget Session on the YouTube channel 'Historically Speaking'. They discuss how this session differs from previous ones, emphasizing the opposition's disruptions and their influence on parliamentary proceedings. Known for its captivating discussions on politics and art, the channel examines the intersections of history, politics, and culture through interviews and analyses. Additionally, it investigates how art influences and shapes societal understanding. The session explores the Union Budget 2024, questioning whether the real focus was on opposition aggression or if it served as a diversion. It considers whether young MPs are choosing trolling over meaningful debate. Noteworthy incidents, such as a senior opposition leader's 'Mataji' remark, are examined for their impact on political courtesy. The discussion also contrasts the UK’s engaging parliamentary debates with the suppression of the Prime Minister's voice in the Indian Parliament. Additionally, the analysis extends to the UP election, debating if Akhilesh Yadav emerged as the real winner over Rahul Gandhi.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/historically-speaking-new-budget-session-vs-past-opposition-disruptions-explained/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Historically Speaking: From Fake Calls to Conspiracies, The 1971 Rs 60 Lakh Heist Explained | Nagarwala Scandal]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/from-fake-calls-to-conspiracies-the-1971-rs-60-lakh-heist-explained-nagarwala-scandal/ Dr. Aishwariya Pandit Sharma and Rasheed Kidwai delve into Kidwai's book, 'The Scam That Shook a Nation: The Nagarwala Scandal', on their YouTube channel "Historically Speaking." Explore the 1971 Rs 60 lakh heist's intricacies, from deceptive phone calls to profound conspiracies, and its impact on the nation. Known for its captivating discussions on politics and art, 'Historically Speaking' examines the intersections of history, politics, and culture through interviews and analyses. Additionally, it investigates how art influences and shapes societal understanding. The discussion highlighted several significant points concerning Indira Gandhi's involvement in the 'Nagarwala Scandal'. Key topics included the crucial role of one of her advisors in her emergency decision-making, questioning whether Indira Gandhi could be manipulated, and debating her innocence in the scandal. Additionally, the conversation explored the impact of the scandal on India's security landscape, particularly considering whether it catalyzed the momentum for the country's cyber revolution. The outcome of the discussion underscores the complexity of Indira Gandhi's political maneuverings and the lasting effects of the Nagarwala Scandal on national security measures.

What The Book Is All About?

On May 24, 1971, the chief cashier at the State Bank of India's Parliament Street branch was duped into handing over Rs 60 lakh to a man posing as a courier for Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. The cash was supposedly for secret operations in East Pakistan, but the PM's office denied any such instructions. The perpetrator, former army captain Rustom Sohrab Nagarwala, was swiftly apprehended, and the money was recovered. The scandal, marred by a flawed police investigation, judicial errors, mysterious deaths, and Indira Gandhi's silence, fueled numerous conspiracy theories. "The Scam That Shook a Nation" is the first detailed account of this political corruption case.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/from-fake-calls-to-conspiracies-the-1971-rs-60-lakh-heist-explained-nagarwala-scandal/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Historically Speaking: Who Will Steer India Forward? The Contenders You Need to Know]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/historically-speaking-who-will-steer-india-forward-the-contenders-you-need-to-know/ Dr. Aishwariya Pandit Sharma and Priya Sehgal, on their YouTube channel “Historically Speaking,” explore the leading candidates, their backgrounds, and what sets them apart in the race to lead India. The channel, known for its engaging discussions on politics and art, delves into the intersections of history, politics, and culture through interviews and analyses. It also explores how art reflects and shapes societal understanding. In the book “The Contenders,” the author shares insights into why the title was chosen. With the help of Aishwarya and Karthik, they identified true contenders in politics. Published in 2019, the book focuses on leaders in their mid-40s to early 50s, highlighting their potential to lead India. Watch:

The Contenders

Key political figures discussed include Akhilesh Yadav, who, unlike other dynasts, had to fight for his legacy against his father, Mulayam Singh Yadav. This struggle led to significant modernization efforts within his party. The book also examines Yogi Adityanath’s tenure as Chief Minister, marked by strict law and order reforms and a strong Hindutva stance. Himanta Biswa Sarma’s political journey from Congress to becoming the Chief Minister of Assam under BJP is highlighted, emphasizing his insider knowledge and ambition. The Gandhi siblings, Rahul and Priyanka, are analyzed for their contrasting political styles, with Priyanka’s instinctive approach and Rahul’s calculated strategies. Arvind Kejriwal’s shift from a strong national contender to focusing on Delhi amid legal troubles is also discussed. The book provides a comprehensive understanding of the evolving political landscape in India through meticulous research and personal insights.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/historically-speaking-who-will-steer-india-forward-the-contenders-you-need-to-know/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Ghotul: An Indigenous Institution of Community, Culture, Gender Equality & Personal Development]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/ghotul-an-indigenous-institution-oghotul-an-indigenous-institution-of-community-culture-gender-equality-personal-developmentf-community-culture-gender-equality-personal-development/ The Ghotul, located in the center of India, is evidence of the rich cultural legacy of the Gond and Muria tribes from Bastar and the surrounding regions. This unique social institution serves as a vibrant hub for socialization, education and personal development among the youth. As a cornerstone of tribal society, the Ghotul fosters gender equality and mutual respect, challenging traditional societal norms and preserving the cultural legacy of these indigenous communities. The Role and Structure of Ghotul The Ghotul, a cottage typically located on the village's outskirts or in its center, is deeply embedded in the traditions of the Muria and Gond tribes. This dormitory is not just a shelter but a vital social institution where unmarried boys (Cheliks) and girls (Motiaris) gather. They participate in various activities and celebrate festivals. The emphasis on gender equality in Ghotul is one of its most noticeable characteristics. Both boys and girls engage equally in activities and decision-making processes, fostering an environment of mutual respect and understanding. This inclusivity empowers young girls, giving them a platform to express themselves freely and challenge traditional gender roles prevalent in broader society. Cultural and Educational Significance The first Ghotul was established by the tribal tale of Lingo, the supreme deity and a highly esteemed ancestor. This divine association lends the institution a sacred status within the community, making it an integral part of tribal religious and social life. Inside the Ghotul, a structured hierarchy exists. The Siredar (head boy) and Belosa (chief girl) oversee the activities and assign responsibilities to other members. These duties range from cleaning and cooking to organizing cultural events, instilling a sense of discipline and community service among the youth. Senior members pass down knowledge of tribal history, folklore and customs to their juniors. Young people learn about their cultural heritage through storytelling, music and dance in an engaging and immersive environment. This informal education system ensures the continuity of tribal traditions from one generation to the next. Singing, dancing, telling stories, and taking part in customs are among the activities. These activities are designed to build discipline and demonstrate hard work. Ghotul members work in their communities during the day and gather in the dormitory each evening. It is where children transition from childhood to adulthood, learning about social, cultural, economic, and political aspects of life. Junior members learn from their seniors about deities, festivals, music, dance, and hunting techniques, ensuring the transmission of tribal heritage. These activities are designed to build discipline and demonstrate hard work. Ghotul members work in their communities by day and come together in the dormitory by night. Variations and Controversies While the concept of Ghotul is consistent across the Muria and Gond tribes, variations exist. In some regions, boys and girls return to their homes at night, while in others, they stay in the Ghotul. Emotional attachments and monogamous relationships are either discouraged or encouraged, depending on local customs. The Ghotul system is not without controversy. Its approach to premarital relationships, which can include sexual exploration, has drawn criticism from outside observers. Yet, within the tribal context, this aspect of Ghotul life is seen as a natural part of personal development and partner selection. Anthropological and Social Insights The significance of the Ghotul extends beyond its immediate community. Anthropologists and social scientists have studied this institution as a unique model of youth education and social organization. The Ghotul's ability to combine cultural preservation with progressive social norms offers valuable insights into alternative forms of community-based education and social development. Future and Preservation As India continues to modernize, the future of traditional institutions like the Ghotul remains uncertain. While some view it as an outdated practice, others argue for its preservation as a vital part of tribal heritage and identity. The challenge lies in finding a balance between maintaining cultural traditions and adapting to changing social norms. Conclusion In conclusion, the Ghotul stands as a testament to the rich cultural tapestry of India's tribal communities. It represents a unique approach to youth development, combining education, social interaction, and cultural preservation in a single institution. As debates about its relevance in modern society continue, the Ghotul remains an important subject of study and a symbol of tribal resilience and adaptation. Ghotul's progressive approach to gender equality and its role in cultural education provides a valuable model for community-based social institutions worldwide.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/ghotul-an-indigenous-institution-oghotul-an-indigenous-institution-of-community-culture-gender-equality-personal-developmentf-community-culture-gender-equality-personal-development/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Threads of History: The Silk Road’s Global Influence – From Past to Present]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/threads-of-history-the-silk-roads-global-influence-from-past-to-present/ The Silk Road was a network of trade routes that linked East and West for over 1,800 years. It facilitated the exchange of goods, ideas, and cultures between civilizations such as China, Rome, and India. Stretching across thousands of miles and numerous cultures, the Silk Road was more than a mere trade route—it served as a channel for ideas, religions, and innovations that transformed the world. The Silk Road, established during the Han Dynasty around 130 BCE, was a trade route network connecting East Asia to Europe, facilitating the exchange of goods, culture, and knowledge. Initially dominated by the Silk trade, this route expanded to include other significant commodities such as paper and gunpowder, which catalyzed major changes in European society. Additionally, the Silk Road played a crucial role in spreading religions, including Islam and Nestorian Christianity, to various regions including India. The Silk Road also Spread Buddhism to the world. Samarkand, Bukhara, and Takshashila were some of the primary hotspots along the Silk Road, serving as major hubs for traders and travelers. Renowned explorer Marco Polo, who traveled the Silk Road from 1271 to 1295, famously remarked, "What I saw in the East, I can't tell even half of that because not a single person would believe what I saw." The Silk Road also connected the southern part of India via the Grand Trunk Road also known as GT Road, extending its reach to Beijing, Shanghai, and Constantinople (modern-day Istanbul). The fall of Constantinople to the Ottomans in 1453 was a pivotal event that led European nations to seek alternative routes to Asia, eventually sparking the Age of Exploration. Key Indian sites connected to the Silk Road, such as Indraprastha, Shrawasti, Kaushambi, and Kushinagar, are now recognized as UNESCO World Heritage tentative sites. The route's significance diminished due to geopolitical shifts and the rise of maritime trade routes. German geographer Ferdinand von Richthofen in 1877, the Silk Road's use spanned from the 2nd century BCE to the 18th century AD, facilitating economic, cultural, political, and religious exchanges across continents. The Maritime Silk Road, initiated in the 1st century, extended trade routes by sea from Vietnam through India, Sri Lanka, the Red Sea, and to the Roman Empire. Launched in 2013, China's BRI aims to recreate and expand upon the ancient Silk Road. The initiative consists of both overland economic corridors and maritime trade routes. David Sacks, an expert on U.S.-China relations at the Council on Foreign Relations, states, "China has had a fair amount of success in redrawing trade maps around the world, in ways that put China at the center and not the U.S. or Europe." The scale of the BRI is staggering. By 2023, 147 countries—accounting for two-thirds of the world's population and 40 percent of global GDP—have signed on to projects or indicated interest. The initiative includes the construction of railroads, highways, ports, and other infrastructure projects designed to facilitate trade and economic growth. However, the BRI is not without controversy. Critics contend that it signifies a troubling expansion of Chinese power and influence. Some see it as a potential debt trap for participating countries, pointing to instances where nations have struggled to repay Chinese loans for infrastructure projects. A 2021 study analyzed over one hundred debt financing contracts China signed with foreign governments, revealing clauses that often restrict restructuring with traditional creditor groups like the Paris Club. These contracts frequently allow China to demand repayment at any time, potentially giving Beijing leverage over participating countries on issues such as Taiwan or human rights. The coming years will be crucial in determining whether the New Silk Road will fulfill its promise of shared prosperity or become a source of international tension. As countries navigate the opportunities and challenges presented by the BRI, the world watches to see how this modern incarnation of an ancient trade route will shape the future of global commerce and diplomacy. The Silk Road stands as a symbol of human ingenuity, resilience, and the timeless quest for connection. Its story is a reminder that in the tapestry of history, threads of commerce and culture are inextricably woven together, shaping the world we live in today.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/threads-of-history-the-silk-roads-global-influence-from-past-to-present/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[India’s Journey Towards Gender Equality and Inclusive Rights]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/indias-journey-towards-gender-equality-and-inclusive-rights/ Introduction India, a nation of diverse cultures and traditions, faces ongoing challenges in achieving gender equality and securing rights for all its citizens. This article examines the current state of gender equality, women's empowerment, and LGBTQ+ rights in India. We'll explore the obstacles, government initiatives, and legal provisions aimed at creating a  The State of Gender Equality in India Gender equality in India remains an elusive goal. It encompasses equal access to resources and opportunities regardless of gender, including economic participation and decision-making. Despite progress, significant disparities persist across various sectors. In the workplace, women face stark inequalities. The World Inequality Report 2022 reveals that men in India earn 82% of labor income, while women's share stands at a mere 18%. This wage gap highlights the economic challenges women face in achieving financial independence. Education is another area where gender disparities are evident. In India, 187 million women are illiterate, accounting for a third of all illiterate people worldwide. The literacy gap between men and women is striking, with a 24 percentage point difference. About 75% of men are literate, compared to only 51% of women. Violence against women remains a pressing concern. The National Crime Records Bureau reported over 371,503 cases of violence against women in India in 2020. These cases include sexual assault, domestic violence, and other forms of abuse. However, the actual number is likely higher due to underreporting. Causes of Gender Inequality : Poverty as a Root Cause : Poverty plays a significant role in perpetuating gender inequality. The World Bank estimates that approximately 70% of the world's impoverished population is female. Poverty limits access to education, healthcare, and economic opportunities, creating a cycle of disadvantage for women and girls. Child Marriage and Its Impact : Child marriage is another factor contributing to gender inequality. UNICEF reports that 12 million girls are married before the age of 18 every year. This practice not only hinders personal development but also perpetuates gender disparities across generations. Education Gap : Lack of education is a key driver of gender inequality. UNESCO reports that 132 million girls are out of school globally, with fewer learning opportunities than boys. Education is crucial for empowering girls to make informed choices, pursue careers, and challenge societal norms. Healthcare Disparities: Poor medical health exacerbates gender discrimination. In regions with inadequate healthcare facilities, girls face higher maternal mortality rates and limited access to family planning. These health-related biases further widen the gender gap. Cultural Norms and Awareness : Deeply ingrained patriarchal norms and lack of awareness contribute significantly to gender inequality. When societies perpetuate gender stereotypes and discrimination, breaking free from inequality becomes challenging. Government Initiatives for Gender Equality The Indian government has implemented various programs to promote gender equality and women's empowerment. These initiatives aim to address the multifaceted challenges faced by women and girls across the country. Beti Bachao Beti Padhao (BBBP) is a flagship program that focuses on protecting, nurturing, and educating the girl child. It aims to improve the child sex ratio and promote girls' education. The Mahila Shakti Kendra (MSK) scheme empowers rural women through skill development and employment opportunities. It provides a platform for women to access government services and participate in community development. The National Creche Scheme offers safe environments for children, enabling women to pursue employment opportunities without compromising their children's care. Financial Empowerment and Housing Several initiatives focus on financial empowerment and housing for women. The Pradhan Mantri Matru Vandna Yojna provides maternity benefits to pregnant and lactating mothers, supporting their health and well-being. The Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana ensures housing under women's names, promoting property ownership among women. The Sukanya Samriddhi Yojna (SSY) economically empowers girls by providing dedicated bank accounts and financial incentives.  Political Representation and Safety The Constitution (106th Amendment) Act, 2023, marks a significant step towards political empowerment. It reserves one-third of all seats for women in the Lok Sabha, State legislative assemblies, and the Legislative Assembly of the National Capital Territory of Delhi, including seats reserved for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The Nirbhaya Fund Framework provides a non-lapsable corpus fund for implementing initiatives aimed at enhancing women's safety and security. One Stop Centres (OSCs) offer integrated services for women victims of violence, including medical aid, legal assistance, and counseling. Women's Empowerment: A Catalyst for Progress Women's empowerment is crucial for India's overall development. It involves equipping women with knowledge, skills, resources, and agency to make informed decisions and participate fully in social, economic, and political spheres. Economic Growth and Social Progress Empowering women contributes significantly to economic growth and prosperity. When women have access to education, skills training, and economic opportunities, they can participate in the workforce, start businesses, and drive innovation and productivity. Women's empowerment also promotes social progress by challenging and transforming societal norms, attitudes, and practices that limit women's rights and opportunities. It involves promoting gender equality, addressing gender-based violence, and raising awareness about women's issues. Education and Health Benefits Educated women are more likely to invest in their children's education and actively participate in community development initiatives. They can make informed decisions about their own health and their families' well-being, contributing to improved public health outcomes and reduced maternal and child mortality rates. Leadership and Governance Empowering women to participate in leadership and decision-making roles leads to better governance and representation. When women have equal opportunities to contribute their perspectives, knowledge, and skills, community decisions become more inclusive and reflective of diverse needs and priorities.  LGBTQ+ Rights in India: Progress and Challenges The LGBTQ+ community in India has faced a long struggle for recognition and equal rights. Recent legal developments have paved the way for improved rights and protections for transgender individuals. Legal Provisions for Transgender Rights The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, marks a significant milestone in recognizing and protecting transgender rights in India. The Act prohibits discrimination against transgender persons in educational institutions, employment, and healthcare services. Key features of the Act include: - Recognition of transgender persons' right to self-perceived gender identity - Provision of right of residence with parents and immediate family members - Formulation of welfare schemes for education, social security, and health of transgender persons - Establishment of a National Council for Transgender Persons Implementation and Enforcement The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Rules, 2020, provide guidelines for implementing the Act. These rules address issues such as obtaining a Certificate of Identity, establishing welfare measures, and ensuring non-discrimination in public life. The Rules mandate the creation of a Transgender Protection Cell under the charge of the District Magistrate and the Director-General of Police to monitor cases of offences against transgender persons. They also require establishments to ensure equal opportunities and safe environments for transgender employees. Conclusion India's journey towards gender equality, women's empowerment, and LGBTQ+ rights is ongoing. While significant challenges remain, government initiatives and legal provisions are paving the way for a more inclusive society. Achieving true equality requires sustained efforts from all sectors of society, including government, civil society, and individuals. As India continues to address these issues, it is crucial to monitor progress, evaluate the impact of existing policies, and adapt strategies to meet evolving needs. By empowering women and protecting the rights of all gender identities, India can unlock its full potential and create a more just and prosperous society for all its citizens.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/indias-journey-towards-gender-equality-and-inclusive-rights/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[India In Olympics]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/india-olympic-journey-triumphs-challenges/ India’s journey in the Olympics spans over a century, marked by triumphs, challenges, and a growing presence on the global sporting stage. From its modest beginnings in 1900 as part of the British Empire team to its first official participation in 1920, India’s sporting narrative took a monumental turn in 1928. That year, the men’s field hockey team clinched the nation’s maiden Olympic gold in Amsterdam, laying the foundation for a legacy of dominance in the sport. Over the decades, Indian athletes have showcased their prowess across various disciplines. Notable milestones include Norman Pritchard’s silver medals in 1900, Karnam Malleswari becoming India’s first woman Olympic medalist in 2000, and Abhinav Bindra securing the country’s first individual gold in shooting in 2008. The pinnacle of India’s Olympic success remains its hockey team’s eight gold medals between 1928 and 1980, symbolizing an era of unparalleled achievement. However, India has faced challenges, including infrastructure limitations, funding issues, and administrative hurdles, impacting its overall medal tally. Despite these obstacles, recent years have seen a resurgence, with athletes like PV Sindhu in badminton and Neeraj Chopra in javelin throw making headlines with their medal-winning performances. Looking forward, India continues to strive for excellence in sports, leveraging initiatives like the Target Olympic Podium Scheme (TOPS) to nurture talent and enhance medal prospects. As the nation prepares for future Olympics, its rich sporting heritage and dedication to athletic success promise an inspiring journey ahead. India’s Olympic journey is a tale of perseverance, triumphs, and evolving aspirations. Since its debut in 1900, India has evolved from being part of the British Empire team to establishing itself as a formidable contender in international sports. The turning point came in 1928 when the Indian men’s field hockey team won its first Olympic gold medal in Amsterdam, sparking a golden era for the sport in the country. Throughout the 20th century, India’s dominance in hockey was unparalleled, securing a total of eight gold medals by 1980. This period not only solidified India’s reputation as a powerhouse in field hockey but also inspired generations of athletes across various disciplines. While hockey remained a stronghold, India expanded its footprint in other sports over the years. Notable achievements include Abhinav Bindra’s historic gold medal in shooting in 2008, marking India’s first individual Olympic gold in over a century. Athletes like Mary Kom in boxing, Sushil Kumar in wrestling, and P.V. Sindhu in badminton have further cemented India’s presence on the global stage with their medal-winning performances. Challenges such as inadequate infrastructure, funding constraints, and administrative issues have posed hurdles. Nevertheless, initiatives like the Khelo India program and the TOPS have been pivotal in nurturing talent and preparing athletes for international competitions. As India looks ahead to future Olympics, there is a renewed focus on holistic development, sports science, and grassroots programs. With a burgeoning population of young athletes and growing support for sports, India’s Olympic journey continues to inspire hope and resilience, promising even greater achievements on the global sporting landscape. The history of India in the Olympics is a testament to its journey in international sports. Here’s an overview: Debut: India first participated in the Olympic Games in 1900, although it was as part of the British Empire team. 1920 Antwerp Olympics: India sent its first official team to the Olympics, consisting of just seven athletes. Notably, Norman Pritchard won two silver medals in athletics, becoming India’s first Olympic medalist. 1928 Amsterdam Olympics: This was a landmark event for India. The Indian men’s field hockey team won its first Olympic gold medal. This marked the beginning of India’s dominance in field hockey, where they would go on to win a total of 8 gold medals (1928, 1932, 1936, 1948, 1952, 1956, 1964, and 1980). Post-Independence: After India gained independence in 1947, Indian athletes continued to participate in the Olympics across various sports. However, apart from field hockey, medal success remained elusive for many years. Recent Years: In more recent times, India has seen a rise in its Olympic performance. Notable achievements include: 2008 Beijing Olympics: Abhinav Bindra won India’s first individual gold medal in shooting. 2012 London Olympics: India won six medals, including two silver medals in shooting (Vijay Kumar and Gagan Narang) and bronze medals in wrestling (Sushil Kumar) and badminton (Saina Nehwal). 2016 Rio Olympics: India won a total of two medals, a silver in badminton (P.V. Sindhu) and a bronze in wrestling (Sakshi Malik). 2020 Tokyo Olympics: India had its best-ever medal haul, winning seven medals. This included one gold (Neeraj Chopra in javelin throw), two silver (Mirabai Chanu in weightlifting and Ravi Kumar Dahiya in wrestling), and four bronze medals (P.V. Sindhu in badminton, Lovlina Borgohain in boxing, and the men’s and women’s hockey teams). Throughout its Olympic history, India’s journey has been marked by notable achievements in field hockey and a growing presence in various other sports. The country continues to strive for greater success and recognition on the international stage through its athletes’ dedication and hard work. Field Hockey Dominance: India’s dominance in field hockey during the mid-20th century is remarkable. The Indian men’s team won six consecutive gold medals from 1928 to 1956, making it one of the most successful teams in Olympic history. They added two more gold medals in 1964 and 1980, totaling 8 gold medals overall. The women’s team also participated in several Olympics but did not achieve the same level of success. Individual Medalists: Apart from field hockey, India has produced individual medalists in various sports: Athletics: Norman Pritchard won silver medals in 1900, becoming India’s first Olympic medalist. Shooting: Apart from Abhinav Bindra’s gold in 2008, Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore won silver in 2004, and Vijay Kumar and Gagan Narang won silver in 2012. Wrestling: Sushil Kumar won bronze in 2008 and 2012, and Sakshi Malik won bronze in 2016. Badminton: P.V. Sindhu won silver in 2016 and bronze in 2020. Boxing: Vijender Singh won bronze in 2008, and Mary Kom won bronze in 2012. Challenges and Progress: India has faced challenges in infrastructure, funding, and sports administration that have sometimes impacted its Olympic performance. However, efforts are ongoing to improve these aspects, including initiatives to support athletes with better training facilities, coaching, and exposure to international competitions. 2024 Paris Olympics and Beyond: Looking forward, India continues to strive for more success in upcoming Olympic Games. The focus remains on broadening the scope of sports where India can compete and excel, nurturing young talent, and addressing the systemic issues that affect the development of sports in the country. Overall, India’s journey in the Olympics reflects its rich sporting history, moments of triumph, challenges faced, and the continuous efforts to achieve greater success on the global stage of sports.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/india-olympic-journey-triumphs-challenges/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Students’ Protests]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/key-student-protests-catalysts-major-reforms/ Student protests have consistently demonstrated the power of youth activism to challenge injustice, advocate for rights, and drive societal change. Their impact extends beyond immediate policy outcomes to inspire future generations and shape the collective consciousness of humanity towards justice, equality, and human rights. These incidents illustrate the pivotal role that students and young people have often played in advocating for social justice, political reform, and human rights across the globe. They have frequently been at the forefront of movements that have reshaped societies and influenced historical outcomes. Today, we are digging deeper to find out key student protests which acted as a catalyst in major reforms in the human history. The Greensboro Sit-ins (1960) Greensboro sit-in, act of nonviolent protest against a segregated lunch counter in Greensboro, North Carolina, that began on February 1, 1960. Its success led to a wider sit-in movement, organized primarily by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) that spread throughout the South. The sit-in was organized by Ezell Blair, Jr. (later Jibreel Khazan), Franklin McCain, Joseph McNeil, and David Richmond—all African Americans and all students at North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University in Greensboro. Influenced by the nonviolent protest techniques of Mohandas Gandhi and the Journey of Reconciliation (an antecedent of the Freedom Rides) organized by the Congress of Racial Equality, the four men executed a plan to draw attention to racial segregation in the private sector. Enlisting the aid of Ralph Johns, a local white businessman who was sympathetic to their cause, the students, who came to be dubbed the Greensboro Four, planned their social action in great detail. On the afternoon of February 1, 1960, the Greensboro Four entered a Woolworth’s general merchandise store that had a dining area. The men bought small items and retained the receipt as proof of purchase, before sitting down at the store’s lunch counter. While Blacks were allowed to patronize the dining area, they were relegated to a standing snack bar, as the lunch counter was designated for “whites only.” The Greensboro Four politely requested service at the counter, remaining seated while their orders were refused by the waitstaff. The lunch counter manager contacted the police, but Johns had already alerted the local media. The police arrived, only to declare that they could do nothing because the four men were paying customers of the store and had not taken any provocative actions. The media response, however, was immediate. A photo of the Greensboro Four appeared in local newspapers, and the protest quickly expanded. The following day the Greensboro Four returned to the Woolworth’s lunch counter, accompanied by some 20 other Black university students. The scene played out again February 3–4, with protestors filling virtually all the available seats and spilling out of the store and onto the sidewalk outside. Within weeks, national media coverage of the protest led to sit-ins being staged in cities across the country. Soon dining facilities across the South were being integrated, and by July 1960 the lunch counter at the Greensboro Woolworth’s was serving Black patrons. The Greensboro sit-in provided a template for nonviolent resistance and marked an early success for the civil rights movement. Kent State (1970) By 1970, Americans were deeply divided over the Vietnam War. Antiwar protests were common and intensified as the number of casualties increased and U.S. troops invaded Cambodia. On May 1, students at Kent State University in Ohio began a protest against the war. They attacked police officers with bottles and rocks, broke windows and looted stores. A state of emergency was declared, and the Ohio National Guard was dispatched to keep peace. When they arrived the night of May 2, the university’s ROTC building was on fire. As angry protestors made it hard for firefighters to extinguish the flames, the National Guard used tear gas to clear the area. At an antiwar rally the next day, protestors and the National Guard clashed again. When the guards sprayed tear gas into the crowd, some protestors defended themselves with rocks and whatever else they could find. Some of the guards then opened fire, killing four people and wounding nine. Kent State University and colleges across the country closed in fear of more violence. Soweto Uprising (1976) During the 1970’s, South Africa’s apartheid rule continued to use official procedures of explicit and implicit racism to subjugate and demoralize the black Africans in the country. By the 1970’s, the majority black communities were sick and tired of these oppressive policies, which led to an increase in violence, protests and militant activity. However, not all organizations and group efforts to fight apartheid involved violence. In 1974, the South African regime passed the Afrikaans Medium Degree which required all black schools to use and teach Afrikaans as much as English. Because the language of Afrikaans was strongly associated with apartheid, black South Africans preferred their indigenous languages or English. Opposition to this decree prompted black students to organize a peaceful rally on June 16, 1976 in the township of Soweto, located in the nation’s capital, Johannesburg. Between 100,000 and 200,000 students marched peacefully through the streets of Soweto, carrying banners and chanting for freedom from oppression. Though the protests began peacefully, they quickly became violent as police officers began to massacre and harm hundreds of students gathered. The amount of casualties is unclear, with numbers ranging from 100-700 people dead and thousands injured. Within days, young people in other townships were demonstrating in solidarity. Moved by the same youthful and unjaded outrage as their Sowetan peers, defiance in the face of state violence became characteristic of the revolt as it spread throughout South Africa. Demands quickly broadened to include calls to end not only Bantu Education, but apartheid itself. Activism took many forms, students countrywide organised campaigns, boycotts and stay-at-homes in their communities with varying degrees of success and co-ordination. Funerals for young people killed by police, transformed into mass political gatherings, became a mainstay of township life. By late 1977, the uprising had been quelled by the repressive violence of the state: in excess of 1,000 people were dead, and huge numbers of student activists were detained, imprisoned or driven into exile. But the forces unleashed in the uprising could not be extinguished. It had been the most significant challenge to the apartheid state in over a decade. For the first time in a long time, the uprising of youth made the end of apartheid seem possible. The Fisk University protests (1925) Fisk University has a long history of student activism. In 1925, Fisk president Fayette McKenzie restricted many student activities, including discontinuing the school newspaper, cutting most extracurriculars, and putting restrictions on interactions between male and female students. McKenzie was also seeking endowments from foundations that didn’t want students to challenge Jim Crow laws. W.E.B. Du Bois, who had attended Fisk, gave a speech on campus criticizing McKenzie. Students and alumni began demanding changes, which McKenzie initially agreed to enact, but then he backtracked. In March, after a peaceful protest, McKenzie called the police, who broke into the men’s dorm violently searching for the “agitators.” This act turned the tide in the students’ favor. More protests began, as well as a boycott of the school. In April, Fisk resigned. Hong Kong Umbrella Movement (2014) Initiated by students and young people, this pro-democracy movement called for universal suffrage and democratic reforms in Hong Kong. The protesters occupied key areas of the city for weeks, using umbrellas to protect themselves from tear gas and pepper spray. The Hong Kong Umbrella Movement, also known as the Umbrella Revolution, was a significant pro-democracy movement that took place in Hong Kong from September to December 2014. The movement was sparked by the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (NPCSC) of China to set strict limitations on the selection of the Chief Executive of Hong Kong through universal suffrage. Protesters argued that this decision violated the principle of “one country, two systems” promised when Hong Kong was handed over from British to Chinese sovereignty in 1997. The movement quickly escalated as protesters occupied key areas in Admiralty, Causeway Bay, and Mong Kok, effectively shutting down parts of the city for several weeks. Tent cities and makeshift barricades were set up to sustain the occupation.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/key-student-protests-catalysts-major-reforms/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Fatal Plane Crashes]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/fatal-plane-crashes/ Airline crashes in India have multifaceted impacts on the country’s growth, affecting various sectors including aviation, tourism, economy, and public confidence. While airplane crashes have immediate and often severe negative impacts, they can also lead to long-term improvements in safety standards, infrastructure, and regulations, which ultimately contribute to the resilience and growth of India’s aviation sector and overall economic development. Several major fatal airplane crashes have occurred in India. Here are some of the most significant: Indian Airlines Flight 171 (1970): A Sud Aviation Caravelle crashed shortly after takeoff from Mumbai due to an in-flight fire. All 89 passengers and crew on board were killed. The cause of the fire was not conclusively determined, but it was suspected to be due to an engine failure or fuel leak. Air India Flight 403 (1976): This Boeing 747 crashed while landing at Mumbai due to a microburst-induced wind shear. The crash resulted in the deaths of 95 out of 213 people on board. Adverse weather conditions and wind shear were determined to be the causes. Air India Flight 855 (1978): A Boeing 747 crashed into the Arabian Sea shortly after takeoff from Mumbai, killing all 213 passengers and crew on board. Pilot error was cited as the primary cause. Air India Flight 403 (1982): A Boeing 707 crashed while attempting to land in heavy rain at Mumbai’s Santacruz Airport. The crash resulted in the deaths of 17 passengers and crew out of 111 on board. Poor weather and pilot error were cited as causes. Indian Airlines Flight 113 (1988): This flight crashed while attempting to land in heavy fog at Ahmedabad, killing 130 of the 135 people on board. Poor visibility and pilot error were significant factors. Indian Airlines Flight 605 (1990): An Airbus A320 crashed on its final approach to Bangalore, killing 92 of the 146 people on board. Pilot error and a misinterpretation of the flight instruments were determined to be the causes. Indian Airlines Flight 257 (1991): A Boeing 737 crashed into the hills near Imphal during its descent, killing all 69 people on board. The crash was attributed to controlled flight into terrain due to navigational errors. Indian Airlines Flight 491 (1993): A Boeing 737 crashed during takeoff from Aurangabad Airport, hitting a truck on the highway. The crash resulted in the deaths of 55 out of 118 passengers and crew. The primary causes were pilot error and the truck’s unauthorized presence on the runway. Alliance Air Flight 7412 (2000): A Boeing 737 crashed into a residential area while attempting to land at Patna, killing 60 of the 62 people on board and 5 people on the ground. Pilot error and adverse weather conditions contributed to the crash. Air India Express Flight 812 (2010): A Boeing 737 overran the runway while landing at Mangalore Airport, fell into a gorge, and caught fire. Out of 166 passengers and crew, 158 were killed. Pilot error and fatigue were identified as causes. Air India Express Flight IX-1344 (2020): A Boeing 737-800 overshot the runway and crashed at Calicut International Airport during a landing attempt in heavy rain, killing 21 out of 190 people on board. Pilot error, adverse weather conditions, and runway conditions were cited as contributing factors.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/fatal-plane-crashes/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Chief Ministers vs Governors]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/chief-ministers-vs-governors/ Owing to several tussles between the chief ministers of the states and their respective governors, several Commissions have outlined since Indian Independence about what an ideal relationship between the two should be, the slugfest has continued unabated. The framers of the Constitution of India had several key intentions when they created the post of governor as the titular head representing the President in each state. One of the primary objectives was to foster harmony between the Centre (the federal government) and the states. This was particularly important in a federal system like India’s, where power is divided between the central government and the state governments. After the Independence of the country, the spat between the Governors and Chief Ministers has been a common occurrence. The only exception was in the first decade of India’s Independence when there were just nine Governors — jurists Fazal Ali, Muhammad Saleh Akbar Hydari, KN Katju, freedom fighters Jairamdas Daulatram, Sri Prakasa, Sarojini Naidu and administrators Girija Shankar Bajpai, CM Trivedi and VP Menon. Even though several Commissions have outlined what an ideal relationship between the two should be, the slugfest has continued unabated. Especially when the chief minister is not from the same party that governs the Centre. Conflicts between chief ministers (CMs) and governors in India have occurred sporadically throughout history. Some notable instances include: West Bengal Governor Dharma Vira dismissed the Ajoy Mukherjee government in 1967 and installed the Congress-backed PC Ghosh government. Andhra Pradesh Governor Ram Lal’s dismissal of the NT Rama Rao’s government in 1984 was a classic case of how the Governor’s impartiality had been thoroughly compromised. The interesting point to note is that without exception, political parties have held different views when in opposition and when they are in power. The BJP disliked the Centre’s interference with the state legislative process so much that in its submission to the 1988 Sarkaria Commission, the party suggested that states should be consulted before passing a bill on an item in the Concurrent List. In the late 1980s, in a rare political collaboration of the Left and the Right — both the CPI(M) and the BJP suggested that governors should be appointed by a panel chosen by the state legislature and the Inter-state Council should be making the appointments. The proposition was summarily dismissed by then ruling dispensation. The bill mandates employers to have 50% local candidates in management roles & 75% in non-management roles. Industry players say ‘don’t understand’ how you can execute something like this. Tamil Nadu is no exception to tussles between its Governors and Chief Ministers. The spell of confrontation involving Governor M. Channa Reddy and Chief Minister Jayalalithaa in the mid-1990s stands out in the history of clashes between two constitutional authorities of the State. When M. Channa Reddy came to Chennai in May 1993 to assume the charge of 17th Governor of the State, the expectation in political circles was that it was a matter of time differences between the Governor and the Chief Minister came to the fore. It was not just because of the fact that the two were headstrong personalities but also due to the political context in which the appointment of Reddy took place. In the mid-1980s, there was a significant standoff between Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and President Giani Zail Singh. During his first term as CM of Madhya Pradesh, Digvijaya Singh had a contentious relationship with Governor Bhai Mahavir. Similarly, in 2015-16, the political crisis in Arunachal Pradesh saw a confrontation between the Governor J.P. Rajkhowa and Chief Minister Nabam Tuki which wen to the Supreme Court. In 2016, Governor K.K. Paul’s recommendation for President’s Rule was challenged by Chief Minister Harish Rawat. The matter went to the High Court and later the Supreme Court, which eventually reinstated Rawat as Chief Minister. In Kerala, Governor Arif Mohammad Khan and Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan have had several public disagreements. Similarly, in Tamil Nadu, the faceoff between CM MK Stalin and Governor R.N. Ravi has created headlines in newspapers almost daily. In Tamil Nadu, ever since the death of former chief minister J Jayalalithaa, successive governors Vidyasagar Rao, Banwarilal Purohit and R N Ravi have been accused of exceeding their constitutional brief. While Vidyasagar Rao left Tamil Nadu within a year without much controversy except for a few questionable decisions, Purohit and Ravi have been openly adversarial. Interestingly, the term of K Rosaiah as TN governor till August 30, 2016, went off peacefully perhaps because he was a seasoned politician and a former Congress chief minister from Andhra Pradesh. These instances demonstrate the recurring nature of conflicts between Chief Ministers and Governors in India’s states. Such conflicts often arise due to differing interpretations of constitutional provisions, political considerations, and the exercise of discretionary powers by the governors. Resolving these conflicts through constitutional means and dialogue is crucial for maintaining the integrity of democratic governance at the state level. Also, these incidents reflect the complex dynamics between state governments and governors in India’s federal structure. While the Constitution defines their respective roles and powers, conflicts often arise due to differing political affiliations, interpretations of constitutional provisions, and perceptions of interference. Resolving such conflicts is crucial for maintaining stability and effective governance at the state level. Governors are appointed by the President on the advice of the Central government. Most of those appointed as governors are politicians rewarded for their services to the ruling party or bureaucrats or retired judges who are in sync with the party’s ideology. They apparently see themselves as missionaries and force multipliers to make the ground fertile for the party’s worldview. The skill sets of some of them include using Constitutional loopholes to stymie state governments. Constitutional framework As per Article 153 of the Constitution, each state must have a governor appointed by the President. While the governor is the constitutional head of the state, they are expected to act on the advice of the council of ministers. However, governors can exercise independent authority in certain situations, such as matters related to the dissolution of the state assembly or the imposition of the President’s rule.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/chief-ministers-vs-governors/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Fatal Attacks]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/fatal-attacks/ The recent assault on former President Donald Trump has sent shockwaves through the United States and beyond, with many viewing it as an attack on the very foundations of democracy. While deeply troubling, this incident is far from unprecedented in the annals of political history. Throughout the ages, violence against leaders has repeatedly jolted nations and reshaped global dynamics. From presidents to prime ministers, influential figures have fallen victim to deadly attacks, often with far-reaching ramifications that extend well beyond their personal tragedies. These acts of aggression, perpetrated by individuals or groups with diverse motivations, have not only cut short prominent careers but also catalyzed seismic shifts in national and international affairs. By examining notable cases of political assassinations worldwide, we can gain insight into their profound impact on affected societies and the broader course of history. The Murder of James A. Garfield President James A. Garfield’s tenure was abruptly ended when Charles J. Guiteau, a disgruntled office-seeker, shot him on July 2, 1881. The shooting occurred at the Baltimore and Potomac railroad station in Washington, D.C. Garfield suffered for months before dying on September 19, 1881. Guiteau believed he deserved a government position due to his support during Garfield’s campaign. This assassination led to significant reforms in the U.S. civil service system, aiming to prevent such tragic outcomes in the future. William McKinley’s Fatal Encounter On September 6, 1901, President William McKinley was shot by Leon Czolgosz, an anarchist, during a public event at the Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo, New York. McKinley initially survived the attack but succumbed to gangrene from his wounds on September 14, 1901. Czolgosz’s actions were driven by his anarchist beliefs and disillusionment with the government. McKinley’s death led to the presidency of Theodore Roosevelt and significant shifts in U.S. domestic and foreign policies. Franz Ferdinand and the Spark of World War I The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria-Hungary on June 28, 1914, by Gavrilo Princip, a Bosnian Serb nationalist, is widely recognized as the event that triggered World War I. Princip’s motivations were tied to the desire for Serbian independence from Austro-Hungarian rule. This assassination set off a chain reaction of alliances and conflicts, leading to one of the deadliest wars in history. The Assassination of John F. Kennedy President John F. Kennedy’s assassination on November 22, 1963, in Dallas, Texas, by Lee Harvey Oswald, is one of the most extensively scrutinized events in modern history. Kennedy’s death shocked the world and left the United States grappling with the loss of its charismatic leader. Oswald, a former U.S. Marine with Marxist leanings, was arrested but never stood trial, as he was killed by Jack Ruby shortly after his capture. The assassination remains shrouded in conspiracy theories and continues to be a subject of intense debate. Anwar Sadat’s Assassination Egyptian President Anwar Sadat was assassinated on October 6, 1981, by Islamist militants during a military parade in Cairo. Sadat’s signing of the Camp David Accords, which led to a peace treaty with Israel, angered many within the Arab world and Islamist factions. The militants, disguised as soldiers, opened fire on Sadat, killing him and several others. Sadat’s assassination had profound implications for Egypt’s domestic and foreign policies, leading to increased repression of Islamist groups. Yitzhak Rabin: A Peace Process Interrupted Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated on November 4, 1995, by Yigal Amir, a right-wing Jewish extremist opposed to the Oslo Accords. Rabin was shot at close range after a peace rally in Tel Aviv. His death dealt a significant blow to the Israeli-Palestinian peace process and highlighted the deep divisions within Israeli society over the issue of peace with the Palestinians. Amir’s actions were driven by his belief that Rabin’s policies endangered Israel’s security. Rafic Hariri’s Assassination Former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic Hariri was killed on February 14, 2005, in a massive car bomb explosion in downtown Beirut. The assassination, which also claimed the lives of 21 others, was widely believed to be orchestrated by pro-Syrian elements. Hariri’s death triggered a wave of anti-Syrian protests, leading to the withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon and significant political upheaval. The assassination underscored the volatile nature of Lebanese politics and the influence of external powers. The Murder of Benazir Bhutto Benazir Bhutto, Pakistan’s former Prime Minister, was assassinated on December 27, 2007, in Rawalpindi. A 15-year-old suicide bomber, identified as Bilal, attacked Bhutto’s convoy, killing her and several others. The assassination was attributed to the Pakistani Taliban, who opposed Bhutto’s pro-Western stance and political ambitions. Her death plunged Pakistan into turmoil, sparking widespread violence and political instability. The Assassination of Jovenel Moïse Haitian President Jovenel Moïse was assassinated on July 7, 2021, at his residence by a group of 26 Colombians and two Haitian Americans. The attack shocked the nation and highlighted the deep political and social instability in Haiti. The motives behind the assassination remain unclear, but the incident underscored the pervasive issues of corruption, violence, and external influence in Haitian politics. Shinzo Abe: Japan’s Loss Former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was assassinated on July 8, 2022, by Tetsuya Yamagami, who used a homemade gun. Yamagami cited personal grievances against a religious group he believed Abe was connected to. The assassination stunned Japan, a country with strict gun control laws and relatively low levels of political violence. Abe’s death marked a significant loss for Japan’s political landscape, given his influential role in shaping the country’s modern policies. Imran Khan: Surviving an Attempt In 2022, former Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan survived an assassination attempt while participating in a public event in Wazirabad. Khan, a prominent political figure and former cricket star, was shot at but managed to survive. This incident highlighted the ongoing threats faced by political leaders in Pakistan and the volatile nature of the country’s political environment. Conclusion The assassinations of presidents and prime ministers have left deep scars on their respective nations and the world. Each of these tragic events has been driven by various motives, from political ideologies and personal vendettas to broader social and political conflicts. These assassinations not only ended the lives of influential leaders but also significantly impacted the course of history, shaping the political and social landscapes of their countries. The analysis of these deadly attacks serves as a sobering reminder of the vulnerabilities and risks associated with political leadership and the enduring quest for stability and peace in a complex world.  ]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/fatal-attacks/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Before Oxford and Bologna: Exploring the World’s First Universities – Takshashila and Nalanda]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/before-oxford-and-bologna-exploring-the-worlds-first-universities-takshashila-and-nalanda/ Two ancient Indian institutions, Takshashila and Nalanda, set the foundations for global higher education centuries before the establishment of renowned Western universities. These centers of learning attracted scholars from across Asia, fostering a rich environment of intellectual exchange and innovation that shaped the course of human knowledge. This article delves into the captivating stories of Nalanda and Takshashila, exploring their origins, the vast knowledge they imparted, the factors that led to their decline, and its enduring impact as a symbol of excellent education in ancient India. Takshashila, located in modern-day Pakistan, flourished as a center of learning from the 6th century BCE to the 5th century CE. Its strategic position at the crossroads of major trade routes made it a melting pot of cultures, attracting students and scholars from Persia, Greece, and beyond. The institution offered a diverse curriculum including medicine, mathematics, astronomy, and statecraft. Takshashila's cosmopolitan atmosphere fostered a unique academic environment where students could learn from a wide range of perspectives. Takshashila's significance is rooted in its strategic location on the trade routes that connected the Indian subcontinent with Central Asia and the Mediterranean. This made it a melting pot of cultures, ideas, and knowledge. Takshashila was influenced by a powerful Persian empire in the 500s BC. Later, in 326 BC, Alexander the Great conquered it. But even after that, the city continued to thrive under various rulers, including the Maurya and Kushan empires. Nalanda, founded in 427 CE in the ancient kingdom of Magadha (modern-day Bihar, India), took the torch from Takshashila and burned brightly for over 800 years. Established by “Emperor Kumaragupta I” of the Gupta Empire, Nalanda grew to become the world's first residential university, predating Oxford and Bologna by more than five centuries. At its peak, Nalanda boasted an impressive faculty of 2,000 teachers and a student body of 10,000. The institution's reputation for excellence attracted scholars from China, Korea, Japan, Tibet, Mongolia, and Southeast Asia. Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang, who studied at Nalanda in the 7th century CE, described it as a place where "the professors were all men of high ability and talent...firmly grounded in the principles of their religion." Nalanda's curriculum was comprehensive, covering Buddhist philosophy, logic, metaphysics, medicine, astronomy, and mathematics. The institution's approach to learning emphasized debate and discourse, creating a vibrant intellectual environment that fostered critical thinking and innovation. Nalanda met a tragic end, but its legacy lives on. The ruins stand today as a powerful symbol of India's rich intellectual heritage, and a modern university established near the ruins aims to revive the spirit of the ancient center of learning. Both Takshashila and Nalanda boasted impressive libraries. Nalanda's library, housed in a nine-story building, contained millions of manuscripts, making it one of the richest repositories of Buddhist wisdom in the world. Similarly, Takshashila's extensive collection of texts played a crucial role in preserving and disseminating knowledge across ancient Asia. The decline of these great institutions came through different circumstances. Takshashila's influence waned due to political instability and the rise of other centers of learning. Nalanda met a more tragic end, destroyed around 1200 CE during a raid by Muhammad Bakhtiyar Khilji. Despite their eventual demise, the impact of Takshashila and Nalanda on global education and intellectual development cannot be overstated. Notable alumni from these institutions, such as the grammarian Panini, the physician Charaka, and the political strategist Kautilya (Chanakya), made significant contributions to their respective fields, shaping the course of human knowledge. These historic universities have inspired generations of people. Nalanda and Takshashila’s stories remind us of the importance of intellectual exchange, open inquiry, and cultivating well-rounded individuals. As we strive to build better educational systems, the spirit of these ancient seats of learning continues to guide us. In 2010, the Indian government established a new Nalanda University near the ancient ruins, dedicated to promoting peace and interfaith understanding. The institution aims to revive the spirit of the ancient center of learning and foster international collaboration in education. The story of Takshashila and Nalanda serves as a powerful reminder of India's rich intellectual heritage and its significant contributions to global education. As modern educational institutions grapple with the challenges of globalization and rapid technological change, the enduring legacy of these ancient seats of learning offers valuable lessons in fostering innovation, promoting cross-cultural understanding, and nurturing a truly global perspective on knowledge and learning.  ]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/before-oxford-and-bologna-exploring-the-worlds-first-universities-takshashila-and-nalanda/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Scripting Through Songs: Saga of Hindi Cinema]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/scripting-through-songs-saga-of-hindi-cinema/ The popularity of Music Directors was as high as that of the stars of the film and so their names appeared prominently on the posters. The story of Hindi Cinema is the story of its songs. Truly; our colorful, mosaic culture of rhythm and melody is captivated in reams of celluloid through last century and the present. Even when the films were silent the ‘live orchestra’ played to give sound to the songs at Opera House ,Mumbai and other cinema theatres . With the advent of ‘Talkies’ the singing stars, music directors and lyricists rose to the fore, the ‘playback singers’ came later. K L Sehgal, Suraya, Noor Jahan were the singing stars. Even Ashok Kumar had to sing with Devika Rani in the 1936, landmark Bombay Talkies film‘Achut Kanya’-“mein ban ki chiriya ban ban bolun re…” The popularity of Music Directors was as high as that of the stars of the film and so their names appeared prominently on the posters. Now with ‘mobile phones’ and digital media the trend has changed in the ‘golden old days’ most ardent filmgoers kept a diary where they would write regularly the lyrics of the film songs. The older generation may recollect that at the end of the cinema thin booklets of film songs would be sold by the moving vendors at 25 paise or so . One had made it a habit to purchase the same, preserve and to memorise the songs. For many years and even till the last decade, we remembered films through their songs, whilst discussing and appreciating them. The stars were discussed through the songs they sang on screen because they lip-synched; now most songs are played on the background Once, Devanand told a journalist that the biggest contribution to the cinema of his banner ‘Navketan’ were the songs. and it is indeed true. Recently there was ‘100 years of Dev Anand celebration’ all over India and many of his films were screened, I was not sure of the response; however, to my utter joy the audience were happy to sing along to his songs and were clapping, most were young people. The list of Navketan hits is endless ; starting from “dukhi man mere sun mera kahna…” ( Funtoosh ), “jayen to jayen kahan” ( Taxi driver ), “teri duniyan mein jine se to behtar hai ki mar jayen” ( house no 44 ),” tadbir se bigri hui taqdir banale”(Baazi), “Ankhon main kya ji sunehra badal”( Nau do gyaraha ),” gata rahe mera dil” ( Guide ),” Apni to har aah ik toofan hai ..Upar wala jaan kar anjaan hai” ( kala baazar ) “hum bekhudi mein tumko pukare chalegaye “( kala paani)” mein jindagi ka saaath nibha ta chala gaya”( Hum Dono), “Aasma ke niche hum aaj aapne peeche “( jewel thief ) and many more. It was only in the late fifties that the directors got a grip of the medium and got used to the technology of Cinema, but still the music directors , lyricists and singers had their sway as the public wanted more . The cinema goers understood cinema better through songs and story being unfolded through songs compared to the other dramatic aspects. Further; the intellectual level of the song writers such as Sahir Ludhyanvi, Shailendra, Majrooh Sultanpuri, Shakil Badayuni was of a much refined level, with a sense of social commitment, which reflected in their songs. However; all the top directors such as Mehboob Khan, Bimal Roy , Guru Dutt Raj Kapoor, Vijay Anand not only gave priority to songs but were masters in song picturization and they made landmark films with strong story and captivating dramatic situations, they understood the value of songs in Hindi Cinema and used them effectively as part of the narrative. The songs were essential turning points in the script.The Indian audience could relate to this style/form as it was brought up in singing drama tradition ( Ram Lila, Nautanki, Tamasha )and therefore would remember the films through songs. Raj Kapoor rose to be a ‘showman’ as he picturized dance sequences so powerfully that the song and dance stayed with the audience for a long time – “Ghar aaye mera pardesi aas bujhi mere akhiyan ki” of ‘Aawara’ is a very long song with a surreal part which was something new , after the success it was expected that Raj Kapoor will present similar soul stirring songs and he never disappointed- “ dil ka haal sune dil wala, chotisi baat na mirch masala” and “ Ramayya vasta vaiya ramaya vasta vaiya maine dil tuzhko diya” both from Shri 420. “ hai aag hamare sine main hum aag se khelte aate hain ..” of ‘Jis desh main Ganga behti hai’ and many more. Vijay Anand was known for his unique and distinct song picturizations which remains popular among the young even today. The most romantic song of the ‘Golden Era’ was picturized by Vijay Anand in ‘Hum-Dono’ on Devanand and Sadhna-“ Abhi na jao chod kar ke dil abhi bhara nahin” and the famous performance of Dev Anand wherein he is totally immersed in this song in the film Kala Bazaar “ khoya Khoya chand Khula Aasmaan ankhon me sari raat jayegi tum ko bhi kaise neend ayegi” where Dev dances alone under the moonlit night on hills and slopes and by the lake with Waheeda sitting at a distance listening ; Dev was attempting to express his feelings to her and she is amused. The originality of Vijay Anand is visible in 1970 film ‘Johny mera naam’ ; in the song “pal bhar ke liye koi hamen pyar karle , jhoota hi sahi” in which as Devanand woos Hema Malini numerous windows one by one emerge . The songs becomes popular on account of its own quality as well as on the basis of the performance of the actors; it is collaborative effort. Bimal Roy knew the placement of songs in his films and how to inspire musicians and lyricists to .give their best . The songs of ‘Madhumati’, ‘Sujata’, ‘Bandini’ are remembered still. The innate sense of ‘song picturization’ could be sensed in Guru Dutt from the 1952 film ‘Jaal’ in which he directed Devanand and Gita Bali –“ Ye raat ye Chandni phir kahan sun ja dil ki daastaan”; the seaside setting, moonlit night, a cottage on the beach and Dev strumming guitar and Geeta Dutt is in raptures. He had a great sense of music and dance and was a trained dancer under Uday Shankar before he joined films . His strength was his song picturization which could be discerned in his films such as – ‘Pyasa, Kagaj ke phool. Sahib bivi aur Gulam and Chaudhivin ka Chand’. After the failure of ‘Kagaz ke Phool’ he did not direct ‘Sahib Bivi aur Ghulam’ and ‘Chowdhivin ka Chand’ but he picturised all the songs himself . If we remove the songs from these films they would be hollow. Remember -“ bhanwara bada nadan hai, bagiyan ka mehman hai” picturised on Waheeda Rehman and Guru Dutt and the immortal “ Chaudhivin ka Chand Ho ya aftaab ho”. Songs were also used as a device to compress time , to simplify a complex situation or to introduce a character or even to relate the theme of the film . The primacy of music could be judged from the fact that most Stars and Film makers had their team from which they wavered very little because they were so safe and secure with their talent. Raj Kapoor’s voice was Mukesh and song writers Shailendra - Hasrat Jaipuri and musician- Shakar Jaikishan . Dilip Kumar’s team was- Mohammad Rafi, Naushad and Shakeel Badayuni - Mughal -e -Azam , Ganga Jamuna , Amar , Aan . Dev Anand had his favourite Sachin Dev Burman and songs by most top lyricist which gives his songs variety - Sahir ( Taxi Driver/Fantoosh/House No 44,Baazi and Hum Dono), Shailendra( Kala Baazar, Guide) , Majrooh Sultanpuri ( Nau do gyarah, Kala Paani, Jewel Thief) Hasrat Jaipuri ( Tere Ghar ke Samne , Jab Pyar kisi se Hota hai) . Mohamad Rafi sang for Dilip Kumar, Shammi Kapoor , Rajendra Kumar; he also sang for Dev Anand though the common perception was that Kishore Kumar was Dev’s voice . When new stars were to be launched much attention was accorded as to who would sing for them. Rajesh Khanna’s voice was Kishore Kumar after the super hit ‘Aaradhna’ which made Kishore supreme and slowed the popularity and assignments of Rafi . Rishi Kapoor’s launch also was boon for ‘Shailendra Singh’ who sang for ‘Bobby’ as Raj Kapoor wanted a new voice for his son. The dependence and centrality of songs in films was so strong that it is believed that many films were made just on the basis of songs and the story was woven and written around them to give them a structure . The famous film of Shammi Kapoor ‘Kashmir Ki Kali’ was made on the platform of songs - the music director O P Nayyar along with lyricist S H Bihari approached Shammi Kapoor and played a set of songs out of which he selected nine and the story was written around the songs. Similarly the famous film of Mahesh Bhatt ‘Aashiqui’ which starred Anu Agarwal and Rahul Roy and was a super hit on the success of its songs around which it was created, composed by Nadeem Shrawan and written Sameer and others. Two examples I shall present for better appreciation of songs in cinema and how they were scripted. Guru Dutt’s ‘Pyasa’ is a story of a poet, who has a romantic relationship during college with a girl who is now married to a rich man . He is unemployed and drifts from his family but develops a relationship with a prostitute who sings his songs . The movie begins with the recitation of ‘Urdu couplets’ in background establishing the identity of the protagonist and setting the mood . Guru Dutt happens to see Mala Sinha and there is a flash back song “hum aapki aankhon mein is dil ko basa dein to” conveying their relationship and setting up of a meeting. Waheeda Rehman who plays the prostitute is introduced through the famous song,” jane kya tune kahi jane kya maine suni baat kuch ban hi gayi..”, they meet in strange circumstances when Guru Dutt rescues her from the police stating that she was his wife. The song “jaane wo kaise log the jinko pyar ko pyar mila”, which Guru Dutt sings in the company of the established poets sets the conflict and suspicion in the mind of Mala Sinha’s husband Rehman. The song “jinhe naaz hai hind par wo kahan hein…” is set in a red light area with young breast feeding mother being engaged in flesh trade and poverty stricken people all over, this builds up the climax. The climax song is immortal, when Guru Dutt reappears after being declared dead and there is an assembly to honour him and his works being Presided by Rehman and others, the light is from behind and Guru Dutt has spread his arms reminding of ‘Crucification’; he sings the immortal signature song “ ye mehlon ye takhton.. ye tazon ki duniya.. ye Insan ke Dushman Samajon ki duniya .. Ye Duniya agar mil bhi jaye to kya hai”. There is chaos : Finally Gurudutt escapes and walks out against the sunset holding the hand of Waheeda Rehman and the song, “aaj sajan mohe ang lagalo janam safal ho jaye” playing in the background. So we see that the songs were not only beautifully picturised but were so intelligently placed so that they were enmeshed with the story and effect is cathartic whilst the audience rise from their seats with a lump in their throat reminiscing the title song. Guide. This Vijay Anand directed classic was ahead of its time when made in 1966 based on the Novel By R K Narayan –‘The Guide’. it was a risky proposition dealing with the subject of adultery. The songs are hummed to this day and are structured to tell the story. It is a story of Raju guide played by Dev Anand and Rosy a married woman ( Waheeda Rehman ); how Raju makes her a dancer of fame , drifts, goes to jail and redeems himself. It is an irony that the film won seven filmfare awards ,but was not awarded the music trophy, which S D Burman deserved . The film opens with The S D Burman sung song in background, “ yahan kaun hai tera musafir jayega kahan..”, during this time the casting is shown and Dev’s journey from jail to a village where he finally settles as priest is covered. The movie moves in flash back and the first twist is marked with the song of Waheeda when she breaks free of her husband, “ katon se kheench ke ye anchal todr ke bandhan pehni payal… aaj phir jeene ki tamanna hai aaj phir marne ka irada hai…”. Raju guide and Rosy fall in love, but Rosy has doubts and Dev convinces her of his love , “tere mere sapne ab ek rang hain yo jahan bhi lejayen hum sung hein…”. Dev brings Rosy home there is problem of her being accepted and continue with her dancing but Dev insists to bring her to stage and she not only dances but becomes famous , the song “piya tose naina lage re jane kya ho ab aage re” is played in many situations as she continues to rise the popularity ladder. There is strain in relationship as Dev gambles and makes money on her success, he misses her when drunk and sings , “din dhal jaye par raat na jaye tu to na aye teri yaad sataye, din dhal…”; this is a turning point. Dev is charged for forgery and is to be jailed, prior to that he wants to meet Rosy , the police Inspector is his friend and obliges. At this juncture there are two songs one after the other and narrate the story forward. One is by Waheeda implicating Dev and the second by Dev implicating Waheeda, it is a unique sequence and unforgettable . Lata sings, “mose chal kiye jye haye re haye re saiyyan beiman mose chal kiye jaye….”, on completion Dev sings in Rafi’s voice, “ kya se kya ho gaya bewafa tere pyar mein chaha kya kya mila bewafa tere pyar mein…” Finally the film returns , to village where Dev has commenced his fast for rains and people are converging to see the result, Waheeda too joins and then there is this song by S D Burman, “allaha megh de pani de chaye dede tu Rama megh de…” . representing the anxiety and agony of the situation. It rains but Raju is no more. We see here that the lovely songs of Shailendra have been utilized very sensibly by the genius Vijay Anand. The legendary filmmakers of Hindi cinema were aware of their place in history and also of the longevity of their work . A film may fade into memory but songs remain active on digital platforms. The original Indian competitive song programme ‘Antakshri’ ensures remembrance and longing specially among young who hum the same songs which their parents and grand parents did on account of the deep intrinsic quality of the songs to which they identify ; which have attained immortality outside of the celluloid reels. Even though less audience see films in cinema halls but on the digital and Tv platforms it remains high in demand and the periodic sale of satellite rights is proof of its longevity, much of it is on account of their songs. The Art films and films which do not have songs remain restricted in circulation and their viewership is confined to only Art house audience. The pull and attraction of ‘music’ among young is as strong as becoming an ‘actor’. A significant number of professionals after having graduated from reputed technical institutes and performing well in Firms and companies have left their secure jobs to pursue their inner call for music. Rise of talented and original lyricists such as Prasoon Joshi, Irshad Kamil, Amitabh Bannerjee, Kausar Munir, Swanand Kirkire and Sayed Kadri gives hope and reassurance that cinema music may have reduced but it is living. The recent success of ‘Rocky aur Rani…’ is yet another indication of its survivability . Music directors such as Amit Trivedi and Anirudh Ramachandran also inspire hope . Regarding singers there is glut and difficult to choose from . Popularity of old film songs programmes dedicated to ‘R D Burman’/ ‘S D Burman’/ ‘Shankar Jaikishen’ / ‘Kalyanji Anandji’ continue to enthral . Songs; are like the ‘umbilical cord’ to which Cinema shall remain tied for ever in India.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/scripting-through-songs-saga-of-hindi-cinema/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[SCRIPTING THROUGH SONGS: SAGA OF HINDI INEMA]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/scripting-through-songs-saga-of-hindi-inema/ The popularity of Music Directors was as high as that of the stars of the film and so their names appeared prominently on the posters. The story of Hindi Cinema is the story of its songs. Truly; our colorful, mosaic culture of rhythm and melody is captivated in reams of celluloid through last century and the present. Even when the films were silent the ‘live orchestra’ played to give sound to the songs at Opera House ,Mumbai and other cinema theatres . With the advent of ‘Talkies’ the singing stars, music directors and lyricists rose to the fore, the ‘playback singers’ came later. K L Sehgal, Suraya, Noor Jahan were the singing stars. Even Ashok Kumar had to sing with Devika Rani in the 1936, landmark Bombay Talkies film‘Achut Kanya’-“mein ban ki chiriya ban ban bolun re…” The popularity of Music Directors was as high as that of the stars of the film and so their names appeared prominently on the posters. Now with ‘mobile phones’ and digital media the trend has changed in the ‘golden old days’ most ardent filmgoers kept a diary where they would write regularly the lyrics of the film songs. The older generation may recollect that at the end of the cinema thin booklets of film songs would be sold by the moving vendors at 25 paise or so . One had made it a habit to purchase the same, preserve and to memorise the songs. For many years and even till the last decade, we remembered films through their songs, whilst discussing and appreciating them. The stars were discussed through the songs they sang on screen because they lip-synched; now most songs are played on the background Once, Devanand told a journalist that the biggest contribution to the cinema of his banner ‘Navketan’ were the songs. and it is indeed true. Recently there was ‘100 years of Dev Anand celebration’ all over India and many of his films were screened, I was not sure of the response; however, to my utter joy the audience were happy to sing along to his songs and were clapping, most were young people. The list of Navketan hits is endless ; starting from “dukhi man mere sun mera kahna…” ( Funtoosh ), “jayen to jayen kahan” ( Taxi driver ), “teri duniyan mein jine se to behtar hai ki mar jayen” ( house no 44 ),” tadbir se bigri hui taqdir banale”(Baazi), “Ankhon main kya ji sunehra badal”( Nau do gyaraha ),” gata rahe mera dil” ( Guide ),” Apni to har aah ik toofan hai ..Upar wala jaan kar anjaan hai” ( kala baazar ) “hum bekhudi mein tumko pukare chalegaye “( kala paani)” mein jindagi ka saaath nibha ta chala gaya”( Hum Dono), “Aasma ke niche hum aaj aapne peeche “( jewel thief ) and many more. It was only in the late fifties that the directors got a grip of the medium and got used to the technology of Cinema, but still the music directors , lyricists and singers had their sway as the public wanted more . The cinema goers understood cinema better through songs and story being unfolded through songs compared to the other dramatic aspects. Further; the intellectual level of the song writers such as Sahir Ludhyanvi, Shailendra, Majrooh Sultanpuri, Shakil Badayuni was of a much refined level, with a sense of social commitment, which reflected in their songs. However; all the top directors such as Mehboob Khan, Bimal Roy , Guru Dutt Raj Kapoor, Vijay Anand not only gave priority to songs but were masters in song picturization and they made landmark films with strong story and captivating dramatic situations, they understood the value of songs in Hindi Cinema and used them effectively as part of the narrative. The songs were essential turning points in the script.The Indian audience could relate to this style/form as it was brought up in singing drama tradition ( Ram Lila, Nautanki, Tamasha )and therefore would remember the films through songs. Raj Kapoor rose to be a ‘showman’ as he picturized dance sequences so powerfully that the song and dance stayed with the audience for a long time – “Ghar aaye mera pardesi aas bujhi mere akhiyan ki” of ‘Aawara’ is a very long song with a surreal part which was something new , after the success it was expected that Raj Kapoor will present similar soul stirring songs and he never disappointed- “ dil ka haal sune dil wala, chotisi baat na mirch masala” and “ Ramayya vasta vaiya ramaya vasta vaiya maine dil tuzhko diya” both from Shri 420. “ hai aag hamare sine main hum aag se khelte aate hain ..” of ‘Jis desh main Ganga behti hai’ and many more. Vijay Anand was known for his unique and distinct song picturizations which remains popular among the young even today. The most romantic song of the ‘Golden Era’ was picturized by Vijay Anand in ‘Hum-Dono’ on Devanand and Sadhna-“ Abhi na jao chod kar ke dil abhi bhara nahin” and the famous performance of Dev Anand wherein he is totally immersed in this song in the film Kala Bazaar “ khoya Khoya chand Khula Aasmaan ankhon me sari raat jayegi tum ko bhi kaise neend ayegi” where Dev dances alone under the moonlit night on hills and slopes and by the lake with Waheeda sitting at a distance listening ; Dev was attempting to express his feelings to her and she is amused. The originality of Vijay Anand is visible in 1970 film ‘Johny mera naam’ ; in the song “pal bhar ke liye koi hamen pyar karle , jhoota hi sahi” in which as Devanand woos Hema Malini numerous windows one by one emerge . The songs becomes popular on account of its own quality as well as on the basis of the performance of the actors; it is collaborative effort. Bimal Roy knew the placement of songs in his films and how to inspire musicians and lyricists to .give their best . The songs of ‘Madhumati’, ‘Sujata’, ‘Bandini’ are remembered still. The innate sense of ‘song picturization’ could be sensed in Guru Dutt from the 1952 film ‘Jaal’ in which he directed Devanand and Gita Bali –“ Ye raat ye Chandni phir kahan sun ja dil ki daastaan”; the seaside setting, moonlit night, a cottage on the beach and Dev strumming guitar and Geeta Dutt is in raptures. He had a great sense of music and dance and was a trained dancer under Uday Shankar before he joined films . His strength was his song picturization which could be discerned in his films such as – ‘Pyasa, Kagaj ke phool. Sahib bivi aur Gulam and Chaudhivin ka Chand’. After the failure of ‘Kagaz ke Phool’ he did not direct ‘Sahib Bivi aur Ghulam’ and ‘Chowdhivin ka Chand’ but he picturised all the songs himself . If we remove the songs from these films they would be hollow. Remember -“ bhanwara bada nadan hai, bagiyan ka mehman hai” picturised on Waheeda Rehman and Guru Dutt and the immortal “ Chaudhivin ka Chand Ho ya aftaab ho”. Songs were also used as a device to compress time , to simplify a complex situation or to introduce a character or even to relate the theme of the film . The primacy of music could be judged from the fact that most Stars and Film makers had their team from which they wavered very little because they were so safe and secure with their talent. Raj Kapoor’s voice was Mukesh and song writers Shailendra - Hasrat Jaipuri and musician- Shakar Jaikishan . Dilip Kumar’s team was- Mohammad Rafi, Naushad and Shakeel Badayuni - Mughal -e -Azam , Ganga Jamuna , Amar , Aan . Dev Anand had his favourite Sachin Dev Burman and songs by most top lyricist which gives his songs variety - Sahir ( Taxi Driver/Fantoosh/House No 44,Baazi and Hum Dono), Shailendra( Kala Baazar, Guide) , Majrooh Sultanpuri ( Nau do gyarah, Kala Paani, Jewel Thief) Hasrat Jaipuri ( Tere Ghar ke Samne , Jab Pyar kisi se Hota hai) . Mohamad Rafi sang for Dilip Kumar, Shammi Kapoor , Rajendra Kumar; he also sang for Dev Anand though the common perception was that Kishore Kumar was Dev’s voice . When new stars were to be launched much attention was accorded as to who would sing for them. Rajesh Khanna’s voice was Kishore Kumar after the super hit ‘Aaradhna’ which made Kishore supreme and slowed the popularity and assignments of Rafi . Rishi Kapoor’s launch also was boon for ‘Shailendra Singh’ who sang for ‘Bobby’ as Raj Kapoor wanted a new voice for his son. The dependence and centrality of songs in films was so strong that it is believed that many films were made just on the basis of songs and the story was woven and written around them to give them a structure . The famous film of Shammi Kapoor ‘Kashmir Ki Kali’ was made on the platform of songs - the music director O P Nayyar along with lyricist S H Bihari approached Shammi Kapoor and played a set of songs out of which he selected nine and the story was written around the songs. Similarly the famous film of Mahesh Bhatt ‘Aashiqui’ which starred Anu Agarwal and Rahul Roy and was a super hit on the success of its songs around which it was created, composed by Nadeem Shrawan and written Sameer and others. Two examples I shall present for better appreciation of songs in cinema and how they were scripted. Guru Dutt’s ‘Pyasa’ is a story of a poet, who has a romantic relationship during college with a girl who is now married to a rich man . He is unemployed and drifts from his family but develops a relationship with a prostitute who sings his songs . The movie begins with the recitation of ‘Urdu couplets’ in background establishing the identity of the protagonist and setting the mood . Guru Dutt happens to see Mala Sinha and there is a flash back song “hum aapki aankhon mein is dil ko basa dein to” conveying their relationship and setting up of a meeting. Waheeda Rehman who plays the prostitute is introduced through the famous song,” jane kya tune kahi jane kya maine suni baat kuch ban hi gayi..”, they meet in strange circumstances when Guru Dutt rescues her from the police stating that she was his wife. The song “jaane wo kaise log the jinko pyar ko pyar mila”, which Guru Dutt sings in the company of the established poets sets the conflict and suspicion in the mind of Mala Sinha’s husband Rehman. The song “jinhe naaz hai hind par wo kahan hein…” is set in a red light area with young breast feeding mother being engaged in flesh trade and poverty stricken people all over, this builds up the climax. The climax song is immortal , when Guru Dutt reappears after being declared dead and there is an assembly to honour him and his works being Presided by Rehman and others, the light is from behind and Guru Dutt has spread his arms reminding of ‘Crucification’; he sings the immortal signature song “ ye mehlon ye takhton.. ye tazon ki duniya.. ye Insan ke Dushman Samajon ki duniya .. Ye Duniya agar mil bhi jaye to kya hai”. There is chaos : Finally Gurudutt escapes and walks out against the sunset holding the hand of Waheeda Rehman and the song, “aaj sajan mohe ang lagalo janam safal ho jaye” playing in the background. So we see that the songs were not only beautifully picturised but were so intelligently placed so that they were enmeshed with the story and effect is cathartic whilst the audience rise from their seats with a lump in their throat reminiscing the title song. Guide. This Vijay Anand directed classic was ahead of its time when made in 1966 based on the Novel By R K Narayan –‘The Guide’. it was a risky proposition dealing with the subject of adultery. The songs are hummed to this day and are structured to tell the story. It is a story of Raju guide played by Dev Anand and Rosy a married woman ( Waheeda Rehman ); how Raju makes her a dancer of fame , drifts, goes to jail and redeems himself. It is an irony that the film won seven filmfare awards ,but was not awarded the music trophy, which S D Burman deserved . The film opens with The S D Burman sung song in background, “ yahan kaun hai tera musafir jayega kahan..”, during this time the casting is shown and Dev’s journey from jail to a village where he finally settles as priest is covered. The movie moves in flash back and the first twist is marked with the song of Waheeda when she breaks free of her husband, “ katon se kheench ke ye anchal todr ke bandhan pehni payal… aaj phir jeene ki tamanna hai aaj phir marne ka irada hai…”. Raju guide and Rosy fall in love, but Rosy has doubts and Dev convinces her of his love , “tere mere sapne ab ek rang hain yo jahan bhi lejayen hum sung hein…”. Dev brings Rosy home there is problem of her being accepted and continue with her dancing but Dev insists to bring her to stage and she not only dances but becomes famous , the song “piya tose naina lage re jane kya ho ab aage re” is played in many situations as she continues to rise the popularity ladder. There is strain in relationship as Dev gambles and makes money on her success, he misses her when drunk and sings , “din dhal jaye par raat na jaye tu to na aye teri yaad sataye, din dhal…”; this is a turning point. Dev is charged for forgery and is to be jailed, prior to that he wants to meet Rosy , the police Inspector is his friend and obliges. At this juncture there are two songs one after the other and narrate the story forward. One is by Waheeda implicating Dev and the second by Dev implicating Waheeda, it is a unique sequence and unforgettable . Lata sings, “mose chal kiye jye haye re haye re saiyyan beiman mose chal kiye jaye….”, on completion Dev sings in Rafi’s voice, “ kya se kya ho gaya bewafa tere pyar mein chaha kya kya mila bewafa tere pyar mein…” Finally the film returns , to village where Dev has commenced his fast for rains and people are converging to see the result, Waheeda too joins and then there is this song by S D Burman, “allaha megh de pani de chaye dede tu Rama megh de…” . representing the anxiety and agony of the situation. It rains but Raju is no more. We see here that the lovely songs of Shailendra have been utilized very sensibly by the genius Vijay Anand. The legendary filmmakers of Hindi cinema were aware of their place in history and also of the longevity of their work . A film may fade into memory but songs remain active on digital platforms. The original Indian competitive song programme ‘Antakshri’ ensures remembrance and longing specially among young who hum the same songs which their parents and grand parents did on account of the deep intrinsic quality of the songs to which they identify ; which have attained immortality outside of the celluloid reels. Even though less audience see films in cinema halls but on the digital and Tv platforms it remains high in demand and the periodic sale of satellite rights is proof of its longevity, much of it is on account of their songs. The Art films and films which do not have songs remain restricted in circulation and their viewership is confined to only Art house audience. The pull and attraction of ‘music’ among young is as strong as becoming an ‘actor’. A significant number of professionals after having graduated from reputed technical institutes and performing well in Firms and companies have left their secure jobs to pursue their inner call for music. Rise of talented and original lyricists such as Prasoon Joshi, Irshad Kamil, Amitabh Bannerjee, Kausar Munir, Swanand Kirkire and Sayed Kadri gives hope and reassurance that cinema music may have reduced but it is living. The recent success of ‘Rocky aur Rani…’ is yet another indication of its survivability . Music directors such as Amit Trivedi and Anirudh Ramachandran also inspire hope . Regarding singers there is glut and difficult to choose from . Popularity of old film songs programmes dedicated to ‘R D Burman’/ ‘S D Burman’/ ‘Shankar Jaikishen’ / ‘Kalyanji Anandji’ continue to enthral . Songs; are like the ‘umbilical cord’ to which Cinema shall remain tied for ever in India.      ]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/scripting-through-songs-saga-of-hindi-inema/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Space Accidents]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/space-accidents/ While space accidents have tragically claimed lives and posed challenges to space programmes, they have also catalyzed advancements, fostered international cooperation, and shaped public perceptions of humanity's quest to explore the cosmos. Accidents and causalities in the space are not new thing in the human history. Care has been taken to the utmost to prevent the spaceflight-related accidents and incidents resulting in human death or serious injury. These include incidents during flight or training for crewed space missions and testing, assembly, preparation, or flight of crewed and robotic spacecraft. Not included are accidents or incidents associated with intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) tests, fatality or injury to test animals, uncrewed space flights, rocket-powered aircraft projects of World War II, or conspiracy theories about alleged unreported Soviet space accidents. As of 2024, there have been 19 astronaut fatalities during spaceflight that either crossed, or was intended to cross, the boundary of space as defined by the United States (50 miles above sea level). Astronauts have also died while training for space missions, such as the Apollo 1 launch pad fire that killed an entire crew of three. There have also been some non-astronaut fatalities during spaceflight-related activities. As of 2024, there have been over 188 fatalities in incidents regarding spaceflight. As of March 2024, in-flight accidents have killed 15 astronauts and 4 cosmonauts in five separate incidents. Three of the flights had flown above the Kármán line (edge of space), and one was intended to do so. In each of these accidents the entire crew was killed. As of November 2023, a total of 676 people have flown into space and 19 of them have died. This sets the current statistical fatality rate at 2.8 percent. NASA astronauts who died on duty are memorialized at the Space Mirror Memorial at the Kennedy Space Center Visitor Complex in Merritt Island, Florida. Cosmonauts who died on duty under the Soviet Union were generally honored by burial at the Kremlin Wall Necropolis in Moscow. No Soviet or Russian cosmonauts have died during spaceflight since 1971. The history of space accidents is marked by notable incidents that have shaped space exploration and safety protocols. Here are some significant events: Apollo 1 (1967): A tragic fire during a pre-launch test killed all three crew members (Gus Grissom, Ed White, and Roger Chaffee) inside the Apollo command module. Soyuz 1 (1967): Soviet cosmonaut Vladimir Komarov died when his Soyuz spacecraft crashed during re-entry due to a parachute failure. Soyuz 11 (1971): Three Soviet cosmonauts died during re-entry when their spacecraft depressurized following undocking from the Salyut 1 space station. Challenger Disaster (1986): Space Shuttle Challenger broke apart 73 seconds after launch due to the failure of an O-ring seal in one of the solid rocket boosters, resulting in the deaths of all seven crew members. Columbia Disaster (2003): Space Shuttle Columbia disintegrated upon re-entry into the Earth’s atmosphere, caused by damage sustained to its heat shield during launch. All seven crew members were killed. SpaceShipTwo Crash (2014): During a test flight, SpaceShipTwo, a suborbital spaceplane developed by Virgin Galactic, broke apart in mid-air, resulting in the death of one pilot and serious injury to another. Progress M-27M (2015): A Russian Progress spacecraft carrying supplies to the International Space Station (ISS) malfunctioned shortly after launch and eventually burned up in the Earth’s atmosphere. SpaceX Falcon 9 Explosion (2016): A Falcon 9 rocket exploded on the launch pad during a pre-launch test, destroying the rocket and its payload, a satellite intended for Facebook. These incidents highlight the risks and challenges inherent in space exploration. Each has contributed to improvements in spacecraft design, safety procedures, and a deeper understanding of the complexities of space travel. Ways to prevent space accidents Preventing space accidents is crucial for the safety of astronauts, the success of missions, and the protection of valuable equipment. Here are several key ways to prevent space accidents: Thorough Pre-Mission Planning: Identify potential hazards and risks associated with the mission. Simulation and Testing: Conduct extensive simulations and testing of equipment and procedures to uncover and mitigate potential issues before launch. Robust Training and Education: Ensure astronauts are well-trained in emergency procedures, equipment operation, and response to unexpected situations. Train ground personnel thoroughly in monitoring, decision-making, and responding to emergencies. Strict Adherence to Protocols and Procedures: Develop and enforce strict protocols for every phase of the mission, from launch to landing. Ensure all personnel (astronauts, mission controllers, ground crew) understand and adhere to these protocols. Regular Maintenance and Inspection: Conduct regular maintenance and inspections of spacecraft, equipment, and facilities to detect and address potential issues before they become problems. Implement redundancy and fail-safes where possible to mitigate equipment failures. Real-Time Monitoring and Communication: Establish robust communication systems between mission control and astronauts to provide real-time monitoring and support. Continuously monitor spacecraft telemetry and environmental conditions to detect anomalies early. Risk Mitigation Strategies: Develop contingency plans and emergency response procedures for various types of potential accidents. Implement strategies to minimize the impact of accidents if they do occur (e.g., emergency escape procedures). Space Traffic Management: Coordinate with other space agencies and organizations to track and manage space debris and satellite movements to reduce collision risks. Technological Advancements: Invest in and adopt new technologies that improve safety and reliability of spacecraft and missions. Research and development to improve materials, propulsion systems, and navigation technology. Learn from Past Incidents: Analyze and learn from previous space accidents and incidents to improve future mission planning and safety protocols. Implement recommendations and lessons learned from accident investigations. International Cooperation and Standards: Work with international partners to establish and adhere to common safety standards and practices.Collaborate on research and development of safety technologies and protocols.By implementing these measures, space agencies and organizations can significantly reduce the likelihood of space accidents and enhance overall mission success and safety. (Photo Credit: NASA Archives)]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/space-accidents/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Jalore’s Camel Cart Wedding: A Captivating Blend Of Heritage And Celebration]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/art-culture/jalores-camel-cart-wedding-a-captivating-blend-of-heritage-and-celebration/ In a departure from the usual opulence of modern wedding processions, the town of Jalore, Rajasthan, recently witnessed a charming and traditional celebration. The groom, belonging to the Dewasi community, arrived at the wedding venue in a distinctive manner—not atop a horse or in a luxurious car, but on a beautifully decorated camel cart. Accompanied by a procession of over 40 camels, the sight was a delightful surprise for the locals expecting a more conventional arrival. Wagata Ram Dewasi, the groom's father, revealed that the bride's family had anticipated a modern entrance with grand cars, aligning with current urban wedding trends. However, Vikram Dewasi, the groom, chose to honor his community's customs and cultural heritage by opting for the camel-drawn cart. Vikram, son of Wagata Ram Dewasi from Bhawatra village, was marrying Choparam, daughter of Paras Dewasi from Valera. The camel-drawn procession, adorned in vibrant decorations, arrived at the venue in the evening, becoming an instant attraction. This unique celebration not only delighted onlookers but also underscored the resilience and pride of the Dewasi community in preserving their traditions amidst evolving wedding customs across India.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/art-culture/jalores-camel-cart-wedding-a-captivating-blend-of-heritage-and-celebration/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Parliamentary Expunction Practices]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/parliamentary-expunction-practices-2/ In the hallowed halls of India’s Parliament, words carry immense weight. They shape laws, influence policy, and reflect the will of the people. But what happens when those words cross a line? This question lies at the heart of a recent controversy that has gripped the nation’s legislative bodies. In the hallowed halls of India’s Parliament, words carry immense weight. They shape laws, influence policy, and reflect the will of the people. But what happens when those words cross a line? This question lies at the heart of a recent controversy that has gripped the nation’s legislative bodies. The recent session of the 18th Lok Sabha turned into a hotbed of contention, casting a spotlight on a long-standing parliamentary practice: the expunction of remarks from official records. This procedure, intended to uphold decorum and protect the integrity of parliamentary discourse, has become a contentious issue between the opposition and the ruling party. During this session, statements made by key opposition figures, including Rahul Gandhi, Mallikarjun Kharge, and Jairam Ramesh, were expunged from the records of both the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. This move has sparked renewed debates about the delicate balance between free speech and parliamentary propriety. The incident has raised critical questions about the limits of acceptable discourse within the hallowed halls of India’s democracy. The Constitutional Framework and Rules Governing Expunction At the heart of this issue lies Article 105 of the Indian Constitution, which grants Members of Parliament (MPs) the privilege of freedom of speech within the legislative chambers. However, this freedom is not absolute and is subject to other constitutional provisions and the rules of each house. The power to expunge remarks rests with the presiding officers of both houses. In the Lok Sabha, this authority belongs to the Speaker, while in the Rajya Sabha, it falls to the Chairman. Rule 261 of the Rajya Sabha and Rules 380 and 381 of the Lok Sabha provide the legal basis for expunction. These rules empower the presiding officers to remove words or phrases deemed “defamatory, indecent, unparliamentary or undignified” from the official records. The Process of Expunction and Its Implications When a remark is expunged, it is effectively erased from the official record of parliamentary proceedings. In practice, this means that the offending words are replaced with asterisks in the transcript, accompanied by a footnote explaining that the content was “expunged as ordered by the Chair.” This process is not merely a clerical exercise but carries significant implications. Once expunged, these remarks cease to exist in the official narrative of parliamentary discourse. Any subsequent publication of expunged content could potentially lead to charges of breach of parliamentary privilege. This aspect of expunction underscores its gravity and the importance placed on maintaining the sanctity of official records. Grounds for Expunction: A Delicate Balance The grounds for expunction are multifaceted and reflect the complex nature of parliamentary discourse. Unparliamentary language, personal allegations, and irrelevant remarks are among the most common reasons for expunction. However, the scope extends beyond mere decorum. Remarks that could be prejudicial to national interest, detrimental to friendly relations with foreign states, or likely to offend national sentiments may also face expunction. The presiding officers must navigate a delicate balance, ensuring that the freedom of speech is preserved while maintaining the dignity and efficacy of parliamentary proceedings. Historical Context and Evolving Standards The practice of expunction is not new to Indian parliamentary history. A notable example dates back to the time of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who objected to the derogatory mention of the President of Pakistan during a parliamentary session. This incident highlights how expunction has long been used as a tool to maintain diplomatic sensitivities and uphold the decorum of international relations within parliamentary debates. Over time, the scope of expunction in India’s Parliament has expanded significantly. Originally aimed at maintaining decorum and safeguarding the integrity of parliamentary proceedings, it now encompasses broader considerations, such as protecting the reputation of the armed forces and fostering religious harmony. This evolution highlights the delicate balance between freedom of expression and the preservation of parliamentary propriety. In a notable incident from August 2023, BJP MP Nishikant Dubey’s remarks linking Congress, NewsClick, and journalists to China were initially expunged from the parliamentary records. However, this decision was later reversed, sparking controversy and renewing discussions about the application and implications of expunction in contemporary parliamentary debates. Special Considerations for Allegations Against Ministers Interestingly, the rules governing expunction make a distinction when it comes to allegations against government ministers. Rule 353 of the Lok Sabha allows for allegations against colleagues or outsiders, provided there is advance notice. This provision reflects the principle of ministerial accountability to Parliament. It allows MPs to question ministers and make imputations about their conduct as part of their duty to ensure government accountability. However, this rule does not apply to general allegations against ministers, recognizing the unique position of the Council of Ministers in relation to Parliament. Recent Controversies The recent expunctions that sparked controversy involved high-profile opposition leaders. In the Lok Sabha, parts of Rahul Gandhi’s speech criticizing Prime Minister Narendra Modi were expunged by Speaker Om Birla. Similarly, in the Rajya Sabha, Chairman Jagdeep Dhankhar removed significant portions of Leader of Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge’s speech, which was critical of the Prime Minister and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). These actions led to accusations of selective expunction and raised questions about the consistent application of parliamentary rules across party lines. The Digital Age Challenge: When Expunction Meets Live Broadcasting In the era of live television broadcasts and social media, the practice of expunction faces new challenges. While remarks may be removed from official records, they often remain accessible through recordings of live broadcasts and social media shares. This digital persistence raises questions about the effectiveness and relevance of expunction in modern times. It creates a dichotomy between the official record and the public’s access to information, potentially undermining the very purpose of expunction. The Way Forward: Balancing Tradition with Modernity As India’s parliamentary system grapples with these challenges, there are calls for modernization and adaptation. Suggestions include the implementation of advanced monitoring tools that could automatically blur or mute expunged remarks in live broadcasts and recordings. There is also a growing recognition of the need for public awareness and education about the practice of expunction. This could foster a more informed citizenry and encourage responsible reporting and sharing of parliamentary proceedings. The Importance of Expunction in Parliamentary Democracy Despite the challenges and controversies, the practice of expunction continues to play a crucial role in India’s parliamentary democracy. It serves as a safeguard against the misuse of parliamentary privilege and helps maintain the standards of discourse within the legislative chambers. Expunction ensures that debates remain respectful, relevant, and accurate. It upholds the dignity of the House and its members, contributing to the overall integrity of the parliamentary process. Striking a Balance: Freedom of Speech vs. Parliamentary Decorum The ongoing debate surrounding expunction practices highlights the tension between two fundamental principles: the freedom of speech of elected representatives and the need for decorum and dignity in parliamentary proceedings. Finding the right balance between these principles is crucial for the healthy functioning of India’s democracy. It requires careful consideration of each case, consistent application of rules, and a commitment to transparency. The Role of Presiding Officers: Guardians of Parliamentary Integrity The Speaker of the Lok Sabha and the Chairman of the Rajya Sabha bear significant responsibility in this process. Their decisions on expunction can shape the course of parliamentary debate and influence public perception of political discourse. These presiding officers must exercise their powers judiciously, ensuring that expunction is used as a tool to enhance the quality of debate rather than stifle legitimate criticism or dissent. The Broader Implications: Transparency and Public Trust The practice of expunction has broader implications for transparency in governance and public trust in democratic institutions. While it serves to maintain decorum, it also raises questions about the public’s right to know what transpires in the halls of Parliament. Striking the right balance between maintaining parliamentary standards and ensuring transparency is crucial for preserving public faith in the democratic process. Shaping the Future of Parliamentary Discourse As India’s democracy continues to evolve, so too must its parliamentary practices. The recent controversies surrounding expunction have brought this age-old practice into the spotlight, prompting a necessary debate about its place in modern governance. While expunction remains a valuable tool for maintaining the integrity of parliamentary proceedings, its application in the digital age requires careful consideration and potential adaptation. The challenge lies in preserving the essence of this practice while ensuring it remains relevant and effective in an era of instant communication and widespread information sharing. As India moves forward, the practice of expunction will likely continue to be a subject of debate and potential reform. The goal should be to strike a balance that upholds the dignity of Parliament while respecting the principles of transparency and freedom of speech that are fundamental to a thriving democracy. In the end, the evolution of expunction practices will play a crucial role in shaping the future of India’s parliamentary democracy, influencing how elected representatives engage in debate and how the public perceives and participates in the democratic process.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/parliamentary-expunction-practices-2/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Parliamentary Expunction Practices]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/parliamentary-expunction-practices/ In the hallowed halls of India’s Parliament, words carry immense weight. They shape laws, influence policy, and reflect the will of the people. But what happens when those words cross a line? This question lies at the heart of a recent controversy that has gripped the nation’s legislative bodies. In the hallowed halls of India’s Parliament, words carry immense weight. They shape laws, influence policy, and reflect the will of the people. But what happens when those words cross a line? This question lies at the heart of a recent controversy that has gripped the nation’s legislative bodies. The recent session of the 18th Lok Sabha turned into a hotbed of contention, casting a spotlight on a long-standing parliamentary practice: the expunction of remarks from official records. This procedure, intended to uphold decorum and protect the integrity of parliamentary discourse, has become a contentious issue between the opposition and the ruling party. During this session, statements made by key opposition figures, including Rahul Gandhi, Mallikarjun Kharge, and Jairam Ramesh, were expunged from the records of both the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. This move has sparked renewed debates about the delicate balance between free speech and parliamentary propriety. The incident has raised critical questions about the limits of acceptable discourse within the hallowed halls of India’s democracy. The Constitutional Framework and Rules Governing Expunction At the heart of this issue lies Article 105 of the Indian Constitution, which grants Members of Parliament (MPs) the privilege of freedom of speech within the legislative chambers. However, this freedom is not absolute and is subject to other constitutional provisions and the rules of each house. The power to expunge remarks rests with the presiding officers of both houses. In the Lok Sabha, this authority belongs to the Speaker, while in the Rajya Sabha, it falls to the Chairman. Rule 261 of the Rajya Sabha and Rules 380 and 381 of the Lok Sabha provide the legal basis for expunction. These rules empower the presiding officers to remove words or phrases deemed “defamatory, indecent, unparliamentary or undignified” from the official records. The Process of Expunction and Its Implications When a remark is expunged, it is effectively erased from the official record of parliamentary proceedings. In practice, this means that the offending words are replaced with asterisks in the transcript, accompanied by a footnote explaining that the content was “expunged as ordered by the Chair.” This process is not merely a clerical exercise but carries significant implications. Once expunged, these remarks cease to exist in the official narrative of parliamentary discourse. Any subsequent publication of expunged content could potentially lead to charges of breach of parliamentary privilege. This aspect of expunction underscores its gravity and the importance placed on maintaining the sanctity of official records. Grounds for Expunction: A Delicate Balance The grounds for expunction are multifaceted and reflect the complex nature of parliamentary discourse. Unparliamentary language, personal allegations, and irrelevant remarks are among the most common reasons for expunction. However, the scope extends beyond mere decorum. Remarks that could be prejudicial to national interest, detrimental to friendly relations with foreign states, or likely to offend national sentiments may also face expunction. The presiding officers must navigate a delicate balance, ensuring that the freedom of speech is preserved while maintaining the dignity and efficacy of parliamentary proceedings. Historical Context and Evolving Standards The practice of expunction is not new to Indian parliamentary history. A notable example dates back to the time of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who objected to the derogatory mention of the President of Pakistan during a parliamentary session. This incident highlights how expunction has long been used as a tool to maintain diplomatic sensitivities and uphold the decorum of international relations within parliamentary debates. Over time, the scope of expunction in India’s Parliament has expanded significantly. Originally aimed at maintaining decorum and safeguarding the integrity of parliamentary proceedings, it now encompasses broader considerations, such as protecting the reputation of the armed forces and fostering religious harmony. This evolution highlights the delicate balance between freedom of expression and the preservation of parliamentary propriety. In a notable incident from August 2023, BJP MP Nishikant Dubey’s remarks linking Congress, NewsClick, and journalists to China were initially expunged from the parliamentary records. However, this decision was later reversed, sparking controversy and renewing discussions about the application and implications of expunction in contemporary parliamentary debates. Special Considerations for Allegations Against Ministers Interestingly, the rules governing expunction make a distinction when it comes to allegations against government ministers. Rule 353 of the Lok Sabha allows for allegations against colleagues or outsiders, provided there is advance notice. This provision reflects the principle of ministerial accountability to Parliament. It allows MPs to question ministers and make imputations about their conduct as part of their duty to ensure government accountability. However, this rule does not apply to general allegations against ministers, recognizing the unique position of the Council of Ministers in relation to Parliament. Recent Controversies The recent expunctions that sparked controversy involved high-profile opposition leaders. In the Lok Sabha, parts of Rahul Gandhi’s speech criticizing Prime Minister Narendra Modi were expunged by Speaker Om Birla. Similarly, in the Rajya Sabha, Chairman Jagdeep Dhankhar removed significant portions of Leader of Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge’s speech, which was critical of the Prime Minister and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). These actions led to accusations of selective expunction and raised questions about the consistent application of parliamentary rules across party lines. The Digital Age Challenge: When Expunction Meets Live Broadcasting In the era of live television broadcasts and social media, the practice of expunction faces new challenges. While remarks may be removed from official records, they often remain accessible through recordings of live broadcasts and social media shares. This digital persistence raises questions about the effectiveness and relevance of expunction in modern times. It creates a dichotomy between the official record and the public’s access to information, potentially undermining the very purpose of expunction. The Way Forward: Balancing Tradition with Modernity As India’s parliamentary system grapples with these challenges, there are calls for modernization and adaptation. Suggestions include the implementation of advanced monitoring tools that could automatically blur or mute expunged remarks in live broadcasts and recordings. There is also a growing recognition of the need for public awareness and education about the practice of expunction. This could foster a more informed citizenry and encourage responsible reporting and sharing of parliamentary proceedings. The Importance of Expunction in Parliamentary Democracy Despite the challenges and controversies, the practice of expunction continues to play a crucial role in India’s parliamentary democracy. It serves as a safeguard against the misuse of parliamentary privilege and helps maintain the standards of discourse within the legislative chambers. Expunction ensures that debates remain respectful, relevant, and accurate. It upholds the dignity of the House and its members, contributing to the overall integrity of the parliamentary process. Striking a Balance: Freedom of Speech vs. Parliamentary Decorum The ongoing debate surrounding expunction practices highlights the tension between two fundamental principles: the freedom of speech of elected representatives and the need for decorum and dignity in parliamentary proceedings. Finding the right balance between these principles is crucial for the healthy functioning of India’s democracy. It requires careful consideration of each case, consistent application of rules, and a commitment to transparency. The Role of Presiding Officers: Guardians of Parliamentary Integrity The Speaker of the Lok Sabha and the Chairman of the Rajya Sabha bear significant responsibility in this process. Their decisions on expunction can shape the course of parliamentary debate and influence public perception of political discourse. These presiding officers must exercise their powers judiciously, ensuring that expunction is used as a tool to enhance the quality of debate rather than stifle legitimate criticism or dissent. The Broader Implications: Transparency and Public Trust The practice of expunction has broader implications for transparency in governance and public trust in democratic institutions. While it serves to maintain decorum, it also raises questions about the public’s right to know what transpires in the halls of Parliament. Striking the right balance between maintaining parliamentary standards and ensuring transparency is crucial for preserving public faith in the democratic process. Shaping the Future of Parliamentary Discourse As India’s democracy continues to evolve, so too must its parliamentary practices. The recent controversies surrounding expunction have brought this age-old practice into the spotlight, prompting a necessary debate about its place in modern governance. While expunction remains a valuable tool for maintaining the integrity of parliamentary proceedings, its application in the digital age requires careful consideration and potential adaptation. The challenge lies in preserving the essence of this practice while ensuring it remains relevant and effective in an era of instant communication and widespread information sharing. As India moves forward, the practice of expunction will likely continue to be a subject of debate and potential reform. The goal should be to strike a balance that upholds the dignity of Parliament while respecting the principles of transparency and freedom of speech that are fundamental to a thriving democracy. In the end, the evolution of expunction practices will play a crucial role in shaping the future of India’s parliamentary democracy, influencing how elected representatives engage in debate and how the public perceives and participates in the democratic process.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/parliamentary-expunction-practices/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[France Presidential Elections]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/france-presidential-elections/ Since 1965, French presidents have been elected by direct popular vote in a two-round system if no candidate wins a majority in the first round. The President of France holds significant executive powers, including the ability to appoint the Prime Minister, dissolve the National Assembly, and conduct foreign policy. French presidential elections have witnessed historic moments, including the election of the first Socialist president under the Fifth Republic (François Mitterrand in 1981) and the election of the youngest president (Emmanuel Macron in 2017). Establishment of the Fifth Republic: The current system of presidential elections in France was established with the adoption of the Fifth Republic constitution in 1958, following the Algerian War and political instability. First Presidential Election (1958): The first direct presidential election under the Fifth Republic took place in December 1958. Charles de Gaulle, a prominent World War II general and leader of the Free French Forces, was elected as the first President of the Fifth Republic. Seven-Year Terms: Initially, the term of office for the President was set at seven years. This was later reduced to five years through a referendum in 2000. Role of the President: The President of France holds significant executive powers, including the ability to appoint the Prime Minister, dissolve the National Assembly, and conduct foreign policy. Direct Election: French presidents are directly elected by popular vote. If no candidate receives an absolute majority in the first round, a runoff election is held between the top two candidates. Notable Elections 1965: Charles de Gaulle was re-elected in the first direct presidential election. 1981: François Mitterrand became the first Socialist president under the Fifth Republic. 1995: Jacques Chirac's victory marked the first time a president from the Rally for the Republic (RPR) was elected. 2007: Nicolas Sarkozy, leader of the Union for a Popular Movement (UMP), won the presidency. 2012: François Hollande, of the Socialist Party, defeated Sarkozy. 2017: Emmanuel Macron, an independent centrist, won the presidency under the En Marche! movement, defeating Marine Le Pen of the National Front in the runoff. Importance of Runoff Elections: Runoff elections have been pivotal in deciding the presidency when no candidate secures a majority in the first round, often influencing coalition-building and strategic voting. Evolution of Political Landscape: Over the years, French presidential elections have reflected shifts in political alliances, the rise of new parties, and the evolving socio-economic concerns of the electorate. Presidential Powers and Influence: The presidency in France is central to both domestic governance and international relations, with presidents playing key roles in shaping policies and representing the nation on the global stage. Overall, the history of presidential elections in France showcases a blend of tradition, political change, and the democratic process evolving within the framework of the Fifth Republic. Interesting facts French presidential elections are not only significant politically but also culturally and historically rich. Here are some interesting facts about French presidential polls: Direct Elections: France is one of the few countries where the president is elected directly by the people through a popular vote. This system was established under the Fifth Republic in 1958. Two-Round System: French presidential elections use a two-round system. If no candidate receives an absolute majority (50% + 1) in the first round, a runoff election is held between the top two candidates. Term Length: Initially set at seven years, the term of the French President was reduced to five years following a referendum in 2000. This change aimed to align the presidential term with that of the National Assembly. Role of the Constitutional Council: The Constitutional Council plays a crucial role in French presidential elections by validating the candidacy of individuals and ensuring the fairness and legality of the election process. First Round Dynamics: The first round of French presidential elections often features a diverse array of candidates representing various political parties and ideologies, including major parties, independents, and smaller factions. Runoff Dynamics: Runoff elections in France have historically been pivotal moments where coalitions are formed, endorsements are sought, and strategic voting becomes crucial. This can significantly influence the outcome of the election. Significance of Debates: Televised debates between presidential candidates are highly anticipated events in French politics. These debates provide a platform for candidates to present their policies, engage in direct confrontations, and sway undecided voters. Bipartisan Politics: French presidential elections traditionally feature a second-round runoff between candidates from the two largest political parties or coalitions. However, recent elections have seen the rise of candidates from outside the traditional party structures. Impact of Regional Dynamics: Regional variations in voting patterns and political preferences play a significant role in French presidential elections, reflecting diverse economic, social, and cultural landscapes across the country. Historic Moments: French presidential elections have witnessed historic moments, including the election of the first Socialist president under the Fifth Republic (François Mitterrand in 1981) and the election of the youngest president (Emmanuel Macron in 2017). Overall, French presidential elections are characterized by their democratic process, strategic campaignin g, and the role they play in shaping France's political landscape and international relations.  ]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/france-presidential-elections/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[A Journey Through India’s Ancient Currency]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/a-journey-through-indias-ancient-currency/ India's Monetary Evolution India's long and vibrant history shines through its currency. The evolution of Indian exchange systems tells a compelling story. Holding a rupee means holding a piece of Indian history. Indian transaction methods stretch back millennia, weaving a fascinating narrative. From Punch-Marks to Paper This journey began with simple, punch-marked coins during the ancient Mauryan Empire. As centuries passed, the monetary system grew more complex. The Mughals introduced a standardized silver coin known as the "rupee." This progression mirrors the rise and fall of empires. It also shows the growing importance of commerce in Indian society. The Mauryan Era (6th BCE - 2nd BCE) The concept of standardized coins emerged during the Mauryan Empire (322–185 BCE). This period saw significant advancements across various fields. Early coins, made from silver and copper, were simple yet effective. They lacked intricate designs, instead bearing a series of punched marks. These marks likely represented cities, merchants, or rulers. They offer a glimpse into the economic structure of the time. Archaeological Discoveries Excavations have unearthed many punch-marked coins, especially in Taxila. This ancient city, now in Pakistan, has yielded valuable insights. These finds illuminate the early stages of Indian coinage and the Mauryan economic landscape. The Golden Gupta Age (4th-6th CE) The Gupta Empire ushered in a golden age for Indian art. This artistic prowess extended to their coinage. Gupta coins, primarily gold, featured intricate designs. These motifs reflected the empire's social, religious, and political spheres. The coins often depicted rulers and revered figures from Indian mythology. They showcase the artistic mastery of the Gupta period. Medieval Transformations (12th-18th CE) The Delhi Sultanate Influence The Delhi Sultanate's arrival in the 12th century marked a significant shift. Coin design changed dramatically. New coins displayed beautiful Arabic calligraphy instead of royal portraits. This change reflected the culture and religion of the new Muslim rulers. Despite these aesthetic changes, coins continued to be minted in gold, silver, and copper. Coin Denominations Large gold coins were called Tankas. Smaller ones, made of silver or copper, were known as Jittals. These varying denominations hint at a complex economic system. The Mughal Impact The Mughal Empire, established in 1526 AD, transformed Indian currency. They standardized the monetary system across their vast empire. This ensured a more unified and efficient economic structure. Birth of the Rupee Sher Shah Suri, who briefly interrupted Mughal rule, introduced a pivotal change in 1540. He issued a silver coin called the rupiya, weighing about 178 grams. This coin laid the foundation for the modern Indian rupee. Silver remained the primary metal for coinage throughout the Mughal period. The British East India Company Era (1600s-18th CE) The British East India Company's arrival marked another chapter in Indian currency history. Interestingly, Mughal currency remained dominant initially. In 1717, the company received permission to mint coins at the Bombay mint. British Coinage in India These British-minted coins had unique names:
  • Carolina (gold)
  • Angelina (silver)
  • Cupperoon (copper)
  • Tinny (tin)
The Rise of Paper Currency The 18th century witnessed a revolutionary change - paper money! Banks like the Bank of Hindostan, General Bank of Bengal, and Bengal Bank issued the first paper currency. This innovation streamlined financial transactions and modernized India's monetary system. A Legacy Etched in Metal From punch-marked coins to the standardized rupiya, Indian currency tells a compelling story. These coins stand as silent witnesses to historical changes. They reflect shifting cultural landscapes and evolving trade practices. Coins as Historical Records Each coin, with its unique design and weight, serves as a miniature historical record. These ancient coins reveal much about India's past. They show how money changed over centuries while trade remained a constant in Indian life. Coins and Social Structures Beyond their historical value, ancient Indian coins offer insights into social and economic structures:
  1. Mauryan coins hint at bustling trade networks, facilitating local and international commerce.
  2. Gupta coins showcase the period's artistic achievements and religious influences.
  3. Delhi Sultanate's Tankas and Jittals suggest an economy with various wealth levels.
A Tangible Link to the Past Ancient Indian coins connect us to history in a tangible way. Unlike subjective historical texts, coins offer concrete evidence. Their weight, metal content, and markings reveal economic practices and artistic styles of bygone eras. Bridging Time These coins bridge present and past. They help us imagine bustling marketplaces and intricate trade routes. We can envision skilled artisans crafting these historical pieces. Studying them deepens our appreciation for our ancestors' ingenuity and resourcefulness. The Ongoing Journey of Discovery India's currency journey continues to unfold. New archaeological discoveries reveal more about monetary evolution. Each find enhances our understanding of India's economic and cultural development. Coins as Time Capsules Ancient Indian coins are like tiny history books waiting to be read. Each coin, with its unique markings and composition, tells a story. By piecing these stories together, we gain a clearer view of India's vibrant past. Conclusion The journey of Indian currency from ancient times to the present day is a testament to the country's rich cultural and economic heritage. From the simple punch-marked coins of the Mauryan era to the intricate designs of the Gupta period, from the calligraphy-adorned coins of the Delhi Sultanate to the standardized rupee of the Mughal Empire, each phase of Indian coinage tells a unique story. These coins do more than facilitate trade; they serve as miniature time capsules, preserving snippets of history in metal. They reflect the artistic achievements, religious influences, and economic structures of their times. The introduction of paper currency by the British East India Company marked another significant milestone in this journey. As archaeologists and historians continue to unearth new discoveries, our understanding of India's monetary history deepens. Each coin, whether a grand gold Tanka or a humble copper Jittal, adds to our knowledge of India's past. They offer tangible links to ancient marketplaces, trade routes, and the daily lives of our ancestors. The story of Indian currency is far from over. It continues to evolve, reflecting the country's growth and changes. By studying this numismatic history, we gain not just economic insights, but a deeper appreciation for India's cultural richness and historical complexity. The coins of yesterday have paved the way for the currency of today, and will undoubtedly influence the financial systems of tomorrow.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/a-journey-through-indias-ancient-currency/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Democratic vs Republican]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/democratic-vs-republican-2/ The competition between the Democratic and Republican parties is a fundamental aspect of democracy in the United States of America, reflecting diverse viewpoints and values among the electorate while shaping the country’s policy direction and governance. The Democratic and Republican parties are the two major political parties in the United States of America, each with a long and evolving history. Both parties have evolved significantly over time, responding to changing social, economic, and political landscapes. They compete vigorously in elections at all levels of government and often represent differing views on issues such as healthcare, immigration, foreign policy, and the role of government in society. The Republican Party, also referred to as the GOP (“Grand Old Party”), is one of the two major contemporary political parties in the United States, along with its main historic rival, the Democratic Party. The GOP was founded in 1854 by opponents of the Kansas–Nebraska Act, which allowed for the potential expansion of chattel slavery into the western territories. The party supported economic reform and classical liberalism while opposing the expansion of slavery Here’s a brief overview: Democratic Party History The Democratic Party traces its origins back to the Democratic-Republican Party founded by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison in the 1790s. It emerged as a major political force in the 1820s under President Andrew Jackson, advocating for states’ rights, limited government, and policies favoring farmers and the working class. Throughout the 19th century, the Democratic Party was often associated with agrarian interests, southern states, and opposition to a strong federal government. It split over issues such as slavery in the 1860s, leading to the formation of the Southern Democrats who supported segregation and states’ rights. The Democratic Party evolved significantly with the New Deal coalition under President Franklin D. Roosevelt in the 1930s, which expanded the party’s base to include labor unions, urban workers, and minorities. It became associated with progressive policies such as social welfare programs, civil rights, and environmental protection. In recent decades, the Democratic Party has continued to support progressive social policies, healthcare reform, environmental protection, and government intervention in the economy. Republican Party The Republican Party was founded in 1854 in opposition to the expansion of slavery into new U.S. territories. It quickly became the dominant political force in the North during the Civil War era, advocating for abolitionism, economic modernization, and a strong federal government. After the Civil War, the Republican Party supported Reconstruction policies to integrate freed slaves into society and protect their rights. It was associated with industrial interests, economic conservatism, and a vision of a strong federal government promoting economic development. In the early 20th century, the Republican Party continued to advocate for business interests, fiscal conservatism, and limited government intervention. It became associated with movements like Progressivism under Theodore Roosevelt and later with economic policies favoring deregulation and tax cuts. In recent decades, the Republican Party has emphasized conservative values such as limited government, individual liberty, free market economics, and a strong national defense. It has attracted support from social conservatives, evangelical Christians, and advocates of lower taxes and reduced government spending. Contemporary Landscape Both parties have evolved significantly over time, responding to changing social, economic, and political landscapes. They compete vigorously in elections at all levels of government and often represent differing views on issues such as healthcare, immigration, foreign policy, and the role of government in society. Understanding the histories and ideologies of the Democratic and Republican Parties helps to contextualize their current positions on various issues and their strategies in contemporary politics. Competition The competition between the Democratic and Republican parties in the United States is central to American politics and democracy. Here are some key aspects of their competition: Electoral Competition Elections: Both parties compete in local, state, and national elections, including presidential, congressional, gubernatorial, and local elections. Voter Base: Each party has a distinct voter base. Democrats often appeal to urban residents, minorities, young people, and educated professionals. Republicans typically attract rural voters, older demographics, evangelical Christians, and business interests. Campaign Strategies: Both parties employ sophisticated campaign strategies including advertising, grassroots organizing, fundraising, and media outreach to mobilize voters and win elections. Ideological Competition Policy Positions: Democrats generally support progressive policies such as healthcare reform, environmental protection, social welfare programs, and civil rights. Republicans typically advocate for conservative principles such as limited government, lower taxes, deregulation, and traditional values. Political Rhetoric: Each party uses rhetoric to differentiate itself and criticize the other. Democrats often emphasize social justice, equality, and government intervention to address societal issues. Republicans often stress individual freedom, personal responsibility, and the importance of free markets. Legislative Competition Legislative Agenda: In Congress and state legislatures, Democrats and Republicans propose competing legislation and negotiate to advance their respective policy agendas. Partisan Gridlock: Political polarization can lead to gridlock, where each party’s priorities are often at odds, making bipartisan cooperation challenging. Influence and Power Control of Government: Both parties vie for control of the executive branch (presidency and governors), legislative branch (Congress and state legislatures), and judicial branch (appointing judges). Control allows each party to implement its policies and influence governance. Public Opinion: Competing for public support and approval is crucial for each party’s electoral success. They use polling, focus groups, and public messaging to shape public opinion and sway voters. Challenges and Dynamics Changing Demographics: Shifting demographics, such as increasing diversity and generational changes, influence each party’s electoral strategy and coalition-building efforts. Media and Communication: The role of media and social media in shaping public perception and political discourse has become increasingly significant, affecting how parties communicate their messages and engage with voters. The competition between the Democratic and Republican parties is a fundamental aspect of American democracy, reflecting diverse viewpoints and values among the electorate while shaping the country’s policy direction and governance. Major Leaders Here are some major leaders from both the Democratic and Republican parties throughout history, spanning various levels of government and influence: Democratic Party Leaders Franklin D. Roosevelt: President from 1933 to 1945, known for the New Deal and leading the United States through much of World War II. John F. Kennedy: President from 1961 to 1963, remembered for his advocacy of civil rights, space exploration, and economic reform. Bill Clinton: President from 1993 to 2001, focused on economic prosperity, welfare reform, and healthcare policy. Barack Obama: President from 2009 to 2017, known for healthcare reform (Affordable Care Act), economic recovery efforts, and foreign policy initiatives. Joe Biden: President since 2021, previously Vice President under Obama, known for his legislative career and focus on healthcare, infrastructure, and climate change. Nancy Pelosi: Long-serving Democratic Congresswoman from California, Speaker of the House since 2019, a prominent figure in advancing Democratic legislative priorities. Harry S. Truman: President from 1945 to 1953, known for his leadership during the end of World War II and the early Cold War period. Republican Party Leaders Abraham Lincoln: President from 1861 to 1865, led the United States through the Civil War, emancipated slaves with the Emancipation Proclamation, and promoted national unity. Theodore Roosevelt: President from 1901 to 1909, known for progressive reforms, conservation efforts, and asserting U.S. influence internationally. Ronald Reagan: President from 1981 to 1989, advocated for conservative economic policies (Reaganomics), reduced government regulation, and a strong stance against communism. Richard Nixon: President from 1969 to 1974, known for opening relations with China, ending U.S. involvement in Vietnam, and later resigning due to the Watergate scandal. George H.W. Bush: President from 1989 to 1993, focused on foreign policy successes like the end of the Cold War and the Gulf War. Donald Trump: President from 2017 to 2021, known for his outsider status, controversial policies on immigration and trade, and emphasis on deregulation and tax cuts. Mitch McConnell: Long-serving Republican Senator from Kentucky, Senate Minority Leader (2007-2015) and Senate Majority Leader (2015-2021), known for his strategic leadership and legislative influence. These leaders have shaped their parties’ ideologies, policies, and legacies, leaving significant impacts on American politics and history. Their actions and decisions have often defined their respective eras and continue to influence political discourse today.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/democratic-vs-republican-2/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Democratic vs Republican]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/democratic-vs-republican/ The competition between the Democratic and Republican parties is a fundamental aspect of democracy in the United States of America, reflecting diverse viewpoints and values among the electorate while shaping the country’s policy direction and governance. The Democratic and Republican parties are the two major political parties in the United States of America, each with a long and evolving history. Both parties have evolved significantly over time, responding to changing social, economic, and political landscapes. They compete vigorously in elections at all levels of government and often represent differing views on issues such as healthcare, immigration, foreign policy, and the role of government in society. The Republican Party, also referred to as the GOP (“Grand Old Party”), is one of the two major contemporary political parties in the United States, along with its main historic rival, the Democratic Party. The GOP was founded in 1854 by opponents of the Kansas–Nebraska Act, which allowed for the potential expansion of chattel slavery into the western territories. The party supported economic reform and classical liberalism while opposing the expansion of slavery Here’s a brief overview: Democratic Party History The Democratic Party traces its origins back to the Democratic-Republican Party founded by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison in the 1790s. It emerged as a major political force in the 1820s under President Andrew Jackson, advocating for states’ rights, limited government, and policies favoring farmers and the working class. Throughout the 19th century, the Democratic Party was often associated with agrarian interests, southern states, and opposition to a strong federal government. It split over issues such as slavery in the 1860s, leading to the formation of the Southern Democrats who supported segregation and states’ rights. The Democratic Party evolved significantly with the New Deal coalition under President Franklin D. Roosevelt in the 1930s, which expanded the party’s base to include labor unions, urban workers, and minorities. It became associated with progressive policies such as social welfare programs, civil rights, and environmental protection. In recent decades, the Democratic Party has continued to support progressive social policies, healthcare reform, environmental protection, and government intervention in the economy. Republican Party The Republican Party was founded in 1854 in opposition to the expansion of slavery into new U.S. territories. It quickly became the dominant political force in the North during the Civil War era, advocating for abolitionism, economic modernization, and a strong federal government. After the Civil War, the Republican Party supported Reconstruction policies to integrate freed slaves into society and protect their rights. It was associated with industrial interests, economic conservatism, and a vision of a strong federal government promoting economic development. In the early 20th century, the Republican Party continued to advocate for business interests, fiscal conservatism, and limited government intervention. It became associated with movements like Progressivism under Theodore Roosevelt and later with economic policies favoring deregulation and tax cuts. In recent decades, the Republican Party has emphasized conservative values such as limited government, individual liberty, free market economics, and a strong national defense. It has attracted support from social conservatives, evangelical Christians, and advocates of lower taxes and reduced government spending. Contemporary Landscape Both parties have evolved significantly over time, responding to changing social, economic, and political landscapes. They compete vigorously in elections at all levels of government and often represent differing views on issues such as healthcare, immigration, foreign policy, and the role of government in society. Understanding the histories and ideologies of the Democratic and Republican Parties helps to contextualize their current positions on various issues and their strategies in contemporary politics. Competition The competition between the Democratic and Republican parties in the United States is central to American politics and democracy. Here are some key aspects of their competition: Electoral Competition Elections: Both parties compete in local, state, and national elections, including presidential, congressional, gubernatorial, and local elections. Voter Base: Each party has a distinct voter base. Democrats often appeal to urban residents, minorities, young people, and educated professionals. Republicans typically attract rural voters, older demographics, evangelical Christians, and business interests. Campaign Strategies: Both parties employ sophisticated campaign strategies including advertising, grassroots organizing, fundraising, and media outreach to mobilize voters and win elections. Ideological Competition Policy Positions: Democrats generally support progressive policies such as healthcare reform, environmental protection, social welfare programs, and civil rights. Republicans typically advocate for conservative principles such as limited government, lower taxes, deregulation, and traditional values. Political Rhetoric: Each party uses rhetoric to differentiate itself and criticize the other. Democrats often emphasize social justice, equality, and government intervention to address societal issues. Republicans often stress individual freedom, personal responsibility, and the importance of free markets. Legislative Competition Legislative Agenda: In Congress and state legislatures, Democrats and Republicans propose competing legislation and negotiate to advance their respective policy agendas. Partisan Gridlock: Political polarization can lead to gridlock, where each party’s priorities are often at odds, making bipartisan cooperation challenging. Influence and Power Control of Government: Both parties vie for control of the executive branch (presidency and governors), legislative branch (Congress and state legislatures), and judicial branch (appointing judges). Control allows each party to implement its policies and influence governance. Public Opinion: Competing for public support and approval is crucial for each party’s electoral success. They use polling, focus groups, and public messaging to shape public opinion and sway voters. Challenges and Dynamics Changing Demographics: Shifting demographics, such as increasing diversity and generational changes, influence each party’s electoral strategy and coalition-building efforts. Media and Communication: The role of media and social media in shaping public perception and political discourse has become increasingly significant, affecting how parties communicate their messages and engage with voters. The competition between the Democratic and Republican parties is a fundamental aspect of American democracy, reflecting diverse viewpoints and values among the electorate while shaping the country’s policy direction and governance. Major Leaders Here are some major leaders from both the Democratic and Republican parties throughout history, spanning various levels of government and influence: Democratic Party Leaders Franklin D. Roosevelt: President from 1933 to 1945, known for the New Deal and leading the United States through much of World War II. John F. Kennedy: President from 1961 to 1963, remembered for his advocacy of civil rights, space exploration, and economic reform. Bill Clinton: President from 1993 to 2001, focused on economic prosperity, welfare reform, and healthcare policy. Barack Obama: President from 2009 to 2017, known for healthcare reform (Affordable Care Act), economic recovery efforts, and foreign policy initiatives. Joe Biden: President since 2021, previously Vice President under Obama, known for his legislative career and focus on healthcare, infrastructure, and climate change. Nancy Pelosi: Long-serving Democratic Congresswoman from California, Speaker of the House since 2019, a prominent figure in advancing Democratic legislative priorities. Harry S. Truman: President from 1945 to 1953, known for his leadership during the end of World War II and the early Cold War period. Republican Party Leaders Abraham Lincoln: President from 1861 to 1865, led the United States through the Civil War, emancipated slaves with the Emancipation Proclamation, and promoted national unity. Theodore Roosevelt: President from 1901 to 1909, known for progressive reforms, conservation efforts, and asserting U.S. influence internationally. Ronald Reagan: President from 1981 to 1989, advocated for conservative economic policies (Reaganomics), reduced government regulation, and a strong stance against communism. Richard Nixon: President from 1969 to 1974, known for opening relations with China, ending U.S. involvement in Vietnam, and later resigning due to the Watergate scandal. George H.W. Bush: President from 1989 to 1993, focused on foreign policy successes like the end of the Cold War and the Gulf War. Donald Trump: President from 2017 to 2021, known for his outsider status, controversial policies on immigration and trade, and emphasis on deregulation and tax cuts. Mitch McConnell: Long-serving Republican Senator from Kentucky, Senate Minority Leader (2007-2015) and Senate Majority Leader (2015-2021), known for his strategic leadership and legislative influence. These leaders have shaped their parties’ ideologies, policies, and legacies, leaving significant impacts on American politics and history. Their actions and decisions have often defined their respective eras and continue to influence political discourse today.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/democratic-vs-republican/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Tory vs Labour]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/tory-vs-labour/ Their competition has defined the political landscape of the UK for over a century. Both parties have evolved significantly over time, responding to changing social, economic, and political contexts while maintaining core principles that differentiate them from each other. Conservative Party (Tory Party) Origins and Formation Early 18th Century: The Conservative Party traces its roots to the early 18th century, evolving from the Tory Party. The Tories were a political faction in the Kingdom of Great Britain that supported the monarchy and the Church of England. 1834: The modern Conservative Party was formally founded by Sir Robert Peel, who issued the Tamworth Manifesto, advocating for conservative principles and pragmatic reforms. Key Historical Developments 19th Century: Benjamin Disraeli: Prominent leader who expanded the party's appeal by promoting social reforms and imperialism. His tenure marked the era of "One Nation Conservatism." Corn Laws Repeal: Peel's repeal of the Corn Laws split the party, but it eventually regrouped under Disraeli's leadership. 20th Century: Post-WWII: The party alternated in power with Labour. Winston Churchill led the country during WWII and again as Prime Minister in the early post-war years. - Margaret Thatcher: Prime Minister from 1979 to 1990, her tenure marked a significant shift towards free-market policies, privatization, and deregulation, known as "Thatcherism."John Major: Succeeded Thatcher in 1990, leading through the early 1990s with a more moderate approach until Labour's landslide victory in 1997. 21st Century: David Cameron: Became leader in 2005, modernizing the party and leading a coalition government with the Liberal Democrats from 2010 to 2015. His tenure ended with the 2016 Brexit referendum. Theresa May: Succeeded Cameron, struggled with Brexit negotiations, leading to her resignation in 2019. Boris Johnson: Won a significant majority in 2019, promising to "Get Brexit Done." His leadership saw the UK exit the EU and face the COVID-19 pandemic. Rishi Sunak: Took over in 2022, focusing on economic stability and navigating the post-pandemic recovery and ongoing Brexit implications. Labour Party Origins and Formation 1900: The Labour Party was founded as the Labour Representation Committee (LRC) by trade unions and socialist groups, including the Independent Labour Party (ILP), to represent the working class in Parliament. 1906: The LRC was renamed the Labour Party, winning 29 seats in that year's general election. Key Historical Developments Early 20th Century: Ramsay MacDonald: Became the first Labour Prime Minister in 1924 and again from 1929 to 1931, though his second government struggled with the Great Depression. Post-WWII: Clement Attlee:Led the transformative government from 1945 to 1951, establishing the NHS, nationalizing key industries, and creating the welfare state. 1960s-1970s: Harold Wilson: Served as Prime Minister in the 1960s and 1970s, focusing on social reforms, education, and modernization. James Callaghan: Led during the late 1970s, his government faced economic turmoil and industrial strife, culminating in the "Winter of Discontent." 1980s-1990s: Neil Kinnock: Modernized the party in the 1980s, moving it away from far-left policies. Tony Blair: Became leader in 1994, rebranding the party as "New Labour." His government (1997-2007) focused on centrist policies, economic growth, and public service reforms. 21st Century: Gordon Brown: Succeeded Blair, serving as Prime Minister from 2007 to 2010, dealing with the global financial crisis. Ed Miliband: Led from 2010 to 2015, emphasizing a return to more traditional Labour values. Jeremy Corbyn: Leader from 2015 to 2020, represented a shift to the left, advocating for anti-austerity, public ownership, and social justice. His tenure saw significant party polarization. Keir Starmer: Elected leader in 2020, aims to rebuild the party's electoral appeal and move towards a more centrist platform. Key Differences and Historical Rivalry Ideological Divide: The Conservative Party traditionally supports free-market capitalism, limited government intervention, and traditional social values, while the Labour Party advocates for social democracy, extensive public services, and workers' rights. Historical Context: Their rivalry has been shaped by key events such as the post-war consensus, Thatcherism, New Labour reforms, and Brexit. - Electoral Battles: The two parties have alternated in power, with each influencing significant changes in British society and governance. Their competition has defined the political landscape of the UK for over a century. Both parties have evolved significantly over time, responding to changing social, economic, and political contexts while maintaining core principles that differentiate them from each other. Competition The Conservative Party (Tory) and the Labour Party are the two major political parties in the United Kingdom, and their competition is a central feature of British politics. Here's how they typically compete with each other: Policy Differences Economic Policy: Conservative Party: Generally advocates for free-market policies, lower taxes, and reduced government spending. They emphasize austerity measures, deregulation, and private sector-led growth. Labour Party: Favours higher public spending, progressive taxation, and a more significant role for the state in the economy. They advocate for public ownership of key industries and services, increased welfare spending, and policies aimed at reducing income inequality. Social Policy: Conservative Party: Tends to adopt more traditional stances on social issues, emphasizing law and order, national security, and conservative family values. Labour Party: Typically promotes progressive social policies, focusing on social justice, equality, and human rights. They support multiculturalism, gender equality, and environmental sustainability. Health and Education Conservative Party: Supports reforms that increase competition and efficiency in the National Health Service (NHS) and education, often advocating for greater private sector involvement. Labour Party: Strongly defends the public provision of healthcare and education, opposing privatization and cuts. They aim to increase funding for the NHS and public schools. Brexit Conservative Party: Has taken a pro-Brexit stance, aiming to deliver on the referendum result by negotiating trade deals and emphasizing sovereignty. - Labour Party: Has been more divided on Brexit but generally supports a softer Brexit or closer ties with the EU, advocating for workers' rights and environmental standards. Campaign Strategies Grassroots Campaigning: The Labour Party often relies on grassroots campaigning and mobilizing its base, including trade unions and community groups. They emphasize door-to-door canvassing and local engagement. The Conservative Party also engages in grassroots activities but often focuses more on targeted messaging and leveraging data analytics to reach swing voters. Leadership: Leadership plays a critical role in elections, with party leaders becoming the public face of their respective parties. Charismatic and effective leaders can significantly influence voter perception and party fortunes. Party Image: The Conservative Party projects itself as the party of stability, economic competence, and national security. The Labour Party positions itself as the champion of the working class, social justice, and public services. Targeting Swing Seats: Both parties focus heavily on swing seats, constituencies that could go either way, as winning these can be crucial for securing a majority in the House of Commons. Regional Strategies: Tailoring their messages to different regions is essential, as voter concerns can vary significantly across the UK, from urban centers to rural areas and from Scotland to Wales. The competition between the Conservative and Labour parties is dynamic and influenced by changing political landscapes, societal issues, and leadership dynamics.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/tory-vs-labour/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Unveiling the Story of Tobacco in India: From Colonial Encounter to Modern Dilemmas]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/unveiling-the-story-of-tobacco-in-india-from-colonial-encounter-to-modern-dilemmas/ Tobacco in its modern shape was first introduced to India during the British colonial era in the 17th century. Rapid colonization led to the widespread adoption of tobacco, merging with existing smoking practices to give rise to cigarettes, beedis, and other variants. Today, tobacco is deeply entrenched in Indian society, with millions dependent on the industry for their livelihood. The strong smell of smoke drifting through busy streets and public areas is a troubling reminder of India's enduring addiction to tobacco. This harmful habit has now become a serious public health crisis. The statistics are nothing short of staggering - every hour, 154 precious lives are tragically cut short due to tobacco's unrelenting grip. This preventable scourge accounts for a staggering 1.35 million deaths annually, a sobering reality that demands urgent and decisive action. The economic ramifications of this crisis are equally catastrophic, with the total costs attributed to tobacco-related diseases amounting to a jaw-dropping Rs. 177,341 crore ($27.5 billion) in 2017-18 alone for Indians aged 35 and above. As the world's second-largest consumer and producer of tobacco, India shoulders an immense burden, one that threatens to undermine its social and economic progress. At the crux of this epidemic lies a startling revelation - nearly 30% of Indian adults, a staggering 267 million individuals, are ensnared in the clutches of tobacco addiction. The diverse array of tobacco products, ranging from smokeless varieties like khaini, gutkha, and zarda to smoked forms such as bidis, cigarettes, and hookahs, cater to a seemingly insatiable demand. The crisis extends far beyond the realms of adult usage, as a distressing 8.5% of Indian youth aged 13-15 have succumbed to tobacco's allure, painting a grim picture for the nation's future. Alarmingly, a staggering 22.4% of men aged 15-54 are smokers, with one in two consuming over five cigarettes or bidis daily, a habit that often takes root at a tender age, with 65.5% of smokers igniting their first cigarette by the age of 20. The tobacco industry's predatory tactics and blatant disregard for ethics have only intensified this crisis. Former gutkha manufacturer and cancer survivor Vijay Tiwari has lifted the veil on the industry's sinister practices, revealing the use of non-food grade additives like magnesium carbonate as cheap substitutes for authentic spices and flavors. Such unethical conduct underscores the industry's moral bankruptcy and its relentless pursuit of profits at the expense of human lives. The consequences of tobacco addiction extend far beyond the primary user, casting a pernicious shadow over innocent bystanders. A staggering 54.3% of Indian teenagers face the insidious threat of secondhand smoke exposure at home or in public spaces. Women in states like Mizoram, Manipur, and Tripura bear the brunt of this invisible killer, with alarmingly high exposure rates. Even the most vulnerable among us, the unborn and nonsmokers, face a 20-30% increased risk of cancer due to passive smoking, a sobering reminder that no one is truly safe from tobacco's toxic embrace. While the Indian government has taken steps to address this crisis, including the introduction of the Cigarettes and Other Tobacco Products Act (COTPA) in 2003, aimed at curbing tobacco advertising and sales near educational institutions, the industry's ingenuity in circumventing regulations has proven formidable. Surrogate advertising, a cunning ploy where tobacco products are marketed under the guise of innocuous goods like soda, music CDs, and golf accessories, continues to undermine the law's spirit and intent. Furthermore, the taxation regime on tobacco products remains woefully inadequate, falling far short of the World Health Organization's recommended 75% of retail price. The 2022 Budget disappointingly maintained cigarette taxes at the previous year's levels, while smokeless tobacco like the ubiquitous bidi is subject to a mere 22% tax, a paltry figure that fails to deter consumption through reduced affordability. The path forward is fraught with challenges, but inaction is simply not an option. Bold legislation, stringent enforcement, and fervent public awareness campaigns spearheaded by authorities and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) alike are crucial to stemming the tide of this preventable epidemic. A culture of accountability, ethical conduct, and social responsibility within the tobacco industry itself would aid this cause immensely, though such a paradigm shift may seem like a distant dream. As India grapples with this crisis, the stark reality remains – tobacco's astronomical health and economic tolls demand concerted and unwavering efforts to protect the nation's people and secure its future. Only then can the country overcome this insidious epidemic that robs millions of lives and livelihoods each year, casting a dark shadow over the nation's progress and potential. In the annals of public health crises, few have proven as pervasive and pernicious as India's tobacco addiction. It is a battle that must be waged on multiple fronts, with an unwavering commitment to safeguarding the well-being of current and future generations. The path may be arduous, but the consequences of inaction are simply too grave to contemplate. India's true greatness lies not only in its economic prowess but in its ability to confront and conquer the demons that threaten its most precious resource – its people.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/unveiling-the-story-of-tobacco-in-india-from-colonial-encounter-to-modern-dilemmas/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Jai Jawan Jai Kisan]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/jai-jawan-jai-kisan-2/ The slogan has been a central theme in political campaigns. The slogan helped connect with masses, emphasising commitment to national security and rural development. It became a powerful tool for mobilising support and rallying voters. Farmers and the army in India are interconnected in multiple ways, reflecting a symbiotic relationship that underscores their mutual importance in the nation’s fabric. The relationship between farmers and the army in India is characterized by mutual support, respect, and shared national responsibilities. Their interdependence underscores their critical roles in safeguarding India’s sovereignty, ensuring its food security, and contributing to its overall development and prosperity. This interconnectedness is not merely functional but also symbolic of the unity and resilience of the Indian nation. The slogan “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” (Hail the Soldier, Hail the Farmer) encapsulates the spirit of two pivotal pillars of Indian society: the soldier who defends the nation and the farmer who sustains it. Coined by former Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri in 1965 during a critical phase in India’s history, the slogan has since become iconic, symbolizing the unity and strength derived from these two essential sectors of society. Historical Context and Origin In 1965, India was facing a turbulent period both domestically and internationally. Domestically, the country was grappling with issues related to food security, agricultural productivity, and socio-economic disparities. Internationally, the geopolitical climate was tense due to the Cold War dynamics and India’s conflicts with its neighboring countries. India’s Agricultural Situation During this period, India was primarily an agrarian economy, heavily dependent on agriculture for its GDP and employment. The Green Revolution, initiated in the late 1960s, aimed to transform Indian agriculture through the adoption of modern techniques and technologies to enhance productivity. DEFENCE CHALLENGES Simultaneously, India faced external threats, particularly from Pakistan, with whom it engaged in the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965. The war highlighted the crucial role of the Indian Armed Forces in defending the nation’s sovereignty and integrity. Lal Bahadur Shastri’s Leadership Lal Bahadur Shastri, who became the Prime Minister in 1964, provided leadership during this critical period. Known for his simplicity, integrity, and deep empathy for the common people, Shastri understood the importance of both the soldier and the farmer in the nation-building process. Coining of the Slogan During the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, Lal Bahadur Shastri called upon the nation to rally behind the soldiers defending the borders and the farmers ensuring food security. In a radio address on September 23, 1965, he popularized the slogan “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” to galvanize the spirit of national unity and resilience. The slogan resonated deeply with the Indian populace, symbolizing the dual commitments to national defence and agricultural development. Significance and Impact Unity and National Pride “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” quickly became more than just a slogan; it became a rallying cry for national unity and pride. It underscored the interconnectedness of defence and food security in safeguarding the nation’s well-being. Acknowledgment of Sacrifice The slogan also served to acknowledge and honor the sacrifices made by soldiers and farmers alike. It highlighted their crucial roles in shaping India’s destiny and ensuring its progress. Political and Social Impact Politically, the slogan bolstered support for Shastri’s leadership and his policies during a challenging period. Socially, it instilled a sense of duty and patriotism among citizens, fostering a collective responsibility towards the nation’s development. Evolution Over Time Post-1965 Era After the war, “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” continued to resonate in Indian politics and society. It became a symbol of the enduring values of hard work, dedication, and selflessness embodied by soldiers and farmers. Economic Reforms and Agricultural Developments In subsequent decades, India underwent significant economic reforms, industrialization, and technological advancements. While the economy diversified, agriculture remained a crucial sector, albeit with evolving challenges related to sustainability, modernization, and farmer welfare. DEFENCE AND SECURITY CHALLENGES India continued to face security challenges, including conflicts with Pakistan and China, terrorism, and internal insurgencies. The Indian Armed Forces maintained their role as defenders of the nation’s sovereignty, supported by the enduring spirit of “Jai Jawan.” Contemporary Relevance In contemporary India, “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” remains relevant as a reminder of the foundational roles played by soldiers and farmers. It continues to be invoked during times of national crisis, celebrations of achievements, and discussions on policy priorities. Cultural and Symbolic Legacy Popular Culture and Media The slogan has permeated Indian culture and media, appearing in films, literature, and public discourse. It has become synonymous with patriotic fervor and national unity. Tributes and Commemorations Various tributes and commemorations have been held to honor the contributions of soldiers and farmers, often invoking the spirit of “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” to underscore their sacrifices and achievements. Challenges and Future Prospects Agricultural Challenges In the 21st century, Indian agriculture faces multifaceted challenges, including land degradation, water scarcity, climate change impacts, and socio-economic disparities. Efforts are ongoing to address these issues through sustainable practices, technological innovations, and policy reforms. DEFENCE AND SECURITY DYNAMICS India’s defence and security landscape continues to evolve with geopolitical shifts, technological advancements, and changing threat perceptions. The role of the armed forces remains pivotal in safeguarding national interests and maintaining regional stability. Policy Imperatives There is a growing recognition of the need for holistic policies that prioritize the welfare of soldiers and farmers alike. Initiatives aimed at improving defence capabilities, enhancing agricultural productivity, ensuring food security, and promoting rural development are critical for India’s sustainable growth. “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” encapsulates the essence of India’s journey as a nation, highlighting the inseparable roles of soldiers and farmers in its development and security. From its origins during a time of war to its enduring significance in contemporary India, the slogan remains a powerful symbol of unity, resilience, and national pride. As India navigates the complexities of the 21st century, the spirit of “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” continues to inspire and guide its pursuit of prosperity, harmony, and inclusive growth. In India, the control and command of the army are vested in the civilian leadership, with oversight provided by the Ministry of Defence, headed by the Defence Minister. The President of India serves as the Supreme Commander of the Indian Armed Forces, but their role is largely ceremonial, with operational control and decision-making resting with the civilian government. The Indian Armed Forces consist of the Army, Navy, and Air Force, each with its own Chief (Chief of Army Staff, Chief of Naval Staff, and Chief of Air Staff respectively). These Chiefs report to the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), who acts as the principal military adviser to the Defence Minister and coordinates the functioning of the three services. The Ministry of Defence formulates and implements policies relating to defence, security, and armed forces management. It oversees the budgetary allocations, acquisitions, modernization efforts, and strategic planning for national defence. The civilian control over the military ensures that decisions related to defence and security align with broader national interests, democratic values, and constitutional principles. This structure ensures that while the military plays a vital role in defending the nation, it operates under civilian authority and in accordance with the constitutional framework of India.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/jai-jawan-jai-kisan-2/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Jai Jawan Jai Kisan]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/jai-jawan-jai-kisan/ The slogan has been a central theme in political campaigns. The slogan helped connect with masses, emphasising commitment to national security and rural development. It became a powerful tool for mobilising support and rallying voters. Farmers and the army in India are interconnected in multiple ways, reflecting a symbiotic relationship that underscores their mutual importance in the nation’s fabric. The relationship between farmers and the army in India is characterized by mutual support, respect, and shared national responsibilities. Their interdependence underscores their critical roles in safeguarding India’s sovereignty, ensuring its food security, and contributing to its overall development and prosperity. This interconnectedness is not merely functional but also symbolic of the unity and resilience of the Indian nation. The slogan “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” (Hail the Soldier, Hail the Farmer) encapsulates the spirit of two pivotal pillars of Indian society: the soldier who defends the nation and the farmer who sustains it. Coined by former Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri in 1965 during a critical phase in India’s history, the slogan has since become iconic, symbolizing the unity and strength derived from these two essential sectors of society. Historical Context and Origin In 1965, India was facing a turbulent period both domestically and internationally. Domestically, the country was grappling with issues related to food security, agricultural productivity, and socio-economic disparities. Internationally, the geopolitical climate was tense due to the Cold War dynamics and India’s conflicts with its neighboring countries. India’s Agricultural Situation During this period, India was primarily an agrarian economy, heavily dependent on agriculture for its GDP and employment. The Green Revolution, initiated in the late 1960s, aimed to transform Indian agriculture through the adoption of modern techniques and technologies to enhance productivity. DEFENCE CHALLENGES Simultaneously, India faced external threats, particularly from Pakistan, with whom it engaged in the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965. The war highlighted the crucial role of the Indian Armed Forces in defending the nation’s sovereignty and integrity. Lal Bahadur Shastri’s Leadership Lal Bahadur Shastri, who became the Prime Minister in 1964, provided leadership during this critical period. Known for his simplicity, integrity, and deep empathy for the common people, Shastri understood the importance of both the soldier and the farmer in the nation-building process. Coining of the Slogan During the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, Lal Bahadur Shastri called upon the nation to rally behind the soldiers defending the borders and the farmers ensuring food security. In a radio address on September 23, 1965, he popularized the slogan “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” to galvanize the spirit of national unity and resilience. The slogan resonated deeply with the Indian populace, symbolizing the dual commitments to national defence and agricultural development. Significance and Impact Unity and National Pride “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” quickly became more than just a slogan; it became a rallying cry for national unity and pride. It underscored the interconnectedness of defence and food security in safeguarding the nation’s well-being. Acknowledgment of Sacrifice The slogan also served to acknowledge and honor the sacrifices made by soldiers and farmers alike. It highlighted their crucial roles in shaping India’s destiny and ensuring its progress. Political and Social Impact Politically, the slogan bolstered support for Shastri’s leadership and his policies during a challenging period. Socially, it instilled a sense of duty and patriotism among citizens, fostering a collective responsibility towards the nation’s development. Evolution Over Time Post-1965 Era After the war, “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” continued to resonate in Indian politics and society. It became a symbol of the enduring values of hard work, dedication, and selflessness embodied by soldiers and farmers. Economic Reforms and Agricultural Developments In subsequent decades, India underwent significant economic reforms, industrialization, and technological advancements. While the economy diversified, agriculture remained a crucial sector, albeit with evolving challenges related to sustainability, modernization, and farmer welfare. DEFENCE AND SECURITY CHALLENGES India continued to face security challenges, including conflicts with Pakistan and China, terrorism, and internal insurgencies. The Indian Armed Forces maintained their role as defenders of the nation’s sovereignty, supported by the enduring spirit of “Jai Jawan.” Contemporary Relevance In contemporary India, “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” remains relevant as a reminder of the foundational roles played by soldiers and farmers. It continues to be invoked during times of national crisis, celebrations of achievements, and discussions on policy priorities. Cultural and Symbolic Legacy Popular Culture and Media The slogan has permeated Indian culture and media, appearing in films, literature, and public discourse. It has become synonymous with patriotic fervor and national unity. Tributes and Commemorations Various tributes and commemorations have been held to honor the contributions of soldiers and farmers, often invoking the spirit of “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” to underscore their sacrifices and achievements. Challenges and Future Prospects Agricultural Challenges In the 21st century, Indian agriculture faces multifaceted challenges, including land degradation, water scarcity, climate change impacts, and socio-economic disparities. Efforts are ongoing to address these issues through sustainable practices, technological innovations, and policy reforms. DEFENCE AND SECURITY DYNAMICS India’s defence and security landscape continues to evolve with geopolitical shifts, technological advancements, and changing threat perceptions. The role of the armed forces remains pivotal in safeguarding national interests and maintaining regional stability. Policy Imperatives There is a growing recognition of the need for holistic policies that prioritize the welfare of soldiers and farmers alike. Initiatives aimed at improving defence capabilities, enhancing agricultural productivity, ensuring food security, and promoting rural development are critical for India’s sustainable growth. “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” encapsulates the essence of India’s journey as a nation, highlighting the inseparable roles of soldiers and farmers in its development and security. From its origins during a time of war to its enduring significance in contemporary India, the slogan remains a powerful symbol of unity, resilience, and national pride. As India navigates the complexities of the 21st century, the spirit of “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” continues to inspire and guide its pursuit of prosperity, harmony, and inclusive growth. In India, the control and command of the army are vested in the civilian leadership, with oversight provided by the Ministry of Defence, headed by the Defence Minister. The President of India serves as the Supreme Commander of the Indian Armed Forces, but their role is largely ceremonial, with operational control and decision-making resting with the civilian government. The Indian Armed Forces consist of the Army, Navy, and Air Force, each with its own Chief (Chief of Army Staff, Chief of Naval Staff, and Chief of Air Staff respectively). These Chiefs report to the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), who acts as the principal military adviser to the Defence Minister and coordinates the functioning of the three services. The Ministry of Defence formulates and implements policies relating to defence, security, and armed forces management. It oversees the budgetary allocations, acquisitions, modernization efforts, and strategic planning for national defence. The civilian control over the military ensures that decisions related to defence and security align with broader national interests, democratic values, and constitutional principles. This structure ensures that while the military plays a vital role in defending the nation, it operates under civilian authority and in accordance with the constitutional framework of India.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/jai-jawan-jai-kisan/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[TRAGEDIES IN CONGREGATIONS]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/tragedies-in-congregations/ India has unfortunately witnessed several tragic incidents occurred in the holy congregations which resulted in deaths of hundreds of devotees over the years. Many stampedes happen during religious festivals or events that attract massive crowds. The sheer number of people in confined spaces can lead to chaotic situations. Inadequate infrastructure such as narrow pathways, temporary bridges, and lack of crowd management systems contribute significantly to stampedes. Here are some notable instances Kumbh Mela: The world’s largest and biggest gathering of devotees at Kumbh Mela, a massive Hindu pilgrimage, has seen multiple tragic incidents, including stampedes, due to the huge number of attendees and logistical challenges. One of the deadliest was in 1954 in Allahabad (now Prayagraj), where an estimated 800 people lost their lives in a stampede. 1954 Kumbh Mela “stampede” was a major crowd crush that occurred on 3 February 1954 at Kumbha Mela in Prayagraj in Uttar Pradesh state in India. It was the main bathing day of Mauni Amavasya (New Moon), when the incident took place. 4–5 million pilgrims took part in the festival that year, which was also the first Kumbh Mela after India’s Independence. The figures for the tragedy varied according to different sources. While The Guardian reported more than 800 people died, and over 100 were injured, TIME reported “no fewer than 350 people were trampled to death and drowned, 200 were counted missing, and over 2,000 were injured”. According to the book Law and Order in India, over 500 people died. The incident occurred near Phulrai village for a religious gathering led by Bhole Baba, also known as Narayan Sakar Hari, a self-proclaimed godman. Victims, dead or unconscious, were brought to the Sikandara Rao Trauma Centre in trucks and other vehicles. Inside a government hospital, the bodies were resting on slabs of ice while grieving relatives awaited the return of the mortal remains. 1986: During the Kumbh Mela in Haridwar in 1986, a stampede broke out on the Birla Ghat bridge, leading to around 50 deaths. 2016: During the Simhastha Kumbh Mela in Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh, a stampede occurred at the Ramghat bridge, leading to at least 115 deaths. Mandhar Devi temple (2005): In Maharashtra, during the Navratri festival, a stampede occurred at the Mandhar Devi temple in Satara district, resulting in the deaths of several devotees. On January 25, 2005, over 340 devotees were trampled to death and hundreds injured during an annual pilgrimage at Mandhardevi temple in Maharashtra’s Satara district. The accident occurred when some people fell down on the steps made slippery by the devotees breaking coconuts. Sabarimala (2011): At the Sabarimala temple in Kerala, a stampede during the Makaravilakku festival led to the deaths of 106 pilgrims. The 2011 Sabarimala crowd crush (often incorrectly described as a human stampede) took place on 14 January 2011, Makara Jyothi Day at Pullumedu near Sabarimala in Kerala, India. It broke out during an annual pilgrimage, killing 106 pilgrims and injuring about 100 more declared later as “National disaster”. The pilgrims were returning from a Hindu shrine on the last day of a yearly festival which attracts millions of devotees. It began after a Jeep toppled over. The incident happened around 8 p.m. local time. Most of the dead were from the states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Kerala. There are various versions of the accident as reported in various newspapers and television reports. The victims were going back home through the forest after Makara Jyothi darshanam, thought to be a celestial phenomenon on the hill shrine of the Hindu god Ayyappan. The crowd crush was reportedly caused by an SUV which blocked the path, near Pullumedu, possibly after breaking down. When moved it may have overturned and caused people to stumble, triggering the stampede or by too many people running down the hill towards the road where there was already a pack of vehicles. There is a version of an accident between an autorickshaw and a Jeep. The real trigger of the incident remains a mystery given the fact that the spot where the stampede occurred is an open field. The 2011 Sabarimala crowd crush took place on 14 January 2011, Makara Jyothi Day at Pullumedu near Sabarimala in Kerala, India. It broke out during an annual pilgrimage, killing 106 pilgrims and injuring about 100 more declared later as “National disaster”. The pilgrims were returning from a Hindu shrine on the last day of a yearly festival which attracts millions of devotees. It began after a Jeep toppled over. Madhya Pradesh temple (2013): At the Ratangarh Mata Temple in Datia district, Madhya Pradesh, during the Navratri festival, a stampede resulted in 115 deaths. Approximately 25,000 people were on the bridge at about 9 a.m. on Sunday, 13 October 2013, and a section of the railing was broken. Rumour spread that the bridge was about to collapse, and the crowd panicked and began pushing their way off. Many were killed or injured in the ensuing crush, and others drowned after jumping into the swelling river. Most of the victims were women and children. There were conflicting reports about the cause of the stampede. One report said that the rumour of the bridge’s impending collapse began when a section of the railing broke, but another said that the bridge had been hit by a tractor before the stampede. Others said that a group of pilgrims intentionally spread the rumour, hoping to cut the long line. Some witnesses said that the stampede started when the police charged into the crowd wielding canes, but the allegation was denied by police officials. Rescue operations were hampered by a 7-kilometre-long traffic jam on the only road to the temple. Angry at the delay, relatives of the victims pelted stones at police officers, injuring several. The Madhya Pradesh government has announced a compensation of Rs. 150,000 for each of the deceased and Rs. 50,000 to those who suffered serious injuries. The Election Commission of India has, at the request of the State Government, suspended the District Magistrate (District Collector) Mr. Sanket Bhondwe, Superintendent of Police (SP) Mr. P. Chandrashekhar Solanki, Sub-Divisional Magistrate, Revenue (SDM) of Seondha Mr. Mahip Tejaswi, Sub-Divisional Officer of Police (SDOP) of Seondha Mr. B.N. Basave, and the entire staff of the Seondha Police Station. Congress Party representatives allege that the true death toll is higher, possibly touching 400. The representatives criticized the State Administration for allegedly fudging the records and demanded the resignation of Chouhan, but the ruling BJP rebuffed the demand and accused the Congress Party of playing politics. Jodhpur (2008): At the Chamunda Devi temple near Jodhpur, Rajasthan, a stampede during Navratri celebrations led to the death of 224 people, mainly women and children. On 30 September 2008, at the Chamunda Devi temple in Jodhpur, Rajasthan, India, the tragic stampede occured in which 224 people were killed and more than 425 injured. The 15th-century temple is dedicated to the goddess Chamunda Devi and is located within the premises of Mehrangarh Fort. About 25,000 Hindu pilgrims were visiting the temple to mark the first day of the nine-day-long Navratri, a major festival in Hinduism dedicated to the worship of Goddess Durga. The devotees scrambled towards the door the moment it opened, resulting in the destruction of the barricades. Many people were injured when they lost their footing on the slope approaching the temple. According to The Times of India, local reports suggest that a bomb blast in nearby Mehrangarh created panic among the pilgrims resulting in the stampede. However, the BBC News reported that a collapsing wall may have also caused the stampede. Some eyewitnesses told CNN-IBN that a rumour about a bomb being planted in the temple caused panic among pilgrims. Others said there was a scramble in the men’s queue; some devotees slipped and soon there was a massive resultant stampede where a day of celebration turned into one of mourning. An eyewitness also said that the path leading to the temple was very narrow with no emergency exit routes. Chennai Mayana Kollai festival (2010): At the Mayana Kollai festival in Chennai, a stampede occurred at the Muniyappan temple, resulting in the death of 42 people. Mayana Kollai is a festival celebrated after Shivarathri on the first full moon day of February at the Angala Parameswari temples in Tamil Nadu, India. Patna Chhath Puja (2014): During the Chhath Puja festival on the banks of the Ganges River in Patna, Bihar, a stampede occurred as devotees rushed to perform rituals, resulting in 33 deaths. Devotees were killed in a stampede after a makeshift bridge collapsed in Patna. Among the deceased were bodies of nine children, six women and two others. The injured were sent to the Patna Medical College and Hospital. Patna superintendent of police Jayant Kant, however, confirmed 14 deaths. “Several others are missing but we are still trying to ascertain the exact figure,” he said. A huge throng of people had assembled for the first ‘aragh’ (offering/obeisance) to the setting sun, at Adalatganj ghat on the bank of the river Ganga in central Patna when the incident took place. These incidents highlight the recurring challenges of crowd management and infrastructure during religious festivals and large-scale events in India. Efforts continue to be made to prevent such tragedies through improved planning, crowd control measures, and public safety awareness campaigns.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/tragedies-in-congregations/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Famous Speeches of Atal Bihari Vajpayee]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/famous-speeches-of-atal-bihari-vajpayee/ Apart from being a celebrated poet, former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee was well known for his rhetoric and oratory skills and this craft of his was well reflected in his speeches which acted as milestones in history of Indian politics. Former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee is widely regarded as one of India’s most significant Prime Ministers and political leaders. His tenure and leadership were marked by several notable aspects. Vajpayee was known for his ability to build consensus among diverse political groups. Leading a coalition government, he successfully managed to bring together various parties with different ideologies and create a stable administration. His government implemented key economic reforms that laid the foundation for India’s rapid economic growth. Initiatives like the Golden Quadrilateral highway project, telecom reforms, and fiscal consolidation were significant achievements of his tenure. In 1998, under his leadership, India conducted nuclear tests in Pokhran, making India a declared nuclear weapons state. This move was met with international sanctions but showcased India’s strategic autonomy and defense capabilities. In every significant occasions he had delivered remarkable speeches. He was renowned for his eloquent speeches. Here are some of his most famous ones: 1996: Trust Vote Speech Vajpayee in Lok Sabha when his government faced a trust vote in May 1996 delivered this historical speech. Whenever, it was needed we helped then governments as opposition. Then Prime Minister Narsimha Rao sent me Geneva as Leader of Opposition to represent the country and Pakistani leaders were shocked. They were asking how is that possible as in their country, the leaders in the opposition always try to bring down the government. This is their nature but not our tradition. I want such type of tradition to continue in our country as the game of power will go on). Governments will come and go. Parties will be made and unmade. This country should survive, its democracy should survive till eternity. This discussion will end today but the era will start tomorrow it needs some attention as I believe the bitterness between the government and the opposition should not increase. 1998: Nuclear Tests Speech Nobody had anticipated what the prime minister had in his mind. But what he announced left everybody sitting there flabbergasted. India had gone nuclear. In the deserts of Rajasthan, India had detonated two nuclear devices and a thermo-nuclear device. The world was shocked and the country was jubilant. Seldom Indians all across the globe had felt so proud of being an Indian. Following the successful nuclear tests at Pokhran, Vajpayee addressed the nation, emphasizing India’s right to self-defense and its commitment to peace. Addressing the parliament, Vajpayee said that it is surprised to see that nuclear test was also criticised by the Opposition and we were asked which danger was dangling on the nation so that the tests were done. The nuclear test was a preemptive measure for any danger on the country. The same was also attempted during Indira Gandhi’s government earlier. The nuclear tests were done for self defence. “We have been the victims of three attacks. This fate should not repeat. We are not getting ready to attack anyone. We don’t have that intention. I was asked about the connection between Pokhran-2 and the Lahore bus service. They are two sides of the same coin - the strength of our defence and the hand of friendship -- the hand of friendship through honesty.” - Mr Vajpayee speaks in Lok Sabha after the nuclear tests in Pokhran. “The Pokhran-2 nuclear tests were conducted neither for self-glorification, nor for any display of machismo. But this has been our policy, and I think it is also the policy of the nation, that there should be minimum deterrence, which should also be credible. This is why we took the decision to conduct tests,” he said. 1999: Kargil War Speech During the Kargil conflict in 1999, Vajpayee’s speech to the nation was one of resilience and determination, assuring the citizens of India’s capability to defend its borders. According to https://archivepmo.nic.in, Vajpayee said “it is a situation that has arisen from one simple fact the decision of Pakistan to cross the Line of Control, to send its men and materials to occupy and territory. No government can tolerate such an incursion - our Government certainly will not. Countries the world over have recognized that we have the full right to evict these intruders from our soil. But for me and for my Government this is not just a matter of our having a tight. It is our duty to rid our sacred Motherland of every single intruder. For this reason, as you have seen, our armed forces have launched a major operation to drive them back.” He said that no one should entertain the slightest doubt: they shall not stop till they have completely attained their objective. No one shall stop them till they have done so. You know well that our relations with Pakistan, as with all our neighbours, were improving rapidly: The Prime Ministers and other ministers of the two countries were in regular contact. In the midst of all this, regulars of Pakistan Army and infiltrators have been sent across. Fomenting insurgency here was heinous enough. But this time Army regulars have been sent. They have been sent to occupy our territory. And, having occupied it, to choke off our links with other parts of our country - in particular with Siachen and Ladakh. This step has been taken after a great deal of preparation. It was a pre-planned operation. It is a repudiation of the letter and spirit of the Lahore Declaration. It is a violation not just of one article of the Shimla Agreement, but an eight-fold violation of that solemn Agreement. “I remain confident that the people of Pakistan too yearn for peace and harmony. They know the possible costs of hostilities -- of how these will push economic gains even further beyond the horizon. They know that in today’s world whosoever launches aggression of any kind will get isolated in the international community,” Vajpayee said. Moreover both India and Pakistan are nuclear powers. So India’s responsibilities in this regard are all the greater. “Our first thought, and our last thought must be for our jawans, for our airmen and our officers who are fighting back the intruders. I want each one of them to know: the entire country stands with you, every Indian is grateful to you. The whole operation has been thrust upon us. To ensure victory, you would not be wanting in your requirements. Have confidence in the ability of our armed forces. The armed forces shall accomplish this task and ensure that no one dares to indulge in this kind of misadventure in future,” he said. 2003: Speech at the United Nations Vajpayee’s address at the UN General Assembly focused on global peace, terrorism, and the importance of international cooperation. One issue on which the UN showed remarkable unanimity after 9/11 was global terrorism. Security Council Resolutions 1373 and 1456 were unequivocal in condemning all forms of terrorism and in calling for united action against support, shelter, sponsorship, arming, training and financing for terrorism or terrorists. Yesterday, the President of Pakistan chose this august assembly to make a public admission for the first time that Pakistan is sponsoring terrorism in Jammu & Kashmir. After claiming that there is an indigenous struggle in Kashmir, he has offered to encourage a general cessation of violence within Kashmir, in return for ~reciprocal obligations and restraints, he said. India totally refuse to let terrorism become a tool of blackmail. Just as the world did not negotiate with Al-Qaida or the Taliban, we shall not negotiate with terrorism. “If we do so, we would be betraying the people of Jammu & Kashmir, who defied a most ferocious campaign of violence and intimidation sponsored from across our borders, and participated in an election, which has been universally hailed as free and fair. This was an unequivocal expression of both determination and self-determination,” he said. When the cross-border terrorism stops or when we eradicate it we can have a dialogue with Pakistan on the other issues between India and Pakistan, he said adding that “While on this subject, I would also like to point out to the President of Pakistan that he should not confuse the legitimate aspiration for equality of nations with outmoded concepts of military parity.” 2003: Independence Day Speech On this auspicious day which was also the last Indpendence Day speech of Vajpayee, he delivered a heartfelt speech to the nation. Below are few excerpts: My greetings to all the jawans of the three Armed Forces and to the security personnel. We gratefully remember those brave soldiers who laid down their lives while guarding our frontiers or in the battle against terrorism. This year the festival of freedom has arrived bringing the message of good rains in most parts of the country. We hope that the areas, which have not yet received adequate rainfall, would do so. The last year went by in grappling with the crisis of drought. We assisted all the drought-hit areas to the fullest extent, sent adequate foodgrains there, and ensured that there was no hunger anywhere. We also took care of the mute cattle. The world is changing. New challenges are emerging before us. We have to make India stronger both economically and socially. In the past five years, India’s prestige in the world has gone up, thanks to our pro-active foreign policy. The international community’s way of looking at us has undergone a big change. The world is now recognizing India: In recent months, there has been some progress in normalizing relations with Pakistan. Nevertheless, terrorist activities are still continuing. The test of our neighbour’s sincerity lies in whether he is prepared to stop cross-border terrorism totally. We hope that Pakistan abjures its anti-India outlook. The people of both countries wish to live in peace. I have been telling our Pakistani friends that we have spent fifty years fighting. How much more blood is yet to be spilt? The two of us need to fight against poverty, against unemployment, and against backwardness. An India that was perennially troubled by a paucity of foreign exchange, has today accumulated nearly US $ 100 billion of foreign exchange reserves. The prices of essential commodities are under control. There is no shortage of anything in the market. Poverty is declining. It is our resolve to eradicate it faster.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/famous-speeches-of-atal-bihari-vajpayee/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[PM vs Opposition]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/pm-vs-opposition-2/ There are some instances in the history of Indian politics that highlight the dynamic nature of our democracy, where the Prime Minister and key leaders in the opposition play pivotal roles in shaping legislative debates and influencing public opinion. The confrontations often reflect the diverse political ideologies and agendas within the Indian Parliament. The confrontations between India’s Prime Ministers and the Opposition leaders in the Lok Sabha have been a significant part of the country’s parliamentary history. These interactions often reflect the political tensions and debates within India’s democratic framework. Confrontations between India’s Prime Ministers and the Opposition leaders in the Lok Sabha typically arise due to several reasons, often stemming from political disagreements, policy issues, or broader governance challenges. The history of confrontations between India’s Prime Ministers and Opposition leaders in the Lok Sabha underscores the vibrancy of Indian democracy. These interactions play a crucial role in shaping public discourse, influencing policy decisions, and upholding democratic values in the country. Here are a few notable instances: Nehru vs Rajendra Prasad: Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first Prime Minister, faced strong opposition from leaders like Rajendra Prasad, who later became the President of India. Their debates often revolved around issues of national importance, including economic policies and foreign relations. One of the major reasons for the political differences between Dr Rajendra Prasad and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was the attitude of both of them towards the significance of religion in the society. Nehru favoured modern socialism, he believed that attitude towards religion was the main reason for India’s situation. The major public confrontations between Nehru and Prasad started with the Hindu code bills. Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar presented the draft in October 1947 in the Constituent Assembly and Nehru supported him. Under this, a rule code for all Hindus was to be created. The debate on the code bill spread to outside religious leaders and conservative social workers who opposed it vigorously. Nehru noticed the controversy surrounding the bill but at the time when constitution was to be filled with the Hindu code bill, Nehru took a tough stand on it. He was firm on getting the bill passed even if he had to take all the blame on him and tackle the objections surrounding it. Furious with Nehru’s attitude, Rajendra Prasad wrote a letter to him. In the letter, he described Nehru as unjust and undemocratic. Prasad shared the letter with Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel before sending it to Nehru. Patel took the letter and suggested him not to act angrily. He advised him to raise his disagreement in party’s forum. Because it was already September 1949. Not only constitution was going to be completed but presidential elections were to be held right after that. Patel wanted Rajendra Prasad to be the President. Nehru, at that time, favored then Governor General Rajagopalachari, for the post. Patel and Prasad had a strong hold on the organisation, even more than Nehru. But Patel did not want any direct confrontation with Nehru before the elections. After all, Nehru was the face of Congress and the most popular leader among the people. Patel’s strategy was successful and the Congress chose Rajendra Prasad as the President of India. Indira Gandhi vs Atal Bihari Vajpayee: During the tenure of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, Atal Bihari Vajpayee emerged as a prominent leader of the Opposition. Their debates were intense, particularly during the period of the Emergency (1975-1977), when political freedoms were curtailed. Rajiv Gandhi vs L.K. Advani: L.K. Advani, as the Leader of the Opposition in the late 1980s and early 1990s, engaged in spirited debates with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. These debates often focused on issues such as governance, corruption, and national security. V.P. Singh vs Rajiv Gandhi: V.P. Singh, as the Prime Minister following the Bofors scandal, faced criticism from leaders of the Opposition, including Rajiv Gandhi. The debates during this period were crucial in shaping public opinion and parliamentary discourse. Atal Bihari Vajpayee vs Sonia Gandhi: During Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s tenure as Prime Minister, Sonia Gandhi emerged as a prominent leader of the Congress party and the Leader of the Opposition. Their debates often revolved around issues such as economic policies, governance, and communal harmony. Manmohan Singh vs L.K. Advani: As Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh faced L.K. Advani as the Leader of the Opposition during the UPA government’s tenure. Their debates focused on various contentious issues such as the Indo-US nuclear deal, inflation, and corruption scandals. Avoiding confrontations between India’s Prime Ministers and the Opposition leaders in the Lok Sabha can be challenging but can be approached through several strategies aimed at fostering constructive dialogue and mutual respect. Both the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition can set a tone of respect and professionalism in parliamentary debates. Emphasizing the importance of civil discourse and avoiding personal attacks can help reduce confrontations. Encouraging regular dialogues and consultations between the government and opposition outside of parliamentary sessions can build understanding and trust. These interactions can focus on common goals and areas of agreement, fostering a more collaborative approach. Emphasizing substantive policy discussions rather than political rhetoric can shift the focus from personal or partisan attacks. Clear articulation of policy objectives and rationale can help bridge ideological differences. Encouraging bipartisan or multi-party discussions on key national issues can promote consensus-building. Finding common ground on matters of national interest, such as economic development, security, or social welfare, can reduce confrontational politics. Upholding the integrity of parliamentary processes, including debate rules and procedures, ensures fairness and reduces the likelihood of confrontations based on procedural disputes. Leaders from both sides can lead by example by demonstrating patience, tolerance, and a willingness to listen to opposing views. This can set a precedent for constructive engagement among other parliamentarians. Encouraging responsible media reporting and avoiding sensationalism can reduce the escalation of political tensions in public discourse. Leaders can also use media platforms to promote constructive dialogue rather than inflammatory rhetoric. Establishing formal or informal mechanisms for conflict resolution can provide a structured approach to address disagreements. This could include parliamentary committees, bipartisan forums, or mediation by respected individuals or institutions. Investing in long-term relationship building between leaders of different political parties can create a foundation of mutual respect and understanding, reducing the likelihood of confrontations during times of disagreement. Emphasizing shared commitment to democratic principles, such as accountability, transparency, and the rule of law, can unite leaders across party lines and mitigate confrontational politics. Ultimately, while complete avoidance of confrontations may not always be possible in a vibrant democracy like India’s, these strategies can contribute to a more constructive and cooperative political environment where differences are managed with civility and respect.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/pm-vs-opposition-2/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[PM vs Opposition]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/pm-vs-opposition/ There are some instances in the history of Indian politics that highlight the dynamic nature of our democracy, where the Prime Minister and key leaders in the opposition play pivotal roles in shaping legislative debates and influencing public opinion. The confrontations often reflect the diverse political ideologies and agendas within the Indian Parliament. The confrontations between India’s Prime Ministers and the Opposition leaders in the Lok Sabha have been a significant part of the country’s parliamentary history. These interactions often reflect the political tensions and debates within India’s democratic framework. Confrontations between India’s Prime Ministers and the Opposition leaders in the Lok Sabha typically arise due to several reasons, often stemming from political disagreements, policy issues, or broader governance challenges. The history of confrontations between India’s Prime Ministers and Opposition leaders in the Lok Sabha underscores the vibrancy of Indian democracy. These interactions play a crucial role in shaping public discourse, influencing policy decisions, and upholding democratic values in the country. Here are a few notable instances: Nehru vs Rajendra Prasad: Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first Prime Minister, faced strong opposition from leaders like Rajendra Prasad, who later became the President of India. Their debates often revolved around issues of national importance, including economic policies and foreign relations. One of the major reasons for the political differences between Dr Rajendra Prasad and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was the attitude of both of them towards the significance of religion in the society. Nehru favoured modern socialism, he believed that attitude towards religion was the main reason for India’s situation. The major public confrontations between Nehru and Prasad started with the Hindu code bills. Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar presented the draft in October 1947 in the Constituent Assembly and Nehru supported him. Under this, a rule code for all Hindus was to be created. The debate on the code bill spread to outside religious leaders and conservative social workers who opposed it vigorously. Nehru noticed the controversy surrounding the bill but at the time when constitution was to be filled with the Hindu code bill, Nehru took a tough stand on it. He was firm on getting the bill passed even if he had to take all the blame on him and tackle the objections surrounding it. Furious with Nehru’s attitude, Rajendra Prasad wrote a letter to him. In the letter, he described Nehru as unjust and undemocratic. Prasad shared the letter with Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel before sending it to Nehru. Patel took the letter and suggested him not to act angrily. He advised him to raise his disagreement in party’s forum. Because it was already September 1949. Not only constitution was going to be completed but presidential elections were to be held right after that. Patel wanted Rajendra Prasad to be the President. Nehru, at that time, favored then Governor General Rajagopalachari, for the post. Patel and Prasad had a strong hold on the organisation, even more than Nehru. But Patel did not want any direct confrontation with Nehru before the elections. After all, Nehru was the face of Congress and the most popular leader among the people. Patel’s strategy was successful and the Congress chose Rajendra Prasad as the President of India. Indira Gandhi vs Atal Bihari Vajpayee: During the tenure of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, Atal Bihari Vajpayee emerged as a prominent leader of the Opposition. Their debates were intense, particularly during the period of the Emergency (1975-1977), when political freedoms were curtailed. Rajiv Gandhi vs L.K. Advani: L.K. Advani, as the Leader of the Opposition in the late 1980s and early 1990s, engaged in spirited debates with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. These debates often focused on issues such as governance, corruption, and national security. V.P. Singh vs Rajiv Gandhi: V.P. Singh, as the Prime Minister following the Bofors scandal, faced criticism from leaders of the Opposition, including Rajiv Gandhi. The debates during this period were crucial in shaping public opinion and parliamentary discourse. Atal Bihari Vajpayee vs Sonia Gandhi: During Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s tenure as Prime Minister, Sonia Gandhi emerged as a prominent leader of the Congress party and the Leader of the Opposition. Their debates often revolved around issues such as economic policies, governance, and communal harmony. Manmohan Singh vs L.K. Advani: As Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh faced L.K. Advani as the Leader of the Opposition during the UPA government’s tenure. Their debates focused on various contentious issues such as the Indo-US nuclear deal, inflation, and corruption scandals. Avoiding confrontations between India’s Prime Ministers and the Opposition leaders in the Lok Sabha can be challenging but can be approached through several strategies aimed at fostering constructive dialogue and mutual respect. Both the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition can set a tone of respect and professionalism in parliamentary debates. Emphasizing the importance of civil discourse and avoiding personal attacks can help reduce confrontations. Encouraging regular dialogues and consultations between the government and opposition outside of parliamentary sessions can build understanding and trust. These interactions can focus on common goals and areas of agreement, fostering a more collaborative approach. Emphasizing substantive policy discussions rather than political rhetoric can shift the focus from personal or partisan attacks. Clear articulation of policy objectives and rationale can help bridge ideological differences. Encouraging bipartisan or multi-party discussions on key national issues can promote consensus-building. Finding common ground on matters of national interest, such as economic development, security, or social welfare, can reduce confrontational politics. Upholding the integrity of parliamentary processes, including debate rules and procedures, ensures fairness and reduces the likelihood of confrontations based on procedural disputes. Leaders from both sides can lead by example by demonstrating patience, tolerance, and a willingness to listen to opposing views. This can set a precedent for constructive engagement among other parliamentarians. Encouraging responsible media reporting and avoiding sensationalism can reduce the escalation of political tensions in public discourse. Leaders can also use media platforms to promote constructive dialogue rather than inflammatory rhetoric. Establishing formal or informal mechanisms for conflict resolution can provide a structured approach to address disagreements. This could include parliamentary committees, bipartisan forums, or mediation by respected individuals or institutions. Investing in long-term relationship building between leaders of different political parties can create a foundation of mutual respect and understanding, reducing the likelihood of confrontations during times of disagreement. Emphasizing shared commitment to democratic principles, such as accountability, transparency, and the rule of law, can unite leaders across party lines and mitigate confrontational politics. Ultimately, while complete avoidance of confrontations may not always be possible in a vibrant democracy like India’s, these strategies can contribute to a more constructive and cooperative political environment where differences are managed with civility and respect.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/pm-vs-opposition/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Nationalisation of banks, Another Indira legacy]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/nationalisation-of-banks-another-indira-legacy/ Indira Gandhi’s Left leanings were more radical than that of her father Nehru. Indira favoured a more aggressive brand of socialism and greatly admired the Soviet model of political centralisation. Her justification for nationalisation was to provide bank financing for the country’s marginalised classes, particularly the agrarian class as farmer distress was as prevalent then as it is now. She had the fullest support from all the Left parties who along with the public welcomed the move. On Saturday 19thJuly 1969, without warning prime minister Mrs Indira Gandhi nationalised 14 Indian banks by special Presidential Ordinance, without consulting the Cabinet and the Planning Commission. Three days previously, she had dismissed the Finance Minister Moraji Desai and had taken the Finance portfolio for herself. Desai had been vehemently opposed to nationalisation and preferred his own policy of ‘social control’ for banks without actually owning the institutions. In relation to his dismissal Desai was later to lament to Indira, ‘You have behaved towards me in a manner in which no one would behave even with a clerk.’ Indira had nationalized 14 leading banks, the biggest was the Central Bank, controlled by the Tatas with deposits of over 4 billion rupees, and the smallest was the Bank of Maharashtra with deposits totalling 700 million rupees. Indira had struck a severe blow to other big business houses too such as the Birlas who were running United Commercial Bank, the Dalmia-Jains with Bharat Bank and its 292 branch offices, the Punjab National Bank set up by Dyal Singh Majithia, Lala Harkishan Lal, Lala Lajpat Rai and others, and some Gujarati entrepreneurs who had big stakes in Dena Bank. An economic survey of 20 leading banks of that era showed that 188 people who served as directors were also directors of 1452 companies. Indira Gandhi’s Left leanings were more radical than that of her father Nehru. Indira favoured a more aggressive brand of socialism and greatly admired the Soviet model of political centralization. Her justification for nationalisation was to provide bank financing for the country’s marginalized classes, particularly the agrarian class as farmer distress was as prevalent then as it is now. She had the fullest support from all the Left parties who along with the public welcomed the move. For the opposition parties, Gandhi’s move was seen as a populist one, taken for political expediency. The Congress had not done well in the 1967 elections two years previously, and Mrs Gandhi was heading a minority government. The Swatantra Party, founded by Independent India’s first Governor-General C. Rajagopalachari in 1959 to counteract the socialist policies of Nehru, was now the single largest party in the Lok Sabha, and most of its members were ideologically aligned and on first name basis with ‘Morajibhai.’ One of Desai’s close friends was R. C.Cooper, the then General-Secretary of the Swatantra Party who was holding a dinner party in his south-Mumbai home on the night of 19thJuly, when news of nationalisation was announced on the radio much to the shock of all those present. One of Cooper’s guests from the Congress Party, who he does not name, but refers to as ‘a very senior official of the Government’, seeing Cooper’s visible agitation urged him to contest bank nationalisation and the next morning -a Sunday-Cooper rushed to Delhi. In a first person account - ‘Why I Moved The Supreme Court’, published in the February 20, 1970 issue of Himmat Weekly, Cooper wrote, ‘It was only about eight months before the actual step of bank nationalisation was taken that we had the social control legislation. Those of us who have taken pains to study the measure of social control in great detail came to the conclusion that there is nothing more in bank nationalisation which would promote social objectives better than would be done under the social control legislation. Therefore it would be incorrect for a socialist or anyone else to suggest that bank nationalisation is a step calculated to promote social objectives.’ Arriving in Delhi, Cooper found that noted jurist Nani Palkhiwalla was co-incidentally also in the city. He immediately engaged Palkhiwalla as counsel and Cooper’s petition was framed. Cooper had all the right qualifications to petition the Supreme Court. A leading Chartered Accountant of Mumbai, with a Ph.D. in Economics, Cooper was an early proponent of Free Market Economies and was Vice –President of the influential Forum of Free Enterprise. But it was in his capacity as shareholder and a member of the Board of Directors of the Central Bank of India, that he challenged bank nationalisation. Cooper wrote, ‘I have felt that not only certain political parties but even individuals in the highest places in the political sphere have started regarding the Constitution as something which can easily be played about with. My main objective in taking the matter to the Supreme Court was to establish the sanctity of the Constitution, the rule of law and the fundamental rights of the individual, particularly the small man and the small shareholder.’ Even as R.C.Cooper v. The Union of India was being heard; the Congress government went ahead with its plans to formalize the bank nationalisation ordinance and introduced the Banking Companies (Acquisition and Transfer of Undertakings) Act of 1969. During the court proceedings it was alleged by the government that ‘powerful big business interests’ were behind Cooper and financing the case. But Cooper made it clear that Palkhiwalla, his solicitor Jimmy Dadachanji and the entire team of young lawyers and economists who had volunteered their services, were in fact acting pro-bono. On 10th February 1970, the verdict was finally out and an eleven judge bench of the Supreme Court gave a 10-1 majority verdict in Dr Cooper’s favour and declared the 1969 Act to be ‘invalid and unconstitutional’. On 14 Feb 1970, the President of India, V.V.Giri was forced to pass another Presidential Ordinance to provide for compensation. This became an Act on 31 March 1970 and by its provisions a total of 87.40 crore rupees was to be paid out to the 14 banks and their shareholders. Fifty four years on the debate on the merits and de-merits of privatizing the banking sector rage on. It was the Gujarati and Parsi lobby at the time that was most strident and vocal in their call for an independent and unfettered banking industry. It will be interesting to see whether in his second or ensuing third term, India’s second Gujrati Prime-Minister Narendra Modi and his all-power number two in the government, Amit Shah will take steps to dismantle what could arguably be Indira Gandhi’s most controversial political legacy.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/nationalisation-of-banks-another-indira-legacy/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Leader of Opposition]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/leader-of-opposition-2/ The Lok Sabha did not officially recognize a Leader of the Opposition until 1969. The position was vacant between 1970 and 1977, between 1980 and 1989 and between 2014 to 2024. Rahul Gandhi of the Congress party has been appointed Leader of the Opposition in Lok Sabha, filling a post that had been empty for a decade. In the Lok Sabha until 1969, there was a de facto opposition leader with no formal recognition, status or privilege. Later, the leader of the opposition was given official recognition, and their salary and allowances were extended by the Act of 1977. Since then, the leader in the Lok Sabha should satisfy three conditions, namely—-he should be a member of the House, of the party in opposition to the Government having the greatest numerical strength and be recognized by the Speaker of the Lok Sabha. In December 1969, the Congress Party (O) was recognized as the main opposition party in the parliament while its leader, Ram Subhag Singh played the role of the opposition leader. The leader of opposition is a constitutional post and officially recognized in “The salary and allowance of Leader of opposition act, 1977. The Leader of the Opposition in Lok Sabha is an elected Member of Lok Sabha who leads the official opposition in the Lower House of the Parliament of India. The Leader of the Opposition is the parliamentary chairperson of the largest political party in the Lok Sabha that is not in government(provided that said political party has at least 10% of the seats in the Lok Sabha). Rahul Gandhi is currently serving as Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha.The office holder ranks 7th in the Order of Precedence of India. The Lok Sabha did not officially recognize a Leader of the Opposition until 1969. The position was vacant between 1970 and 1977, between 1980 and 1989 and between 2014 to 2024. Rahul Gandhi of the Congress party has been appointed leader of the opposition in India's parliament, filling a post that had been empty for a decade. Roles and responsibilities The Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha plays a crucial role in the functioning of the Indian Parliament. Here are the key responsibilities and roles: Representative of the Opposition: The Leader of the Opposition represents the views and concerns of the opposition parties. They act as a counterbalance to the ruling party, ensuring that alternative viewpoints are heard. Critiquing Government Policies: They critically analyze and debate government policies, programs, and legislation. Their role is to highlight potential flaws and suggest improvements. Participation in Important Committees: The Leader of the Opposition is often a member of significant parliamentary committees, such as the Public Accounts Committee, which oversees government expenditures and financial administration. Advisory Role: They provide advice and suggestions to the government on various matters of national importance. This includes participating in consultations on key appointments, such as the Chief Election Commissioner and the Comptroller and Auditor General. Ensuring Accountability: They play a vital role in holding the government accountable for its actions and decisions. This involves questioning ministers, seeking clarifications, and demanding explanations in the Lok Sabha. Leadership of the Opposition Parties: The Leader of the Opposition coordinates the activities of opposition parties in the Lok Sabha, ensuring a united front on critical issues. Shadow Cabinet: They may form a "shadow cabinet" comprising senior opposition leaders who focus on specific portfolios, mirroring the government's cabinet. This helps in detailed scrutiny of government policies. Representation at National Events: The Leader of the Opposition often represents the opposition in national and state events, providing an alternative perspective on important issues. International Representation: They may represent India in international forums and delegations, especially where a bipartisan approach is beneficial. The position of the Leader of the Opposition is recognized and provided for under the Salary and Allowances of Leaders of Opposition in Parliament Act, 1977. The Leader of the Opposition is also accorded a rank equivalent to that of a Cabinet Minister in terms of protocol. Question Hour: During the Question Hour in Parliament, the Leader of the Opposition plays a pivotal role in raising pertinent questions about the government's actions and decisions. This helps in ensuring that the government is transparent and accountable. Debates and Discussions: The Leader of the Opposition is a key figure in parliamentary debates and discussions. They often lead the opposition's arguments on crucial issues and bills being debated in the Lok Sabha, presenting counterarguments and alternative policies. Legislative Scrutiny: They actively scrutinize proposed legislation, ensuring that laws passed are just, fair, and in the best interest of the public. They work to identify potential loopholes and unintended consequences of new laws. Support to Opposition MPs: The Leader of the Opposition provides guidance and support to other opposition MPs, helping them to effectively perform their duties. This includes mentoring new MPs and coordinating the opposition's legislative strategy. National Issues and Crises: In times of national crises, the Leader of the Opposition plays an important role in ensuring a balanced response. They work towards a united front on issues of national security, natural disasters, or other emergencies, while also ensuring that the government is responsive and responsible. Policy Formulation and Alternatives: The Leader of the Opposition contributes to the formulation of alternative policies and programs. By presenting these alternatives, they provide voters with clear choices and highlight how the opposition would govern differently. Significance of LoP in Indian democracy The Leader of the Opposition (LoP) in the Lok Sabha holds significant importance in the context of Indian democracy. Here are several key aspects highlighting their significance: Ensuring Accountability: The LoP plays a crucial role in holding the government accountable for its actions and decisions. By questioning policies, scrutinizing legislation, and seeking clarifications, the LoP ensures transparency and accountability in governance. Providing a Check on Power: The presence of an effective LoP acts as a check on the potential misuse or abuse of power by the ruling party. This balance is essential for a healthy democracy, preventing the government from acting unilaterally. Voice for Alternative Policies: The LoP represents the views and concerns of the opposition parties, offering alternative policies and solutions. This provides voters with a clear choice and fosters a more comprehensive debate on national issues. Strengthening Parliamentary Democracy: The LoP contributes to the robustness of parliamentary democracy by ensuring that diverse viewpoints are represented in legislative processes. Their participation in debates and committees enriches the legislative discourse. Legislative Scrutiny The LoP and the opposition are vital in scrutinizing bills and policies proposed by the government. This helps in refining legislation, addressing potential flaws, and ensuring that laws are just and effective. Promoting Bipartisanship: In matters of national interest, the LoP can foster a spirit of bipartisanship, working with the government to find common ground. This is particularly important in times of national crises or on issues of national security. Representation of Minority Voices: The LoP ensures that the voices of minority groups and dissenting opinions are heard in the Lok Sabha. This inclusivity is fundamental to a pluralistic democracy like India’s. 8. Guidance to Opposition MPs: The LoP provides leadership and guidance to opposition MPs, helping them effectively fulfill their roles. This coordination strengthens the opposition’s ability to function as a cohesive and constructive force in Parliament. International Representation: The LoP often represents India in international forums and delegations, presenting an alternative perspective on global issues and enhancing India’s democratic credentials. Symbol of Democratic Resilience: The existence and active role of the LoP symbolize the resilience and vibrancy of Indian democracy. It demonstrates that democratic processes allow for dissent, debate, and the peaceful resolution of differences. Policy Innovation: By proposing alternative policies, the LoP encourages innovation and continuous improvement in governance. This competition of ideas leads to better policies and outcomes for the country. Public Trust: An effective LoP builds public trust in democratic institutions by showing that the opposition is capable of holding the government to account and providing viable alternatives.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/leader-of-opposition-2/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Leader of Opposition]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/leader-of-opposition/ The Lok Sabha did not officially recognize a Leader of the Opposition until 1969. The position was vacant between 1970 and 1977, between 1980 and 1989 and between 2014 to 2024. Rahul Gandhi of the Congress party has been appointed Leader of the Opposition in Lok Sabha, filling a post that had been empty for a decade. In the Lok Sabha until 1969, there was a de facto opposition leader with no formal recognition, status or privilege. Later, the leader of the opposition was given official recognition, and their salary and allowances were extended by the Act of 1977. Since then, the leader in the Lok Sabha should satisfy three conditions, namely—-he should be a member of the House, of the party in opposition to the Government having the greatest numerical strength and be recognized by the Speaker of the Lok Sabha. In December 1969, the Congress Party (O) was recognized as the main opposition party in the parliament while its leader, Ram Subhag Singh played the role of the opposition leader. The leader of opposition is a constitutional post and officially recognized in “The salary and allowance of Leader of opposition act, 1977. The Leader of the Opposition in Lok Sabha is an elected Member of Lok Sabha who leads the official opposition in the Lower House of the Parliament of India. The Leader of the Opposition is the parliamentary chairperson of the largest political party in the Lok Sabha that is not in government(provided that said political party has at least 10% of the seats in the Lok Sabha). Rahul Gandhi is currently serving as Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha. The office holder ranks 7th in the Order of Precedence of India. The Lok Sabha did not officially recognize a Leader of the Opposition until 1969. The position was vacant between 1970 and 1977, between 1980 and 1989 and between 2014 to 2024. Rahul Gandhi of the Congress party has been appointed leader of the opposition in India's parliament, filling a post that had been empty for a decade. Roles and responsibilities The Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha plays a crucial role in the functioning of the Indian Parliament. Here are the key responsibilities and roles: Representative of the Opposition: The Leader of the Opposition represents the views and concerns of the opposition parties. They act as a counterbalance to the ruling party, ensuring that alternative viewpoints are heard. Critiquing Government Policies: They critically analyze and debate government policies, programs, and legislation. Their role is to highlight potential flaws and suggest improvements. Participation in Important Committees: The Leader of the Opposition is often a member of significant parliamentary committees, such as the Public Accounts Committee, which oversees government expenditures and financial administration. Advisory Role: They provide advice and suggestions to the government on various matters of national importance. This includes participating in consultations on key appointments, such as the Chief Election Commissioner and the Comptroller and Auditor General. Ensuring Accountability: They play a vital role in holding the government accountable for its actions and decisions. This involves questioning ministers, seeking clarifications, and demanding explanations in the Lok Sabha. Leadership of the Opposition Parties: The Leader of the Opposition coordinates the activities of opposition parties in the Lok Sabha, ensuring a united front on critical issues. Shadow Cabinet: They may form a "shadow cabinet" comprising senior opposition leaders who focus on specific portfolios, mirroring the government's cabinet. This helps in detailed scrutiny of government policies. Representation at National Events: The Leader of the Opposition often represents the opposition in national and state events, providing an alternative perspective on important issues. International Representation: They may represent India in international forums and delegations, especially where a bipartisan approach is beneficial. The position of the Leader of the Opposition is recognized and provided for under the Salary and Allowances of Leaders of Opposition in Parliament Act, 1977. The Leader of the Opposition is also accorded a rank equivalent to that of a Cabinet Minister in terms of protocol. Question Hour: During the Question Hour in Parliament, the Leader of the Opposition plays a pivotal role in raising pertinent questions about the government's actions and decisions. This helps in ensuring that the government is transparent and accountable. Debates and Discussions: The Leader of the Opposition is a key figure in parliamentary debates and discussions. They often lead the opposition's arguments on crucial issues and bills being debated in the Lok Sabha, presenting counterarguments and alternative policies. Legislative Scrutiny: They actively scrutinize proposed legislation, ensuring that laws passed are just, fair, and in the best interest of the public. They work to identify potential loopholes and unintended consequences of new laws. Support to Opposition MPs: The Leader of the Opposition provides guidance and support to other opposition MPs, helping them to effectively perform their duties. This includes mentoring new MPs and coordinating the opposition's legislative strategy. National Issues and Crises: In times of national crises, the Leader of the Opposition plays an important role in ensuring a balanced response. They work towards a united front on issues of national security, natural disasters, or other emergencies, while also ensuring that the government is responsive and responsible. Policy Formulation and Alternatives: The Leader of the Opposition contributes to the formulation of alternative policies and programs. By presenting these alternatives, they provide voters with clear choices and highlight how the opposition would govern differently. Significance of LoP in Indian democracy The Leader of the Opposition (LoP) in the Lok Sabha holds significant importance in the context of Indian democracy. Here are several key aspects highlighting their significance: Ensuring Accountability: The LoP plays a crucial role in holding the government accountable for its actions and decisions. By questioning policies, scrutinizing legislation, and seeking clarifications, the LoP ensures transparency and accountability in governance. Providing a Check on Power: The presence of an effective LoP acts as a check on the potential misuse or abuse of power by the ruling party. This balance is essential for a healthy democracy, preventing the government from acting unilaterally. Voice for Alternative Policies: The LoP represents the views and concerns of the opposition parties, offering alternative policies and solutions. This provides voters with a clear choice and fosters a more comprehensive debate on national issues. Strengthening Parliamentary Democracy: The LoP contributes to the robustness of parliamentary democracy by ensuring that diverse viewpoints are represented in legislative processes. Their participation in debates and committees enriches the legislative discourse. Legislative Scrutiny The LoP and the opposition are vital in scrutinizing bills and policies proposed by the government. This helps in refining legislation, addressing potential flaws, and ensuring that laws are just and effective. Promoting Bipartisanship: In matters of national interest, the LoP can foster a spirit of bipartisanship, working with the government to find common ground. This is particularly important in times of national crises or on issues of national security. Representation of Minority Voices: The LoP ensures that the voices of minority groups and dissenting opinions are heard in the Lok Sabha. This inclusivity is fundamental to a pluralistic democracy like India’s. 8. Guidance to Opposition MPs: The LoP provides leadership and guidance to opposition MPs, helping them effectively fulfill their roles. This coordination strengthens the opposition’s ability to function as a cohesive and constructive force in Parliament. International Representation: The LoP often represents India in international forums and delegations, presenting an alternative perspective on global issues and enhancing India’s democratic credentials. Symbol of Democratic Resilience: The existence and active role of the LoP symbolize the resilience and vibrancy of Indian democracy. It demonstrates that democratic processes allow for dissent, debate, and the peaceful resolution of differences. Policy Innovation: By proposing alternative policies, the LoP encourages innovation and continuous improvement in governance. This competition of ideas leads to better policies and outcomes for the country. Public Trust: An effective LoP builds public trust in democratic institutions by showing that the opposition is capable of holding the government to account and providing viable alternatives.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/leader-of-opposition/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Emergency Horrors]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/emergency-horrors/ On June 25, 1975, India was thrust into a dark chapter of its history with the declaration of Emergency by then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. For the next 19 months, until March 21, 1977, the country witnessed an unprecedented clampdown on civil liberties, freedom of speech, and political dissent. Political opponents and activists were arrested indiscriminately, many of whom were subjected to brutal and inhumane torture, as meticulously documented in the book "Torture of Political Prisoners in India" found in the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library. The British colonial rule, notorious for its repression, had never witnessed such a complete blackout of information. The treatment of political prisoners during this period was harrowing Reports by the Lok Sangharsha Samiti and the personal testimonies within the book highlight the calculated nature of the torture inflicted. Prisoners were kept in illegal confinement and subjected to various forms of physical and psychological torment. These included stamping on bare bodies with heeled boots, severe beatings, forced positions causing immense pain, and electric shocks applied to sensitive areas. Victims were also stripped naked, subjected to burns with cigarettes or candle wax, denied basic necessities like food, water, and sleep, and even forced to drink their own urine. Lawrence Fernandes: A Tragic Tale of Torture and Resilience Arrest and Initial Torture: • Lawrence Fernandes, brother of George Fernandes, was arrested from his Bengaluru residence on May 1, 1976, around 9 pm. • The arrest was ostensibly for interrogation related to a habeas corpus plea filed for another brother, Michael Fernandes, who was detained under MISA. • Lawrence was tortured from 9 pm until 3 am the next day, enduring severe beatings with clubs and the root of a banyan tree. Five clubs broke during the torture. • He was subjected to vulgar abuse, threatened with being killed by a train, and only spared when his health severely deteriorated. Solitary Confinement and Inhumane Conditions: • Lawrence was kept in solitary confinement under extremely unhygienic conditions until May 20, 1976. • He was frequently denied food or given improper food, allowed to bathe only three times, and denied a change of clothes. • His confinement led to severe physical and mental deterioration. Mother’s Heartbreaking Account: • On May 21, Lawrence’s mother visited him in prison upon being informed by a lawyer. • She described finding him in a state that was barely alive, unable to move without assistance, with his left side crippled, both left leg and hand swollen, and having lost about 20 kg in 20 days. • Lawrence was in a mentally and physically wrecked condition, unable to speak freely, and terribly afraid of the police and anyone he perceived as an interrogator or tormentor. Horrors Inflicted by Congress During Emergency Torture of Prisoners in Kerala and Tamil Nadu • Chokalinga Chittibabu died because of injuries due to police torture suffered while trying to save M.K. Stalin in Madras Central Prison during Emergency. Strangely, Stalin is now supporting the same party that imposed Emergency, leading to the death of Chittibabu ji. • In Cannanore, during a lathicharge between police and protestors, they were beaten till lathis broke. • In Mundiyoruma, farmers Prabhakaran, Thangappan and Vasu were taken away and beaten black and blue for ten days straight. • In Ernakulam, leaders chanting ‘Bharat Mata Ki Jai’ and ‘Vande Mataram’ were taken away by police and beaten up by ten to thirteen constables. Heads of leaders were kept between their knees and were beaten up. When knees were removed all of a sudden, the victims would fall. Victims were beaten till canes broke. • P. Rajan — an engineering student who was picked up by the police for a crime that couldn’t be proven. His dead body was disposed off and couldn’t be located till today. It was the long and lonely struggle of T.V. Eachara Warrier — Rajan’s father — that brought out the truth behind his son’s disappearance after he was taken away by the police on March 1, 1976. Horrors in Hyderabad • Narsinha Reddy was slapped on both his ears so severely that bloody started oozing from them and he had to be operated upon. • Student leader Rajawardhan was beaten so mercilessly he vomited blood and fell unconscious. Even then, he was not given any medical attention. • Leaders were stripped of their clothes, denied food and made to sleep in severe cold. • On 7th October, 1975, seven persons were arrested at Godawari Khani in Karimnagar District. They were pasting some posters. Of these, three were asked to remove their clothes and their bodies were burned with melted candle wax. When doctors saw them, they were horrified. Torture of Prisoners in Vishakhapatanam • A political prisoner named Gopi was beaten so severely in Nalgonda, he could not pass urine. • In Vishakhapatanam, political prisoner Erraji, whose ‘crime’ was writing political slogans on walls, was given electric shocks. • In East Godavari prison, political prisoners Koka Kurma Rao and Krishna Prasad were severely beaten up and hanged by their hair where they lost consciousness. Torture of Students in Karnataka In Karnataka, through various accounts, one can see that the police’s ‘favourite’ torture technique was the ‘aeroplane. In ‘aeroplane’, the victim is tied up in ‘aeroplane’ manner wherein the victim’s hands are tied behind their backs with a rope. The rope is then taken towards the ceiling with a pulley and the victim is pulled up a few feet above the ground. The victim will then hang midair with both their hands tied behind their backs. • Young College students in Belgaum were subjected to third degree torture and were hanged from ceiling in ‘aeroplane’. The excruciating pain made them lose their consciousness. • Student leaders in Hubli, Shrikant Desai, Padmanabh Harihar and Puttu Swamy, were all beaten up and put on ‘aeroplane’. • In Mysore, too, student leader Ravi was arrested, beaten up, kicked and put on ‘aeroplane’. • In Mangalore, Udaya Shankar, a student from Canara college, was taken away by police without warrant on 12th November, 1975. He was manhandled, caned and kicked till his body turned red and blue. He was deprived of food. All these atrocities took place in presence of Superintendent of Police, Chopra. Later, Udaya Shankar was put on ‘aeroplane’, not once but thrice. • One Shrikant, a student from Bangalore, was also beaten and put on ‘aeroplane’. • In Mangalore, merchants Anant Hegde, Padmanabh Hegde and Ganesh Kudwa were taken into police custody and tortured without food and proper sanitary arrangement. After three days of caning and kicking, when their knees could not bend and they could barely walk, they were made to walk the distance towards Magistrate. • Narasamma, a woman protestor was arrested on 15th August 1975. She was pregnant. While she was taken to hospital for delivery, her legs were tied to the cot with a chain. • Another student leader, Sesha, was rubbed all over body with poisonous caterpillars. • Students at Shimoga were lathicharged. Torture in Assam While prisoners were kept at Dibrugarh and Guwahati jails, in Guwahati jail, CPIM leader Rabin Kalita was detained in August 1975 under draconian MISA. He was later hospitalised and operated upon but he could not make it. He died with handcuffs on. His relatives were not even allowed to meet him or attend to him. Excesses in Rajasthan • Jugal Bihari Sharma in Savai Madhopur was given electric shocks. • Similarly, political prisoners Pulchand, Ramesh Chandra and Ramesh Sharma were given electric shocks at Gangapur. • In Sikar, Jhunjhun, one lawyer, Ghanshyam Tiwari went to file petitions in court. He was taken into custody and tortured on suspicion of having gone to defend the political prisoners. He was beaten up so mercilessly that he fell unconscious. • In Jodhpur, the protestors were humiliated by making them march with placards with ‘we are traitors’ written on them. Draconian Laws in Delhi and Haryana • Hemant Kumar Vishnoi, Delhi University Union Secretary was arrested while on a picnic with fellow students in Delhi’s Buddha Gardens. He was hung upside down and beaten up. Burning candles were put on his bare soles and chilli powder smeared on his nose and rectum. Despite torture, he refused to ‘confess’ to a non-existent plot against Indira Gandhi. All this was done even though there was no case registered against him. His whole body was swollen because of the torture. • Mahavir Singh, another Delhi University student was beaten up and tortured so much that his skin started reacting to even shirts he would wear. • Shiv Kumar Sharma, a DU student was forced to inhale chilli powder. He was also beaten up with rods, shoes and gun butts. • Student leader Ashwini Kumar was made to lie down at police station and a constable then danced on his chest wearing ammunition boots. • On 26 June, 1975 itself over 200 teachers of Delhi University were arrested. • Jasbir Singh, a JNU student was arrested on 23 June, 1976 and in his statement he described the torture meted out to him. He writes he was taken inside a room of a police station where he was beaten up by clubs, boots and chappals from 6 pm till midnight. Next day, his hands and feet were tied to a pole that was bound to two chairs. he was suspended between these two chairs. He was pushed side to side and swung on it when he started vomiting blood. Police told him repeatedly that he’s going to die and no one will ever know as his body will be thrown in the Yamuna river. The torture continued for days. • Jugal Bihari Sharma in Savai Madhopur was given electric shocks. • Similarly, political prisoners Pulchand, Ramesh Chandra and Ramesh Sharma were given electric shocks at Gangapur. • In Sikar, Jhunjhun, one lawyer, Ghanshyam Tiwari went to file petitions in court. He was taken into custody and tortured on suspicion of having gone to defend the political prisoners. He was beaten up so mercilessly that he fell unconscious. • In Jodhpur, the protestors were humiliated by making them march with placards with 'we are traitors' written on them.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/emergency-horrors/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Sanjay and Rukhsana—’Ice-cream buddies’]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/sanjay-and-rukhsana-ice-cream-buddies-2/ Maneka Gandhi defended her husband stoutly even after she left mother-in-law and then prime minister Indira Gandhi’s house and joined the right-wing BJP. According to her, the Emergency brought about order and discipline in the country. ‘There were no power failures, no strikes or lockouts, citizens went about without the fear of being mugged, robbed or raped, everything was available at reasonable prices, the slums had been cleared, the stench of open sewers abolished and, instead, clean, wholesome and cheap housing complexes raised in the suburbs, the arid desert of sand and rock turned into lush green, parks and woodland. These were only some of things that Sanjay did for his city.’ To Maneka, Sanjay had always been a caring husband. If she was feeling under the weather, Sanjay would skip Parliament to be with her. Barely three months before his untimely death, when their son Varun Feroze was to be born, Sanjay accompanied her to the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) and stayed by her side through the birth. ‘The AIIMS doctors later told me that he was the first man to come into the delivery room while his wife was having a baby,’ Maneka said. (Gandhi, Maneka, Sanjay Gandhi, Vakil, Feffers and Simons Ltd., Mumbai, 1980.) In public, too, Sanjay’s image was somewhat different. Once Maneka had gone to Willingdon Hospital (now known as Dr Ram Manohar Lohia Hospital), having just got her driving licence. While she was parking her car, she brushed it against another, scratching its paint. Instead of leaving the premises quietly, Maneka decided to wait for the owner. The damaged car belonged to an old man, who gave Maneka a lecture about driving carefully and the monetary damage that she had caused. Maneka readily offered to pay the necessary compensation, but she was not carrying much money on her, so she wrote her address and gave it to him, asking him to send the bill home to her. When the old man saw her address, he said, ‘Are you the wife of Sanjay Gandhi? Then I will not charge you anything.’ (Moraes, Dom, Mrs. Gandhi, Jonathan Cape, London, 1980.) Columnist Kumkum Chadha, who covered Sanjay Gandhi during and after the Emergency, recalled how once, after giving a controversial interview in which he criticized the judiciary, Sanjay called her the next day to check if she was in any trouble or needed legal help. Sanjay even sent R.K. Anand, then an upcoming lawyer who later became a Congress MP, to her house to tell her that he was only a phone call away. Congressmen, who worked closely with Sanjay praise him even today. Gufran-e-Azam, who served as an influential Youth Congress leader of that time, recalls that Sanjay was a ‘party animal’ in the sense that he had few interests outside politics. ‘We could go on chatting, discussing individuals and party affairs for hours,’ Gufran said, pointing out that the ‘cream’ of young leadership that emerged during Sanjay’s time continues to call the shots in the party even now. ‘Ghulam Nabi Azad, Ahmed Patel, Ambika Soni, Kamal Nath, Gundu Rao, Ashok Gehlot, Digvijay Singh, Jagdish Tytler, Vayalar Ravi and Veer Bahadur Singh are some of the names who were schooled under him.’ Gufran said that on numerous occasions, Sanjay would challenge his choice of party nominees and even block level functionaries. ‘In any argument, his favourite phrase was “convince me”. We were all encouraged to air our views openly and frankly at party forums. It was the old guard that was wary of Sanjay,’ claimed Gufran. Sanjay made a concerted bid to change the way politics was pursued. Sanjay questioned and troubled the established party leadership and created a parallel order in virtually every state. Even those fiercely loyal to Indira were not spared. Sanjay’s view was that unless the ‘comfort zone’ of these leaders was shaken up, the party would not excel. He experimented with new caste equations. The Nehruvian–Gandhian principles of probity in public life, simplicity, and a thrust on values were given the go-by. Indira watched with detached bemusement and a tinge of sadness, but she made little effort to check Sanjay’s style of functioning. Sanjay’s close associate and socialite Rukhsana Sultana was one person, who managed to annoy everyone from Maneka and Ambika to many of the Congress leaders. Rukhsana was an exotic character, an unabashed exhibitionist, who acted as Sanjay’s point person in Delhi’s Muslim localities. As Youth Congress president, Ambika often shared the platform with Sanjay and heaped praise on him. Rukhsana, too, never missed an opportunity to insist that Sanjay and she were ‘ice-cream buddies’, whatever that meant. A niece of actress Begum Para and a pin-up girl of the 1950s, Rukhsana had been married to a Sikh, but her marriage did not last long. She had a boutique in Connaught Circus, from where she retailed high-end diamond jewellery on a commission basis. One day, Rukhsana was thrilled to see the prime minister’s son visit her boutique. The lady apparently had the Madame du Barry bug. When they met next, she told Sanjay that she felt highly motivated and inspired by his leadership qualities and offered to dedicate her life to his ‘cause’. Rukhsana’s ascent was intensely disliked by Maneka, Indira, Ambika and several others, but Sanjay kept pushing her to work in the slums and in the Jama Masjid area, which is dominated by Muslims. Indira was once heard saying, ‘She (Rukhsana) is a very scatterbrained sort of person.’ Maneka said Rukhsana talked a lot of rubbish. In the Jama Masjid area, the sight of Rukhsana, perfumed, painted and bejewelled to within an inch of her life, wearing pink spectacles, a silk sari and a low-cut choli, was a complete put-off for both men and women. But Rukhsana was not bothered by their reaction. She said her jewellery was part of her personality. ‘Why should I discard my real personality?’ she asked. More often than not, Rukhsana was seen moving about the Jama Masjid area with a handkerchief soaked in eau de cologne over her nose under her famous oversized ‘go-go’ shades. At one point, Rukhsana was allegedly paid a sum of eighty-four thousand rupees by the Union health and family welfare ministry for ‘motivating’ eight thousand men to opt for vasectomies. In June 1976, when she was supervising the demolition of many shops in the Turkaman Gate area of the walled part of Delhi, protesters faced police lathis, teargas, batons and, finally, bullets. Several people were killed. Rukhsana is mother of Amrita Singh, who was a leading Bollywood actress in the 1980s. Rukhsana is grandmother to Sara Ali Khan and Ibrahim Ali Khan, the children of Amrita, and former mother-in-law to Amrita's former husband, Saif Ali Khan. Rukhsana also had an old connection with Bollywood as she was actually born as Meenu Bimbet to Zarina Sultana (sister of film actress, Begum Para) and Mohan Bimbet. She is connected through birth and marriage to a number of well-known personalities in Indian films and media. Rukhsana married Shivinder Singh Virk, an officer in the Indian Army. They later divorced.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/sanjay-and-rukhsana-ice-cream-buddies-2/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Sanjay and Rukhsana—’Ice-Cream Buddies’]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/sanjay-and-rukhsana-ice-cream-buddies/ Maneka Gandhi defended her husband stoutly even after she left mother-in-law and then prime minister Indira Gandhi’s house and joined the right-wing BJP. According to her, the Emergency brought about order and discipline in the country. ‘There were no power failures, no strikes or lockouts, citizens went about without the fear of being mugged, robbed or raped, everything was available at reasonable prices, the slums had been cleared, the stench of open sewers abolished and, instead, clean, wholesome and cheap housing complexes raised in the suburbs, the arid desert of sand and rock turned into lush green, parks and woodland. These were only some of things that Sanjay did for his city.’ To Maneka, Sanjay had always been a caring husband. If she was feeling under the weather, Sanjay would skip Parliament to be with her. Barely three months before his untimely death, when their son Varun Feroze was to be born, Sanjay accompanied her to the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) and stayed by her side through the birth. ‘The AIIMS doctors later told me that he was the first man to come into the delivery room while his wife was having a baby,’ Maneka said. (Gandhi, Maneka, Sanjay Gandhi, Vakil, Feffers and Simons Ltd., Mumbai, 1980.) In public, too, Sanjay’s image was somewhat different. Once Maneka had gone to Willingdon Hospital (now known as Dr Ram Manohar Lohia Hospital), having just got her driving licence. While she was parking her car, she brushed it against another, scratching its paint. Instead of leaving the premises quietly, Maneka decided to wait for the owner. The damaged car belonged to an old man, who gave Maneka a lecture about driving carefully and the monetary damage that she had caused. Maneka readily offered to pay the necessary compensation, but she was not carrying much money on her, so she wrote her address and gave it to him, asking him to send the bill home to her. When the old man saw her address, he said, ‘Are you the wife of Sanjay Gandhi? Then I will not charge you anything.’ (Moraes, Dom, Mrs. Gandhi, Jonathan Cape, London, 1980.) Columnist Kumkum Chadha, who covered Sanjay Gandhi during and after the Emergency, recalled how once, after giving a controversial interview in which he criticized the judiciary, Sanjay called her the next day to check if she was in any trouble or needed legal help. Sanjay even sent R.K. Anand, then an upcoming lawyer who later became a Congress MP, to her house to tell her that he was only a phone call away. Congressmen, who worked closely with Sanjay praise him even today. Gufran-e-Azam, who served as an influential Youth Congress leader of that time, recalls that Sanjay was a ‘party animal’ in the sense that he had few interests outside politics. ‘We could go on chatting, discussing individuals and party affairs for hours,’ Gufran said, pointing out that the ‘cream’ of young leadership that emerged during Sanjay’s time continues to call the shots in the party even now. ‘Ghulam Nabi Azad, Ahmed Patel, Ambika Soni, Kamal Nath, Gundu Rao, Ashok Gehlot, Digvijay Singh, Jagdish Tytler, Vayalar Ravi and Veer Bahadur Singh are some of the names who were schooled under him.’ Gufran said that on numerous occasions, Sanjay would challenge his choice of party nominees and even block level functionaries. ‘In any argument, his favourite phrase was “convince me”. We were all encouraged to air our views openly and frankly at party forums. It was the old guard that was wary of Sanjay,’ claimed Gufran. Sanjay made a concerted bid to change the way politics was pursued. Sanjay questioned and troubled the established party leadership and created a parallel order in virtually every state. Even those fiercely loyal to Indira were not spared. Sanjay’s view was that unless the ‘comfort zone’ of these leaders was shaken up, the party would not excel. He experimented with new caste equations. The Nehruvian–Gandhian principles of probity in public life, simplicity, and a thrust on values were given the go-by. Indira watched with detached bemusement and a tinge of sadness, but she made little effort to check Sanjay’s style of functioning. Sanjay’s close associate and socialite Rukhsana Sultana was one person, who managed to annoy everyone from Maneka and Ambika to many of the Congress leaders. Rukhsana was an exotic character, an unabashed exhibitionist, who acted as Sanjay’s point person in Delhi’s Muslim localities. As Youth Congress president, Ambika often shared the platform with Sanjay and heaped praise on him. Rukhsana, too, never missed an opportunity to insist that Sanjay and she were ‘ice-cream buddies’, whatever that meant. A niece of actress Begum Para and a pin-up girl of the 1950s, Rukhsana had been married to a Sikh, but her marriage did not last long. She had a boutique in Connaught Circus, from where she retailed high-end diamond jewellery on a commission basis. One day, Rukhsana was thrilled to see the prime minister’s son visit her boutique. The lady apparently had the Madame du Barry bug. When they met next, she told Sanjay that she felt highly motivated and inspired by his leadership qualities and offered to dedicate her life to his ‘cause’. Rukhsana’s ascent was intensely disliked by Maneka, Indira, Ambika and several others, but Sanjay kept pushing her to work in the slums and in the Jama Masjid area, which is dominated by Muslims. Indira was once heard saying, ‘She (Rukhsana) is a very scatterbrained sort of person.’ Maneka said Rukhsana talked a lot of rubbish. In the Jama Masjid area, the sight of Rukhsana, perfumed, painted and bejewelled to within an inch of her life, wearing pink spectacles, a silk sari and a low-cut choli, was a complete put-off for both men and women. But Rukhsana was not bothered by their reaction. She said her jewellery was part of her personality. ‘Why should I discard my real personality?’ she asked. More often than not, Rukhsana was seen moving about the Jama Masjid area with a handkerchief soaked in eau de cologne over her nose under her famous oversized ‘go-go’ shades. At one point, Rukhsana was allegedly paid a sum of eighty-four thousand rupees by the Union health and family welfare ministry for ‘motivating’ eight thousand men to opt for vasectomies. In June 1976, when she was supervising the demolition of many shops in the Turkaman Gate area of the walled part of Delhi, protesters faced police lathis, teargas, batons and, finally, bullets. Several people were killed. Rukhsana is mother of Amrita Singh, who was a leading Bollywood actress in the 1980s. Rukhsana is grandmother to Sara Ali Khan and Ibrahim Ali Khan, the children of Amrita, and former mother-in-law to Amrita's former husband, Saif Ali Khan. Rukhsana also had an old connection with Bollywood as she was actually born as Meenu Bimbet to Zarina Sultana (sister of film actress, Begum Para) and Mohan Bimbet. She is connected through birth and marriage to a number of well-known personalities in Indian films and media. Rukhsana married Shivinder Singh Virk, an officer in the Indian Army. They later divorced. (Concluded)]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/sanjay-and-rukhsana-ice-cream-buddies/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Nayantara Sahgal’s suffering]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/nayantara-sahgals-suffering/ This Tuesday marks the the 49th year of Emergency, imposed by Indira Gandhi. In this two-part series of Rasheed Kidwai gives a vivid account of key characters who were part of Indira-Sanjay team. Writer Nayantara Sahgal, Sanjay Gandhi’s aunt, had many skirmishes with the Indira Gandhi establishment. She suddenly discovered that many newspaper editors were avoiding her. Publishers politely declined to publish her work and a filmmaker who was keen to make a film based on her novel, This Time of Morning, vanished into thin air. The filmmaker, who lived abroad, felt that her association with Nayantara would risk her credibility with the ruling clique and spoil her chances of getting direct sanction for television programmes from the information and broadcasting ministry. Nayantara, whose mother Vijaya Lakshmi had never got along too well with Indira, was an outspoken critic of the Emergency. In December 1975, Nayantara wrote pamphlets against the Indira regime, liberally strewn with anti-fascism quotes from Nehru. Her mother and friends advised her to avoid writing on politics, but Nayantara could not reconcile herself to the ban on creativity. In an article, she focused on the right to dissent, recalling how atrocious punishments had always been dealt out to those who had disobeyed authority. ‘I recalled that one could be sentenced to death by poison for teaching the values of the good life, if these were different from what the state taught. One could be burned at the stake, broken on the wheel or condemned to the galleys for declaring, writing or printing “heresies” against the church or the monarch or challenging current theories about the sun, the earth and the stars. From Socrates to Servetus and beyond, prison, torture or extermination had been ordinary matter of fact punishments for those who disagreed.’ (Sahgal, Nayantara, A Voice for Freedom, Hind Pocket Books, Delhi, 1977.) During the Emergency, Nayantara was particularly alarmed by the growing horror of gulags in India, the seemingly real possibility of unnamed, unnumbered, unreported and undefended arrests. By one estimate, the nineteen-month-long Emergency saw more than a 100,000 political activists of all hues behind bars for long periods. When journalist Kuldip Nayar was arrested, both Indira and Sanjay earned adverse publicity at home and abroad. Nayantara claimed that her telephone was being tapped and her movements closely monitored. While the actual situation was far less severe than the Soviet forced labour and concentration camp system vividly described in Solzhenitsyn’s The Gulag Archipelago, for writers and journalists, earning a living during the Emergency was indeed a problem. Nayantara had finished writing A Situation in New Delhi, but before it could be published, she was asked to see the chief censor, Harry D’Penha, who advised her to seek the home ministry’s approval. Nayantara declined to see Om Mehta. ‘I took my manuscript home and forgot about it. It had no importance now next to the sheer sickness I felt when I thought of admired, veteran leaders, some legendary for their contribution to India, in jail, of the thousands with no famous name or background to protect them.’ (Sahgal, Nayantara, A Voice for Freedom, Hind Pocket Books, New Delhi, 1977.) Nayantara was not arrested during the Emergency, but on one occasion, her sister was allegedly told by a close Indira associate and the then West Bengal chief minister, Siddhartha Shankar Ray that she could be ‘picked up under MISA’ at any time. MISA, or the Maintenance of Internal Security Act, was dreaded by everyone during the Emergency. Former Union railway minister Laloo Prasad Yadav, who had a daughter during that period, named her Misa Bharti after that draconian law. On another occasion, V.C. Shukla, another key member of Indira’s ‘kitchen cabinet’, told Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit with an ill-concealed sense of satisfaction that Nayantara would not be able to write about politics. Nehru’s sister quickly retorted that politics was not the lone subject on which Nayantara was capable of writing. By the time the Emergency ended, Nayantara was so disillusioned with the Congress and her close relatives that she found the maverick Subramanian Swamy and his rightwing Jan Sangh a worthy alternative. She told Swamy at a gathering, ‘People need to know that the Jan Sangh does not have three horns and a tail.’ B.N. Tandon, who served in the prime minister’s office during the Emergency, wrote a Samuel Pepys-type account of it, called PMO Diary II: The Emergency. On 28 May 1976, Tandon has an entry stating. ‘Gopal gave another instance of how the PM can stoop to any level to achieve her political aims. The only family member left of Kamaraj is his aged sister, who is a very poor lady. Malaviyaji had thought that to help her, she could be given an LPG agency. The PM stopped this. The reason is that Kamaraj’s sister is still with the Congress (Old) and shows no sign of wanting to defect to Indira’s Congress. At any rate, the PM will not easily reconsider this case.’ (Tandon, B.N., PMO Diary, Konark Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 2006.) There were other bizarre events in the Sanjay saga of the Emergency. In Connaught Place in New Delhi, there is a textile shop called Pandit Brothers, whose eighty-year-old owner was the uncle of P.N. Haksar, Indira’s former principal secretary. It is believed that Haksar had suggested to Indira that she dissociate herself from Sanjay’s activities. It may have been just a coincidence, but during the Emergency, Haksar’s uncle had to spend a day in police custody. The reason? Apparently, the towels and napkins at his shop did not carry individual price tags, though the bundles did. Indira, however, had a different take on Sanjay. After her defeat of 1977, writer and filmmaker Khwaja Ahmad Abbas sought an appointment with the former prime minister. He quoted specific instances of excesses during the Emergency, ranging from forced sterilizations to violence, but Indira made no attempts to defend herself or Sanjay. ‘Sanjay is a very simple, sincere boy,’ she said in a voice in which Abbas noticed a tremor; as if she were pleading for her son. ‘He does not drink or smoke and does not take tea or coffee.’ (Abbas, K.A., 20th March 1977: A Day Like Any Other Day, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1978.) Indira blamed her party’s chief ministers, the CWC and the AICC office-bearers for the entire ‘Sanjay build-up’. Apparently as prime minister, Indira had written numerous letters to the chief ministers of the party-ruled states asking them not to accord state receptions for Sanjay, but they continued to do so. Indira described Sanjay as a ‘doer’: ‘You see, he isn’t a thinker. He is a doer. I mean a cent per cent doer. When he wants something done, he gets it done,’ she told her biographer, Dom Moraes. This period saw the introduction of the 42nd Amendment of the Constitution of India, which was enacted in November 1976, when the term of the present Lok Sabha had extended beyond five years. The amendment purported to reduce the power of the Supreme Court and the High Courts to pronounce upon the constitutionality of laws. The amendment had four major purposes: i. To exclude the courts entirely from election disputes; ii. To strengthen the central government vis-à-vis the state governments and empower it further to rule the country as a unitary, not a federal system; iii. To give maximum protection from judicial challenges to social revolutionary legislation; iv. To ‘trim’ the judiciary, so as to ‘make it difficult for the court to upset Parliament’s policy in regard to many matters.’ It also declared India to be a socialist, secular republic and laid down the duties of Indian citizens to their government. The main author of this infamous amendment was Dev Kant Barooah, who, as Congress president, had immortalized himself by coining the slogan, ‘India is Indira, Indira is India’. A.R. Antulay was another prime mover behind the amendment. When the bill was placed in Parliament, Antulay, a barrister from Lincoln’s Inn, outdid Barooah in praising Indira and called for a ‘fresh look’ at the existing constitutional provisions, among them the five-yearly parliamentary polls. Antulay praised Indira for driving out Congressmen who were not in the Nehruvian mould. Next he was heard saying, ‘It has been left to Nehru’s proud daughter, the daughter of the Indian nation, the daughter of India, ancient, present and future, to bring into effect what Nehru had visualized.’ Bansi Lal tried to outdo both Barooah and Antulay when he told Indira’s cousin, B.K. Nehru: ‘Get rid of all this election nonsense… Just make our sister (Indira) president (of India) for life and there is no need to do anything else.’ Once again, Sanjay was seen as the moving spirit behind all this. Ambika Soni, who was then president of the Indian Youth Congress, however, later claimed that she had been opposed to drastic measures such as amending the Constitution; she said that she had believed that switching to a presidential system would alienate the masses. To Be Continued]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/nayantara-sahgals-suffering/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[STUDENTS’ PROTESTS]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/students-protests/ Students in India have consistently mobilised themselves against injustice, inequality, and policies perceived as detrimental to public welfare. They have used their collective voice and activism to challenge authority, and shape public discourse, and advocate for social and political change throughout the country’s history. The history of student protests in India is rich and multifaceted, spanning various socio-political movements and reflecting the evolving aspirations and concerns of the youth. Throughout these phases, students in India have consistently demonstrated their role as agents of change and guardians of democratic values. They have used various forms of protest including strikes, rallies, sit-ins, and social media campaigns to raise awareness, challenge authority, and push for social justice, highlighting their significant impact on Indian society and politics. Here’s an overview of the key phases and movements in the history of student protests in India: Pre-Independence Era (Late 19th Century - 1947): Role in Freedom Struggle: Students played a crucial role in India’s struggle for independence from British colonial rule. Organizations like the Indian National Congress (INC) and All India Students’ Conference (AISC) mobilized students for boycotts, protests, and civil disobedience movements. Partition and Communal Harmony: Post-Partition, students protested against communal violence and advocated for communal harmony and refugee rehabilitation. Post-Independence (1947-1960s): Language Movements: States like Tamil Nadu (Anti-Hindi agitation), Karnataka (Gokak agitation for Kannada language), and West Bengal (Bengali Language Movement) witnessed student-led protests for linguistic rights and against language imposition. Social Justice Movements: Dalit students’ movements emerged, demanding equality and rights for marginalized communities. The first major Dalit student organization, the Dalit Panther Movement, was formed in Maharashtra. Anti-Imperialism and Socialism: Influenced by global anti-imperialist movements, students increasingly engaged in leftist and socialist ideologies. Protests against Vietnam War and support for Palestinian and Cuban revolutions were common. Emergency Period (1975-1977): Students were at the forefront of resistance against Indira Gandhi’s Emergency, organizing underground movements, distributing literature, and facing arrests and censorship. Indira Gandhi’s declaration of a state of emergency in 1975 led to widespread political repression, censorship, and suspension of civil liberties. Students played a pivotal role in the resistance against the Emergency, organizing protests, distributing underground literature, and facing arrests and persecution by the government. The student-led resistance contributed to the eventual end of the Emergency in 1977 and the restoration of democratic freedoms, underscoring the power of youth activism in safeguarding democratic values. Regional Autonomy Movements: States like Assam (Assam Movement), Punjab (Khalistan Movement), and Mizoram (Mizo National Front) witnessed student protests for regional autonomy and against perceived neglect by the central government. Reservation Issues: Protests erupted against caste-based reservations, both for and against, in educational institutions and government jobs. Mandal Commission Protests (1990): The implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations to provide reservations for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in government jobs and educational institutions sparked protests across India. Students from universities like Delhi University, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), and various other institutions organized massive protests against the policy, citing concerns about meritocracy and access to education. The protests highlighted deep societal divisions on caste lines and eventually led to policy adjustments, including the implementation of reservations for OBCs in government jobs and higher education. Globalization and Economic Reforms: Students protested against globalization policies, privatization of education, and economic reforms impacting affordability and access to education. Environmental Activism: Movements like the Narmada Bachao Andolan, led by Medha Patkar, involved students protesting against large-scale dam projects and advocating for environmental conservation. Women’s Rights and Safety: Students mobilized against gender-based violence, notably after the Nirbhaya assault case in Delhi (2012), advocating for stricter laws and societal change. The brutal physical assault and murder of a young woman in Delhi (Nirbhaya case) sparked widespread outrage and protests across India, demanding justice for the victim and stringent measures to ensure women’s safety. Students from universities and colleges, particularly in Delhi, organized marches, candlelight vigils, and advocacy campaigns against gender-based violence. The protests led to legislative reforms, including amendments to criminal laws to provide stricter punishments for sexual offenses, and increased societal awareness about gender equality and women’s rights. NRC and CAA Protests (2019-2020): The introduction of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and proposed implementation of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) sparked widespread protests across India. Students from universities nationwide, including Jamia Millia Islamia, Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), and Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), played a crucial role in organizing protests against the perceived discriminatory nature of the laws. The protests gained international attention, with students at the forefront, demanding the protection of secularism and constitutional values, leading to ongoing legal challenges and public discourse on citizenship and inclusivity in India. Farmers’ Protests (2020-2021): Farmers from Punjab, Haryana, and other states protested against the three controversial farm laws enacted by the central government, which they feared would corporatize agriculture and undermine their livelihoods. Students from various universities, including those in Delhi and Punjab, actively supported the farmers’ protests through solidarity marches, social media campaigns, and volunteering at protest sites. The protests gained international attention and forced the government to repeal the farm laws, highlighting the role of youth and student activism in advocating for farmers’ rights and rural issues.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/students-protests/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[A Look at Dynastic Politics]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/a-look-at-dynastic-politics/ While announcing that Rahul Gandhi will retain Rae Bareli constituency, Congress has that Priyanka Gandhi Vadra will contest from Wayanad, which was represented by her brother. If Priyanka wins the polls, Gandhi family will have three of its members in Parliament at the same as Sonia Gandhi is already elected to Rajya Sabha from Rajasthan. While three members of a family in Parliament is unprecedented, it also highlights the dynastic politics, a charge repeatedly thrown at Congress and the Gandhi family. Examining past experiences in India and abroad can help understand why this trend might be detrimental to a healthy democracy. The halls of India's Parliament frequently echo with well-known family names. Dynastic politics, where political power is concentrated within families across generations, is a long-standing phenomenon in the country. The Gandhi family stands out as a prominent example, with Sonia Gandhi and her son Rahul Gandhi having held or contested parliamentary positions, symbolizing significant political influence within a single lineage. However, they are not the only family to wield such influence. Examining past experiences in India and other countries can help understand why this trend might be detrimental to a healthy democracy. Weakening Internal Democracy The dominance of political families can weaken internal democratic processes within political parties. When a single family holds significant sway, it can discourage open debates on policy and leadership selection. Loyalists to the family may be prioritized over candidates with stronger qualifications and differing viewpoints. This stifles the growth of diverse ideas and weakens the party's ability to adapt to changing political landscapes. Meritocracy and Public Perception: Potential Drawbacks Dynastic politics can also undermine the principle of meritocracy in a democracy. If political positions are seen as birthrights rather than earned achievements, it discourages talented individuals from entering politics. The public may perceive such a system as unfair and unresponsive to their needs. This can lead to voter apathy and a decline in trust towards political institutions. A Look at Some of the Political Families Across India The Gandhi family is not the only example of dynastic politics in India. Several other families have multiple members holding parliamentary seats. Examples include: The Banerjee Family (West Bengal): Mamata Banerjee is the current Chief Minister of West Bengal and a former MP. Her nephew, Abhishek Banerjee, is a former MP. This list is not exhaustive, but it highlights the prevalence of dynastic politics across various regions and political parties in India. Counter-Arguments and Nuances: A Different Perspective Proponents of dynastic politics argue that it brings stability and experience to governance. They point out that family members often inherit political acumen and a deep understanding of their constituencies. Additionally, established political families may have strong organizational structures and established connections with voters, which can be advantageous in elections. However, these advantages can be countered by fostering strong inner-party democracy and promoting meritocratic selection processes. Political parties can establish clear criteria for leadership selection and encourage open contests for positions. Additionally, investing in training and development programs can help groom talented individuals from diverse backgrounds for political careers. Finding a Balance: Towards a More Vibrant Democracy Dynastic politics presents a complex challenge for India's democracy. While it can provide some advantages in terms of experience and voter recognition, its potential drawbacks cannot be ignored. A healthy democracy thrives on diverse representation, open competition for leadership positions, and a strong emphasis on meritocracy. By promoting internal party democracy, encouraging new talent, and fostering a culture of open debate, India can work towards a more vibrant and inclusive political landscape. The Road Ahead: Change and Continuity The future of dynastic politics in India remains uncertain. The rise of new social movements and regional parties could potentially challenge the dominance of established families. Additionally, with an increasingly young and educated electorate, a demand for fresh ideas and diverse leadership might gain traction. Whether India can successfully navigate away from dynastic politics and build a stronger foundation for its democratic future will depend on its ability to nurture strong political institutions and encourage a culture of meritocratic participation. Dynastic politics is a complex phenomenon with a long history in India. While it offers some potential benefits, the drawbacks related to stifling new talent, weakening internal democracy, and undermining meritocracy cannot be ignored. As India's democracy continues to evolve, finding a balance that ensures strong representation, open competition, and a focus on merit will be crucial for a vibrant and healthy political system. Beyond Borders: Dynasties on the Global Stage India is not alone in its experience with dynastic politics. Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka, all nations with close historical ties to India, have also witnessed the rise of political families. In Pakistan, the Bhutto family – Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, his daughter Benazir Bhutto, and her husband Asif Ali Zardari – have all served as Prime Ministers. Similarly, in Bangladesh, the Sheikh Mujibur Rahman family has held significant political power, with his daughter, Sheikh Hasina, serving as the current Prime Minister. These examples highlight how dynastic politics can transcend national borders and raise similar concerns about democratic representation. Looking beyond the subcontinent, countries like North Korea, where the Kim family has ruled for three generations, showcase the extreme end of dynastic politics. Such examples raise concerns about the potential for authoritarian tendencies and a lack of accountability within these regimes.  ]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/a-look-at-dynastic-politics/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Role of Speaker]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/role-of-speaker/ Speakers have navigated the complexities of coalition politics, ensuring that the diverse voices and interests represented in the Lok Sabha were heard and respected. During coalition governments in India, the Speakers of the Lok Sabha have played crucial roles in maintaining parliamentary decorum and ensuring smooth functioning despite diverse political alignments. Here are some Speakers who served during coalition governments: Neelam Sanjiva Reddy: He was an Indian politician who served as the sixth president of India, serving from 1977 to 1982. Beginning a long political career with the Indian National Congress Party in the independence movement, he went on to hold several key offices in independent India – as Deputy Chief minister of Andhra state and the first chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, a two-time Speaker of the Lok Sabha and a Union Minister— before becoming the Indian president. He became the speaker in the lower house during 1967 to 1969. Balram Jakhar: Speaker from 1980 to 1989 during the Congress-led coalition governments. Jakhar was an Indian politician, who served as the Speaker of the Lok Sabha and Governor of Madhya Pradesh. He was also the longest serving Speaker of the Lok Sabha, whose tenure lasted 9 years and 329 days. Jakhar was among the popular faces of Jat politics in Rajasthan during 1980s. He served as the Minister of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare from 1991 to 1996 in Government of India. He was a member of Indian National Congress. Rabi Ray: Speaker from 1989 to 1991 during the Janata Dal-led coalition governments. Rabi Ray (26 November 1926 – 6 March 2017) was an Indian socialist politician, a Gandhian, a speaker of the Lok Sabha and a former Union minister. He hailed from Odisha. He joined the Socialist Party in 1948, and later became member of the Samyukta Socialist Party, the Janata Party and the Janata Dal. Shivraj Patil: Speaker from 1991 to 1996 during the Congress-led coalition governments. Shivraj Vishwanath Patil is an Indian politician who was the Minister of Home Affairs of India, from 2004 to 2008 and 10th Speaker of the Lok Sabha from 1991 to 1996. He was Governor of the state of Punjab and Administrator of the Union Territory of Chandigarh from 2010 to 2015. Previously, he served in the Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi cabinets as Minister of Defence during the 1980s. Patil resigned from the post of Home Minister on 30 November 2008, following widespread criticism raised after terrorist attacks on Mumbai, and took moral responsibility for the security lapse that led to the attacks. P.A. Sangma: He served as the Speaker from 1996 to 1998 during the 11th Lok Sabha, which saw a coalition government led by the United Front. This government was supported by various regional and leftist parties. He was an Indian politician who has served as the 4th Chief Minister of Meghalaya from 1988 to 1990 and the 11th Speaker of the Lok Sabha from 1996 to 1998. He served as a member of the Lok Sabha from Tura in Meghalaya from 2014 to 2016, 1991 to 2008 and from 1977 to 1989 and the minister of Information and Broadcasting in the Rao ministry from 1995 to 1996. He was the founder of National People's Party and co-founder of Nationalist Congress Party. Sangma contested the 2012 Indian presidential election, supported by the Bharatiya Janta Party and the AIADMK. G.M.C. Balayogi: He was the Speaker from 1998 to 2002 during the 12th Lok Sabha. This period also saw a coalition government led by the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), which included a variety of regional and smaller parties. In 1991, Balayogi was elected to the 10th Lok Sabha under the Telugu Desam Party ticket. He lost this seat in the 1996 general elections,[5] but continued political work in his community and was soon elected to the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly in a by-election from the Mummidivaram Assembly constituency. Subsequently, he was appointed as the Minister of Higher Education in the Government of Andhra Pradesh. In 1998, Balayogi was elected into parliament; he became the 12th Speaker of Lok Sabha (24 March 1998) and again for the 13th Lok Sabha (22 October 1999). Manohar Joshi: He served as the Speaker from 2002 to 2004 during the 13th Lok Sabha. This period saw a coalition government led by the BJP-led NDA. Joshi was born on 2 December 1937 in the Marathi-speaking Brahmin family of Gajanan Krishna Joshi and Saraswati Gajanan in Nandavi of Raigad district in Maharashtra. He was promoted to the Lok Sabha when he won in Central Mumbai in the 1999 General Elections. He was the Speaker of the Lok Sabha from 2002 to 2004 during the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) administration. Joshi was elected for a six-year term to the Rajya Sabha on 20 March 2006 after being defeated in the previous Lok Sabha election in the Central Mumbai constituency. In September 2022, Manohar Joshi was appointed a key patron of National Legislator Conference. Somnath Chatterjee: He served as the Speaker from 2004 to 2009 during the 14th and part of the 15th Lok Sabha. The 14th Lok Sabha witnessed the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government led by the Indian National Congress. Chatterjee was associated with the Communist Party of India (Marxist) for most of his life, though he had been a non affiliated independent during his last decade. He was the Speaker of the Lok Sabha (House of the People) from 2004 to 2009. Chatterjee was a member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) from 1968 to 2008. He became a Member of the Lok Sabha in 1971 when he was elected the first time as CPM (Marxist Communist) candidate from Burdwan (Lok Sabha constituency). Subsequently, he was re-elected nine times, except once when he lost to Mamata Banerjee in the Jadavpur Lok Sabha constituency in 1984. Following the 2004 election, he was appointed the pro tem speaker and subsequently on 4 June 2004 he was unanimously elected as the Speaker of the 14th Lok Sabha. Meira Kumar: She served as the Speaker from 2009 to 2014 during the latter part of the 15th Lok Sabha and part of the 16th Lok Sabha. The UPA coalition government continued during her tenure. She is an Indian politician and former diplomat. She served as the 15th Speaker of Lok Sabha from 2009 to 2014, being the first woman to hold the post. Kumar became just the second woman to be nominated for president of India by a major political block when she secured the United Progressive Alliance's nomination in 2017. Sumitra Mahajan: She served as the Speaker from 2014 to 2019 during the 16th Lok Sabha. This period saw a coalition government led by the BJP-led NDA. She is an Indian politician who was the Speaker of Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian Parliament from 2014 to 2019. She belongs to Bharatiya Janata Party. She represented the Indore constituency of Madhya Pradesh from 1989 to 2019 as the longest serving Woman Member of Parliament. She also served for as a Union Minister of State from 1999 to 2004, holding the portfolios for Human Resource Development, Communications and Information Technology and Petroleum and Natural Gas. She also held position of Chairperson of Standing Committee on Social Justice and Empowerment (2004-2009) and Standing Committee on Rural Development (2009-2014). She was the eldest and senior most among woman Members of Parliament in the 16th Lok Sabha. She is the second woman after Meira Kumar to be elected as the Speaker of the Lok Sabha. She was awarded India's third highest civilian award the Padma Bhushan in 2021. Om Birla: Speaker from 2019 to present during the BJP-led NDA coalition government. He served as the 17th and 18th Speaker of the Lok Sabha. He serves as a Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha from Kota-Bundi constituency in Rajasthan since 2014. In 2024 he became the first person in 20 years to be re-elected as an MP to the lower house, after serving as the Speaker of the Lok Sabha. He was also a member of the Rajasthan Legislative Assembly representing Kota South Assembly constituency from 2003 to 2014. He is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/role-of-speaker/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[MYSTIC POET KABIR]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/mystic-poet-kabir/ As Kabir Jayanti approaches on 22 June this year, it is an opportune time to remember Sant Kabir, a mystic poet who defies classification. Hindus and Muslim both claim him. It is said that upon his death the two communities both fought for custody of his body, one for burial and the other for burning, but when eventually the shroud was lifted only flowers could be found. Such is the power of Kabir’s words, and the wisdom they radiate that his verses also find pride of place in the Guru Granth Sahib the sacred scripture of the Sikhs. Evelyn Underhill who helped translate Kabir’s poetry writes how ‘it is impossible to say of their author that he is Brahman, or Sufi, Vedantist or Vaishnavite.’ According to Kabir himself, she writes, he was ‘at once the child of Allah and of Ram.’ Many contradictory legends have surfaced concerning the life of Kabir. It appears probable that he was born to Muslim parents, based on the Arabic origins of his name. Despite being born or raised in a Muslim family he was deeply influenced by a Hindu saint named Ramananda. It is said that he waited for Ramananda to finish his bath at the Ganges and when by mistake the learned man’s foot fell on Kabir and he uttered the words ‘Ram! Ram!’ Kabir seized the opportunity to at once declare himself Ramananda’s disciple. He pays tribute to his guru in several of his famous couplets. Perhaps the most famous of his couplets on the importance of the guru is: The Guru is akin to a potter; and in his hands a disciple is like clay The Guru’s actions may appear harsh from the outside Yet it is all for the goodness of the one seeking guidance. Kabir invoked the Divine repeatedly in his writings but the metaphors he used were often very earthy and even rustic. He did not fear offending the Hindu priests or the Muslim mullahs and wrote his poems fearlessly. For instance, he wrote ‘The Purana and the Koran are mere words: Lifting up the curtain, I have seen.’ Kabir was also a musician and a weaver. It is said that a disciple sought to make him give up his weaving, considering it to be no more than a craftsman’s skill but Kabir would not leave the practice considering it to be something that gave him joy and was part and parcel of his creative expression, not something separate from his spiritual yearnings. It is such a touching and beautiful attitude given the times we live in, in which many so-called spiritual leaders love to pontificate and live in the lap of luxury, but do not have their own separate creative pursuits. Anyone wishing to read the great mystic in English could do no better than to read ‘One Hundred Poems of Kabir,’ that has his poems translated by the great Rabindranath Tagore. The first poem that appears in Tagore’s wonderful collection is on the subject of the Divine not being found in temples or mosques, neither at the Kaaba nor in Kailash, but within each one of us. It reads as follows: I am neither in temple nor in mosque: I am neither in Kaaba nor in Kailash: Neither am I in rites and ceremonies, nor in Yoga and renunciation. If thou are a true seeker, thou shalt at once see Me: thou shall meet Me in a moment of time. Kabir says, ‘O Sadhu! God is the breath of all breath.’ Despite the clear sightedness and wisdom in his writings Kabir infuriated orthodox elements across the religious spectrum when he penned controversial verse such as the above. Legend has it that Kabir was produced before Sikander Lodi as a poser who claimed divine powers. Something about the man must have impressed the ruler for he imposed the lesser punishment of banishment from Banaras, letting him escape with his life. All those hundreds of years ago this mystic railed against the caste system. Do not ask the Sadhu’s caste, O Friend Ask him what he knows! Value the sword; and Set aside the scabbard. Kabir is at once ancient and at the same time extremely contemporary. No modern-day poet, motivation speaker or management expert could have spoken on the value of time as profoundly as he did. In one of his most popular dohas he writes as follows What you have to do tomorrow; do today instead. What you have to do today; do it right away. Within a second all can be destroyed What will you do then? We live in an age with short attention spans, where tweets are limited by the number of characters they use. This may pose a problem for spiritual gurus given to issuing long sermons, but Kabir was a master of communicating in short rhyming couplets also known as dohas. This begs a further question. Had Kabir been alive today, would he have published his dohas as tweets or on Insta as Rupi Kaur the Indo-Canadian poet did, and would they have similarly gone viral? According to marketing experts those aspiring to be social influencers should tweet or make Instagram posts at least once a day, but for Kabir’s dohas a discerning audience would have waited for as long as was needed, weeks, months even, for it would be a special kind of nectar that a reader would eventually get to savour. Such profound verse would have also immeasurably raised the standard of what is these days referred to humorously as WhatsApp University. We need a Kabir for our times that will fearlessly speak out against fanaticism and bigotry. On human negativity, of which there is so much around these days, as translated by Tagore, the poet wrote Empty the Cup! O be drunken Drink the divine nectar of His Name Kabir says, ‘Listen to me, dear Sadhu!’ ‘From the soul of the foot to the crown of the head, this mind is filled with poison.’ (Rajesh Talwar, the author of 40 books spanning multiple genres, has served the United Nations for over two decades across three continents.)]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/mystic-poet-kabir/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[India’s Worst Train Disasters]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/indias-worst-train-disasters/ List of fatal train accidents is endless. However, today we will deep dive into the some prominent incidents which grabbed the headlines and forced the railways to ponder for better safety mechanism of trains that run on the world’s largest rail network. The train accident in West Bengal between Kanchanjungha Express and a goods train gave shiver down the spine of millions across the country and the incident adds to a grim list of train disasters in India’s history. The most recent, in 2023, claimed over 300 lives in a triple train crash. Other notable incidents include the 2016 Indore-Patna Express derailment that killed 146 and the 1999 Gaisal collision that resulted in 285 deaths. One of the deadliest train accidents in Indian history occurred in Firozabad in 1995, where a collision between two trains claimed over 350 lives. This incident stands as a stark reminder of the devastating consequences of railway accidents, highlighting the need for stringent safety measures and modernization efforts. Similarly, the Gaisal train disaster in 1999 shocked the nation when two trains collided in Assam, resulting in over 290 fatalities. Investigations revealed a combination of human error and communication failures as contributing factors, prompting calls for improved signaling systems and training protocols. Railway accidents may be classified by their effects (e.g.: head-on collisions, rear-end collisions, side collisions, derailments, fires, explosions, etc.), or by cause (e.g.: driver and signalman error; mechanical failure of rolling stock, tracks and bridges; vandalism, sabotage and terrorism; level crossing misuse and trespassing; natural causes such as flooding and fog; hazards of dangerous goods carried; effectiveness of brakes; and adequacy of operating rules). List of such accidents is endless. However, today we will deep dive into the some prominent incidents which grabbed the headlines and forced the railways to ponder for better safety mechanism of trains that run on the world’s largest rail network. 1954: On 28 September, a train travelling between Madras and New Delhi derailed after the collapse of a bridge, leaving at least 137 people dead and 100 injured. Earlier the same year, a passenger train derailed while crossing a bridge near Bhatinda, killing at least 15 people and injuring 40 on 4 January 1954. On 31 March 1954, explosives being transported on a passenger train detonated near Gorakhpur, killing 31 and injuring 32. Also on 15 September 1954, a train crashed into a truck carrying students at a crossing 130 km (80 mi) north of New Delhi, killing 10 and injuring 18. On 27 September 1954, derailment of 319 Down Express at a girder bridge between Jangaon and Raghunathpalli stations, resulting in the deaths of 136 people. 1956: On 23 November, a train plunged into the Marudyar river after a bridge was destroyed by flooding, leaving at least 154 dead and 115 injured. The 1956 Ariyalur train accident was a train accident on 23 November 1956 in Ariyalur, Tamil Nadu, India, where a train fell into the Marudaiyaru River, killing over 150 passengers after a bridge collapsed as a result of damage by torrential rain. It was until then the worst train accident ever in independent India and is still one of the country’s deadliest train disasters. The accident came 2.5 months after the 1956 Mahbubnagar train accident, a similar accident in Mahbubnagar. 1981: More than 800 people were killed in India’s deadliest rail accident on 6 June when a train derailed in Bihar and plunged into the river below. On 12 February 1981, a freight train, the No.20 Madras Mail from Trivandrum Central Trivandrum Mail, and the Yercaud Express collided in Vaniyambadi, 200 km (120 mi) from Chennai. On 16 July 1981, a freight train collided with the back of a Narmada Express in Madhya Pradesh, between Khodri and Bhanwar Tonk station, killing 50 people and injuring 49. On 19 July 1981, a train travelling to Ahmedabad from New Delhi derailed in Gujarat, killing 30 people and injuring 70. 1984: The Jabalpur-Gondia passenger mishap occurred when a passenger train sank in river near Charegaon, Balaghat, Madhya Pradesh, killing over 150 people on 15 September 1984. 1985: Two trains viz The New Delhi-bound Tinsukia Mail passenger train and a freight train collided in the eastern state of West Bengal, at Dhupguri railroad station, about 750 miles east of New Delhi killing at least one person and injuring more than 300 others, seven seriously. Three to Five cars of the passenger train derailed in the accident on 22 November 1985. 1987: The Machieral rail disaster involved the derailment of the Delhi-Dakshin Express at Macherial, Andhra Pradesh, killing 53 people on 8 July 1987. In the same year on 15 March, Rockfort Express (Chennai–Tiruchi) plunged into a dry riverbed when a bomb exploded on a bridge over the Marudaiyar, near Ariyalur. 25 people were killed and several others were injured. 1995: More than 300 died and 344 were injured on 20 August in a collision between two trains at Ferozabad, near Agra. On 14 May 1995 – The Madras–Kanyakumari Express collided head-on with a freight train near Salem, killing 52. On 1 June 1995 – The Jammu Tawi Express from Kolkata collided with a stationary coal-laden goods train, killing 45 and injuring 335. 1998: At least 210 people were killed when the Sealdah Express collided with a derailed train in Punjab. On 24 April 1998, 15 cars of a freight train collided with the Manmad–Kachiguda Express at Parli Vaijanath railway station in Maharashtra, killing 24 and injuring 32. On 13 August 1998, the Chennai–Madurai Express train collided with a bus at an unmanned level-crossing on the new Karur-Salem bypass road on the outskirts of Karur town, killing 19 and injuring 27. 1999: On 2 August, 285 people were killed and 312 injured in a collision between two trains in Gaisal, West Bengal. On 16 July 1999 – The 2616 UP Chennai–New Delhi Grand Trunk Express collided with derailed cars of a DN freight train on the Agra-Mathura section of the Central Railway, killing 17 and injuring over 200. On 2 August 1999 – The Gaisal train disaster occurred when the Brahmaputra Mail collided into the stationary Avadh Assam Express at Gaisal station in North Frontier Railway’s Katihar division, killing at least 285 and injuring more than 300. 2010: On 28 May, a train derailed and crashed into a freight train about 83 miles west of Kolkata in Bengal, killing 146 and injuring over 200. Authorities blamed Maoist rebels for sabotage. 2006: Attacks by terrorists on trains and stations in Mumbai left 186 dead and 700 wounded on 11 July. India blamed Pakistani intelligence and Lashkar-e-Taiba. 2002: The luxury Rajdhani Express from Calcutta to New Delhi plunged into the swollen Dhabi river, killing at least 120 people. Railway authorities cited sabotage for the crash. 2016: At least 146 people died when an Indore-Patna Express train derailed in Uttar Pradesh on 20 November, causing carriages to crash into each other. 2023: Coromandel Express hit a goods train in Balasore after hitting Bengaluru-Howrah Superfast Express, resulting in a tragic triple train crash. Over 300 people were killed, and well over 1,000 were injured. On 2 June 2023 – 2023 Odisha train collision: Train 12841 Coromandel Express running at 128 km/h (80 mph) collides with a freight train (goods train) loaded with iron ore in Odisha’s Balasore district. The accident happened around 19:30 IST near Bahanaga Bazar station when the train was on the way to MGR Chennai Central from Shalimar railway station near Kolkata. More than 20 coaches were derailed. 12864 SMVT Bengaluru–Howrah SF Express travelling towards Howrah passed in the opposite line just seconds before at 130 km/h (81 mph). However, the derailed coaches of the Coromandel Express smashed into the last few coaches of the SMVT Bengaluru-Howrah SF Express before it could completely pass through that section. A total of three trains were involved.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/indias-worst-train-disasters/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Late Rajmata Madhavi Raje Scindia Life and Legacy]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/late-rajmata-madhavi-raje-scindia-life-and-legacy/ The fact that titular Rajmata of Gwalior and mother of Union Minister Shri Jyotiraditya M. Scindia, Rajmata Madhavi Raje Scindia, who was keeping ill for awhile, has left for her heavenly abode has caused profound sadness to the entire Scindia family and their well-wishers. This article is a tribute to her for successfully taking forward the legacy of the Scindia Rajmatas of the past during her lifetime. She served as a living bridge between two South Asian nation-states, India and Nepal, and two different communities, Marathas and Rajputs. Nepalese Ancestry Born as the daughter of General Yuvraj Shamsher Jang Bahadur Rana and Sri Rani Indira Rajya Lakshmi Kumari, she was named Kiran Rajya Lakshmi Kumari Devi by her parents. Ranas claim descent from the Rajput rulers of Mewar. Madhavi Raje Scindia’s ancestor H.H. Maharaja Sir Jang Bahadur Kunwar Rana, Prime Minister and Commander-in-Chief of Nepal (1817–1877), got the Lal Mohar of May 15, 1848, given by then King Surendra Bikram Shah of Nepal, officially authorising Jang's family to style themselves 'Kunwar Ranaji' and asserting their descent from the Rajput rulers of Mewar, whom the Shah dynasty also claimed as their ancestors. According to Satish Kumar, in his book “Rana Polity in Nepal: Origin and Growth,” published by Asia Publishing House “The maharaja prime minister was a peculiar institution of the Rana political system. It combined the functions of a prime minister and those of a king, having full sovereignty over a part of Nepal and, in a sense, sharing with the king the sovereignty over the rest of Nepal. The person who became the prime minister inherited the maharajaship too. This convention continued throughout the Rana period.” Scindia Legacy The Maratha Scindia dynasty has given several brave hearts, like Dattajirao and Jankojirao, who made supreme sacrifices for their motherland when need arose. The battlefield of Panipat in Haryana stands witness to the unalloyed nationalism and adamantine will of the Scindias to resist foreign aggression on Indian soil. Several ruthless Afghan invaders were dazzled by the lustre of the Scindias' swords and unnerved by their valour. The cenotaphs of Scindia warriors in Kanherkhed in Maharashtra extol the valour of those brave hearts who instilled fear in the hearts of invading Afghans. There have been several Scindia Maharanis of Rajput and some of Nepalese ancestries; in fact, Mahadji Scindia, also known as ‘The Great Maratha', who went on to conquer Delhi, was the son of a Maratha father, Ranojirao Scindia, and a Rajput mother, Chimabai. Rajmata of Gwalior, Vijaya Raje Scindia, was trying to find a suitable bride for her son, young Maratha Maharaja of Gwalior, Madhavrao Scindia, and got to know from Prabhat Shamsher Rana about Kiran, a Rajput girl from the Rana family. In August 1965, Indira Devi Rana and her daughter Kiran came to Delhi in order to find out if Kiran could be married to Madhavrao. They met him at the Ashoka Hotel in Delhi. He liked her and told her mother, "Amma, I like her, and I’m going to marry her.” On May 9, 1966, Kiran Rajya Lakshmi Kumari Devi was married to Scindia at 37 Rajpur Road in the Civil Lines area of old Delhi. Marriage It was in March 1966 that Kiran's family arrived in Delhi, where they stayed at the Claridges hotel. Later, a week before the wedding, they moved into a guesthouse very close to the Scindias on Rajpur Road. The celebrations were to last for nineteen days. Mrs. Indira Gandhi and Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan were present to bless the newlywed couple, and upon marriage, the bride was given a new name according to Maratha custom, Madhavi Raje Scindia. Sardar Mahadik, who was part of the wedding party, remembers how 'Maharaj went around asking each one of us if we needed anything and if we were being properly looked after'. After the marriage, the couple went to the Gorkhi Devghar in Gwalior astride an elephant to do Pooja. Later, the couple also lived together in Oxford. They had two children, a girl and a boy, Chitraganda Raje Scindia (she married Shri Vikramaditya Singh, son of Maharaja Karan Singh of Jammu and Kashmir) and Jyotiraditya M. Scindia (he married Shrimant Priyadarshini Raje Gaekwad daughter of Maharajkumar Sangramsinh Pratapsinhrao Gaekwad of Baroda). Life After marriage, thanks to Madhavi Raje Scindia, Maratha and Nepalese culture and food found patronage in Gwalior, strengthening the cultural bond between India and Nepal. She was deeply involved in philanthropy and social work as the chairperson of more than 20 charitable trusts that provide assistance in education and medical care. She was also the President of the Board of Governors of the Scindia Kanya Vidyalaya, a prominent Indian residential school for girls. She organised the building of two Chhattris, one for Maharani Vijaya Raje Scindia and one for her husband, Madhavrao Scindia II. She was also the guiding light for the Maharaja Madhavrao Scindia II Gallery at the Jai Vilas Museum, in memory of her late husband. Her demise is indeed a indeed a big loss to the Scindia family. May God give enough strength to the bereaved family to bear the irreparable loss. May the departed soul rest in peace. The author is Head, Scindia Research Centre, Gwalior]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/late-rajmata-madhavi-raje-scindia-life-and-legacy/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[The Might of G7]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-might-of-g7/ The concept of a forum for the capitalist world’s major industrialized countries emerged before the 1973 oil crisis. It began with five-member countries in 1973 and eventually two more nations joined it till 1976. Let’s deep dive into the report on evolution, and significance of G7 in the world political landscape. The 50th meeting of G7 is underway in Italy where its member nations are gathering to discuss multiple issues on their mutual growth and security. The Group of Seven (G7) is an informal forum consisting of seven of the world’s major advanced economies: Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States, along with the European Union. The group meets annually to discuss and coordinate economic policies, global governance, security issues, and other matters of mutual concern. Group of Five: The concept of a forum for the capitalist world’s major industrialized countries emerged before the 1973 oil crisis. On 25 March 1973, the United States Secretary of the Treasury, George Shultz, convened an informal gathering of finance ministers from West Germany (Helmut Schmidt), France (Valéry Giscard d’Estaing), and the United Kingdom (Anthony Barber) before an upcoming meeting in Washington, DC. United States President Richard Nixon offered the White House as a venue, and the meeting was subsequently held in its library on the ground floor; the original group of four consequently became known as the “Library Group”. In mid-1973, at the Spring Meetings of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, Shultz proposed the addition of Japan, which all members accepted. The informal gathering of senior financial officials from the United States, United Kingdom, West Germany, Japan, and France became known as the “Group of Five”. In 1974, all five members endured sudden and often troubled changes in leadership. French President Georges Pompidou abruptly died, leading to a fresh presidential election that was closely won by Valéry Giscard d’Estaing. West German Chancellor Willy Brandt, American President Richard Nixon, and Japanese Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka all resigned due to scandals. In the United Kingdom, a hung election led to a minority government whose subsequent instability prompted another election the same year. Consequently, Nixon’s successor, Gerald Ford, proposed a retreat the following year for the group’s new leaders to learn about one another. Group of Six: First G6 summit at the Château de Rambouillet in November 1975 At the initiative of Giscard d’Estaing and his German counterpart, Helmut Schmidt, France hosted a three-day summit in November 1975, inviting the Group of Five plus Italy, forming the “Group of Six” (G6): Taking place at the Château de Rambouillet, the meeting focused on several major economic issues, including the oil crisis, the collapse of the Bretton Woods system, and the ongoing global recession. The result was the 15-point “Declaration of Rambouillet”, which, among other positions, announced the group’s united commitment to promoting free trade, multilateralism, cooperation with the developing world, and rapprochement with the Eastern Bloc. The members also established plans for future gatherings to take place regularly every year. In 1976, British Prime Minister Harold Wilson, who had participated in the first G6 summit, resigned from office; Schmidt and Ford believed the group needed an English speaker with more political experience, and advocated for inviting Pierre Trudeau, who had been Prime Minister of Canada for eight years – significantly longer than any G6 leader. Group of Seven: Canada was also the next largest advanced economy after the G6 members. The summit in Dorado, Puerto Rico later that year became the first of the current Group of Seven (G7). In 1977, the United Kingdom, which hosted that year’s summit, invited the European Economic Community to join all G7 summits; beginning in 1981, it has attended every gathering through the president of the European Commission and the leader of the country holding the presidency of the Council of the European Union. Since 2009, the then-newly established position of the President of the European Council, who serves as the Union’s principal foreign representative, also regularly attends the summits. Increasing Might: Until the 1985 Plaza Accord, meetings between the seven governments’ finance ministers were not public knowledge. The Accord, which involved only the original Group of Five, was announced the day before it was finalized, with a communiqué issued afterward. The 1980s also marked the G7’s expanded concerns beyond macroeconomic issues, namely with respect to international security and conflict; for example, it sought to address the ongoing conflicts between Iran and Iraq and between the Soviet Union and Afghanistan. Following the 1994 summit in Naples, Russian officials held separate meetings with leaders of the G7. This informal arrangement was dubbed the “Political 8” (P8), colloquially the G7+1. At the invitation of the G7 leaders, Russian President Boris Yeltsin was invited first as a guest observer, and later as a full participant. After the 1997 meeting, Russia was formally invited to the next meeting and formally joined the group in 1998, resulting in the Group of Eight (G8). Russia was an outlier in the group, as it lacked the national wealth and financial weight of other members, had never been a major advanced economy, and was not yet an established liberal democracy. Its invitation, made during a difficult transition to a post-communist economy, is believed to have been motivated by a desire to encourage its political and economic reforms and international engagement. Russia’s membership was suspended in March 2014 in response to its annexation of Crimea. Members stopped short of permanently ejecting the country, and in subsequent years expressed an openness or express desire to reinstate Russian participation. In January 2017, Russia announced it would permanently leave the G8, which came into effect June 2018. In 2020, U.S. President Donald Trump, backed by Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte, advocated for Russia’s return; all other members rejected the proposal, and Russia expressed no interest. Expanded Membership There have been various proposals to expand the G7. The U.S.-based Atlantic Council has held the D-10 Strategy Forum since 2014 with representatives from what it calls “leading democracies” which support a “rules-based democratic order”, consisting of all members of the G7 (including the European Union) plus Australia and South Korea. Several democratic countries – including India, Indonesia, Poland, and Spain – participate as observers. Centered around a similar mandate as the G7, the D-10 has been considered by some analysts to be an alternative to the group; This is also favored by various think tanks and former British leader Boris Johnson. In 2019 under Putin, Russia had signaled support for the inclusion of China, India, and Turkey if the G7 had reinstated Russian membership. In 2020 under Trump, the U.S. had signaled support for the inclusion of Australia, Brazil, India, and South Korea, plus the reincorporation of Russia. The leaders of the other six G7 members unanimously rejected this proposal. Also in November 2020, Jared Cohen and Richard Fontaine, writing in Foreign Affairs, suggested that the G7 might be expanded to a “T-12” of “Techno Democracies”. Earlier, in June of that same year, the Global Partnership on Artificial Intelligence (GPAI) was announced. Something of a spin-out of the G7, founded by members Canada and France, GPAI’s initial membership was 15, including both the EU and India, as well as Australia, Mexico, New Zealand, Singapore, Slovenia, and the Republic of Korea. Boris Johnson invited members of Australia and the Republic of Korea to the June 2021 G7 summit. India was also invited to the 2021 summit, with an aim to “deepen the expertise and experience around the table” along with the other guests, according to a U.K. government statement. In 2021, French jurist and consultant Eric Garner de Béville, a member of the Cercle Montesquieu, proposed Spain’s membership to the G7. American Chargé d’Affaires in Spain, Conrad Tribble, stated that the United States “enthusiastically supports” a “greater” role of Spanish leadership at the international level. In 2022, Germany has confirmed it will be inviting India, against rumours to the contrary. In 2023, Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida invited South Korea, Australia, India, Indonesia, Brazil, Vietnam, Comoros, the Cook Islands (representing the Pacific Islands Forum) and Ukraine to the 49th summit hosted in Hiroshima.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-might-of-g7/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Newspapers From Freedom Struggle and Beyond]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/newspapers-from-freedom-struggle-and-beyond/ Early publishers like James Augustus Hicky, despite facing censorship and persecution, demonstrated the power of the press to challenge authority and ignite public discourse. The concept of a newspaper has a surprisingly long history, with its roots stretching back to the Roman Empire. The earliest known example is the “Acta Diurna”, a handwritten compilation of government pronouncements, legal notices, and public news posted in the 1st century BC. This government-sanctioned gazette served as a precursor to modern newspapers, informing citizens of important happenings within the Roman world. The story of newspapers in India offers valuable lessons for navigating the complexities of the digital age. Here, the fight for a free press was intricately linked to the fight for freedom itself. Early publishers like James Augustus Hicky, despite facing censorship and persecution, demonstrated the power of the press to challenge authority and ignite public discourse. This unwavering commitment to truth and accountability serves as a guiding principle for journalists today, even in the face of online manipulation and misinformation. Centuries later, in 8th century China, the concept of a printed newspaper emerged. Using a revolutionary technique of carving individual characters onto wooden blocks, the Chinese produced the world’s first printed newspaper. This innovation, along with the development of printing ink and paper, paved the way for mass-produced news dissemination. Notably, the Koreans adopted this printing method soon after. In Europe, however, there was widespread adoption of printing technology, leading to a surge in affordable books and, more significantly for our purposes, the rise of popular newspapers. This democratization of communication empowered a wider public to access information previously restricted to a select few. In 1690, the seeds of American journalism were sown with the publication of ‘Publick Occurrences Both Foreign and Domestic.’ This short-lived venture, led by the British journalist Benjamin Harris, marked the first attempt at a newspaper in the fledgling American colonies. However, the honor of establishing the first American-run newspaper goes to John Campbell, whose ‘Boston News-Letter’ debuted in 1704. Daily news consumption arrived in America in 1783 with the launch of Pennsylvania’s first daily newspaper The story continues beyond American shores. Russia’s venture into the realm of newspapers is believed to have commenced in 1703 with the publication of its inaugural journal. The narrative of print journalism in India provides a distinctive perspective. Here, the struggle for a free press became intricately intertwined with the quest for independence, crafting a captivating saga of resilience, innovation, and the perpetual pursuit of free speech. This narrative unfolds against the backdrop of colonialism, showcasing how the printing press became a potent tool in the hands of those fighting for liberty and justice. A Historical Look at Print Journalism in India The history of print media in India dates back centuries, closely linked to the nation’s fight for independence and its journey to becoming a democracy. When the first newspapers in India emerged, they provided a platform for debate and information during British rule. Over time, print media played a crucial role in mobilizing the masses, spreading nationalist ideas, and fostering a sense of unity among Indians. Early Attempts and the Struggles Against Censorship The first unsuccessful attempt at starting a newspaper in India came in 1776. William Bolts, a former employee of the East India Company, expressed his desire to publish a critical paper but was promptly silenced by the company itself. This incident foreshadowed the long and arduous battle for press freedom that Indian journalists would face. In 1780, James Augustus Hicky defied the odds and launched “The Bengal Gazette,” also known as the “Calcutta General Advertiser.” This marked the birth of the first successful newspaper in India. Hicky’s publication was groundbreaking in many ways. However, Hicky’s venture was short-lived. His publication was significant not only for being the first newspaper in India but also for its role in shaping public discourse and challenging authority during a time of British colonial rule. His sharp criticism of the then Governor-General, Warren Hastings, and his administration led to his arrest and the eventual closure of the paper in 1782. The British Raj, wary of the potential for dissent, implemented a series of laws aimed at controlling the press. The Censorship of Press Act of 1799 and the Licensing Regulation Ordinance of 1823 restricted the publication of anything deemed detrimental to the British administration. These measures were met with resistance from influential figures like Raja Ram Mohun Roy, who used his newspaper “Mirat-ul-akhbar” to advocate for press freedom. The Fight for Freedom and the Rise of Nationalist Voices A turning point arrived in 1835 with the abolishment of the Licensing Regulation by Governor-General Charles Metcalfe. This ushered in a period of relative press freedom, leading to a surge in the number of newspapers, particularly those published in Indian languages. However, this period of relative freedom was short-lived. The Sepoy Mutiny of 1857 led to tighter press control, with the introduction of the Licensing Act of 1857. The late 19th and early 20th centuries saw the rise of the Indian nationalist movement, and newspapers became a powerful tool for its leaders. Iconic publications like “Kesari” by Bal Gangadhar Tilak and “The Indian Opinion” by Mahatma Gandhi emerged as platforms to voice dissent against British rule and advocate for self-governance. These publications, along with many others, faced constant scrutiny and censorship from the British authorities. Acts like the Newspaper (Incitement to Offense) Act of 1908 and the Indian Press Act of 1910 were implemented to curb seditious content. The history of press regulations in India has seen a series of legislative measures aimed at controlling and managing the dissemination of information through various media. These laws were introduced over different periods, each with a specific purpose and context. n Press Act or the Metcalfe Act: Named after Charles Metcalfe, this act was more liberal compared to its predecessors. It eased some of the stringent measures imposed by earlier regulations, allowing for greater freedom of the press. Metcalfe is often credited with fostering a more open environment for journalism in India. n Vernacular Press Act: Enacted in 1878, this act specifically targeted Indian-language newspapers. It was designed to curb the criticism of British policies in the local press, which was increasingly vocal in vernacular languages. The act gave the government the power to confiscate printing presses and stop the publication of offending newspapers. n Registration Act: This act required all newspapers and publications to be registered with the government. It aimed to keep track of all operating media outlets, ensuring that they adhered to legal requirements and standards set by the authorities. n Indian Press Act: This comprehensive act consolidated various previous regulations and introduced new measures to control the press. It included provisions for licensing, registration, and censorship, giving the government extensive powers to regulate the media industry. n Newspaper Act: This act was introduced to regulate the publication and distribution of newspapers. It included provisions for registration, licensing, and compliance with legal standards. The act aimed to ensure that newspapers operated within the framework of the law and maintained certain ethical and professional standards. These legislative measures reflect the evolving relationship between the press and the government in India. While some acts aimed to provide more freedom to the press, others were designed to impose stricter control. The balance between freedom of expression and government regulation has always been a complex and contentious issue in the history of Indian journalism. The Press After Independence and the Challenges of a New Era India’s independence in 1947 marked a new chapter for print journalism. The landscape of the press underwent significant changes, reflecting the evolving political, social, and economic realities of the newly formed nation. Established English dailies like “The Times of India” and “The Hindustan Times” continued to be prominent voices, while regional language newspapers like “Anandabazar Patrika” (Bengali) and “Eenadu” (Telugu) catered to the diverse linguistic needs of the population. The 1950s and 1960s saw the rise of the vernacular press. With increasing literacy rates, newspapers in regional languages witnessed a surge in readership. The government also played a role in shaping the media landscape through the establishment of the Press Trust of India (PTI) in 1947, a national news agency that provided news coverage across the country. The introduction of offset printing technology in the 1970s further revolutionized the industry, allowing for faster printing and wider circulation of newspapers. However, the latter half of the 20th century also saw the emergence of new challenges. The Press Commission Reports of 1954, 1962, and 1977 aimed to regulate the press and maintain journalistic standards, while also attempting to balance freedom of expression with social responsibility. The Past Informs the Digital Future The historical tension between press freedom and government control offers a cautionary tale for the digital age. While social media platforms have democratized information sharing, they have also become breeding grounds for fake news and echo chambers. Newspapers, with their commitment to fact-checking and editorial oversight, can serve as a vital source of credible information in this new landscape. Furthermore, the rise of the vernacular press in India highlights the importance of catering to diverse audiences. In the digital age, this translates to the need for news outlets to be accessible in multiple languages and formats, reaching a wider audience and fostering a more inclusive information ecosystem. The story of Indian newspapers is ultimately a testament to the enduring power of journalism. As we navigate the ever-evolving digital landscape, the lessons learned from the past – the fight for press freedom, the importance of fact-checking, and the need for inclusivity – become even more critical. By upholding these core principles, journalists can continue to play a vital role in informing and empowering citizens in a world saturated with information.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/newspapers-from-freedom-struggle-and-beyond/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[THE INFERNO]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-inferno/ Fire accidents have plagued humanity throughout history, causing devastation, loss of life, and economic disruption. Despite advancements in technology, regulations, and awareness, the complete cessation of fire accidents remains an elusive goal. Some of the worst fire accidents in history have indeed left deep scars on communities worldwide. Each of these tragedies has left a lasting impact on their communities, sparking reforms in fire safety regulations and procedures to prevent similar disasters in the future. Here are a few notable ones: Triangle Shirtwaist Factory Fire (1911) Date: March 25, 1911 Location: Triangle Shirtwaist Factory in Manhattan, New York City. Deaths: 146 people On March 25, 1911, a fire broke out in the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory in Manhattan, New York City. The fire spread quickly due to the highly flammable materials and blocked exits. Many workers were unable to escape and died from burns, smoke inhalation, or by jumping from the building. The tragedy led to significant reforms in labor laws and workplace safety regulations in the United States. Rhythm Night Club Fire (1940) Date: April 28, 1940 Location: Rhythm Night Club in Natchez, Mississippi. Deaths: 209 people On April 28, 1940, a fire broke out at the Rhythm Night Club in Natchez, Mississippi. The fire started when a discarded cigarette ignited the club’s highly flammable decorations and furnishings. The club’s single exit was blocked by a locked gate, trapping patrons inside. As a result, 209 people lost their lives in one of the deadliest nightclub fires in U.S. history. Hartford Circus Fire (1944) Date: July 6, 1944 Location: Ringling Bros. and Barnum & Bailey Circus in Hartford, Connecticut. Deaths: 167 people On July 6, 1944, a fire broke out during a performance of the Ringling Bros. and Barnum & Bailey Circus in Hartford, Connecticut. The fire started when a discarded cigarette or a spark from a performer’s torch ignited the canvas tent. The tent, treated with flammable paraffin wax, went up in flames rapidly. Panic ensued as thousands of attendees tried to flee. The fire claimed the lives of at least 167 people and injured over 700 others, making it one of the deadliest fires in U.S. history. Sennichi Department Store Fire (1972) Date: December 4, 1972 Location: Sennichi Department Store in Osaka, Japan. Deaths: 118 people On December 4, 1972, a fire broke out at the Sennichi Department Store in Osaka, Japan. The fire, caused by an electrical fault, quickly spread throughout the building due to the lack of fire-resistant materials and insufficient fire safety measures. The blaze resulted in 118 deaths and over 200 injuries, making it one of Japan’s deadliest fires in the post-war era. Summerland Fire (1973) Date: August 2, 1973 Location: Summerland leisure complex in Douglas, Isle of Man. Deaths: 50 people On August 2, 1973, a fire broke out at the Summerland leisure complex in Douglas, Isle of Man. The fire started in the complex’s amusement arcade and quickly spread due to the use of flammable materials in the building’s construction. Despite efforts to evacuate, confusion and blocked exits led to many patrons being unable to escape. The fire claimed the lives of 50 people, including children, and injured dozens more, prompting improvements in fire safety standards for leisure facilities. Joelma Building Fire (1974) Date: February 1, 1974 Location: Joelma Building, a 25-story skyscraper in São Paulo, Brazil. Deaths: 189 people On February 1, 1974, a fire occurred in the Joelma Building, a 25-story skyscraper in São Paulo, Brazil. The fire started on the 12th floor due to an electrical short circuit and quickly spread throughout the building. The lack of fire safety measures, including fire exits and sprinkler systems, contributed to the high death toll. The fire claimed the lives of 189 people and injured over 300 others, making it one of the deadliest high-rise building fires in history. Valentine’s Day Fire (1981) Date: February 14, 1981 Location: Dupont Plaza Hotel in San Juan, Puerto Rico. Deaths: 97 people On February 14, 1981, a fire occurred at the Dupont Plaza Hotel in San Juan, Puerto Rico. The fire was deliberately set by disgruntled hotel employees during a labor dispute, leading to a rapidly spreading blaze. The lack of fire safety measures, including blocked exits and inadequate fire suppression systems, contributed to the high death toll. The fire claimed the lives of 97 people and injured over 140 others, making it one of the deadliest hotel fires in history. Taeyeon Cinema Fire (1982) Date: December 28, 1982 Location: Taeyeon Cinema in Seoul, South Korea. Deaths: 56 people On December 28, 1982, a fire broke out at the Taeyeon Cinema in Seoul, South Korea, during a late-night screening. The fire started when a patron in the balcony section dropped a lit cigarette onto the seats below. The fire spread rapidly due to the highly flammable materials in the cinema, and the exits were blocked or locked. The tragedy claimed the lives of 56 people and injured over 150 others, prompting improvements in fire safety regulations and enforcement in South Korea. Happy Land Social Club Fire (1990) Date: March 25, 1990 Location: Happy Land social club in the Bronx, New York City, USA. Deaths: 87 people On March 25, 1990, a fire occurred at the Happy Land social club in the Bronx, New York City, USA. The fire was intentionally set by an ex-employee who was angered by being ejected from the club earlier that night. The club had only one exit, which was blocked by security bars, preventing many patrons from escaping. The fire claimed the lives of 87 people, making it one of the deadliest arson attacks in U.S. history and prompting changes in fire safety regulations for nightclubs. Dance Academy Fire (2004) Date: December 5, 2004 Location: U.S. Dance Academy in Warwick, Rhode Island, USA. Deaths: 100 people On December 5, 2004, a fire occurred at the U.S. Dance Academy in Warwick, Rhode Island, USA. The fire started during a concert being held at the nightclub when pyrotechnics ignited foam insulation near the stage. The highly flammable materials and crowded conditions led to a rapid spread of the fire and chaotic evacuation. The fire claimed the lives of 100 people and injured over 200 others, leading to widespread changes in fire safety regulations and enforcement. Lame Horse Nightclub Fire (2009) Date: December 5, 2009 Location: Pyrotechnic show, Lame Horse nightclub in Perm, Russia, Deaths: 156 people On December 5, 2009, a fire broke out at the Lame Horse nightclub in Perm, Russia, during a pyrotechnic show. The pyrotechnics ignited the ceiling’s flammable materials, causing a rapid spread of fire and toxic smoke. Panic ensued as patrons struggled to escape the crowded venue. The fire claimed the lives of 156 people and injured dozens more, highlighting safety deficiencies in Russian nightclubs and entertainment venues. Kiss Nightclub Fire (2013) Date: January 27, 2013 Location: Kiss nightclub in Santa Maria, Brazil. Deaths: 242 people On January 27, 2013, a fire occurred at the Kiss nightclub in Santa Maria, Brazil. The fire was started by a pyrotechnic display during a concert, igniting soundproofing material on the ceiling. The nightclub lacked proper fire exits and had overcrowded conditions, leading to a stampede as patrons tried to escape. The tragedy claimed the lives of 242 people and injured over 600 others, prompting widespread scrutiny of safety standards in Brazilian nightclubs. Grenfell Tower Fire (2017) Date: June 14, 2017 Location: Grenfell Tower, in North Kensington, London, England. Deaths: 72 people On June 14, 2017, a fire broke out in the Grenfell Tower, a residential high-rise building in North Kensington, London, England. The fire started on the fourth floor and quickly spread throughout the building, fueled by combustible cladding installed during a recent renovation. The fire resulted in 72 fatalities and over 70 injuries, making it one of the deadliest fires in recent British history. It raised significant concerns about fire safety standards and building regulations. Kemerovo Shopping Mall Fire (2018) Date: March 25, 2018 Location: Winter Cherry shopping mall in Kemerovo, Russia. Deaths: 60 people On March 25, 2018, a fire broke out at the Winter Cherry shopping mall in Kemerovo, Russia. The fire started on the top floor of the mall’s cinema complex and quickly spread due to flammable materials and blocked exits. The tragedy resulted in the deaths of 60 people, including many children, and raised concerns about fire safety standards and enforcement in Russia.  ]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-inferno/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[The PLANE CRASHES]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-plane-crashes/ The history of plane crashes is a testament to the complexities of human innovation and the enduring quest for safety and progress. While accidents have tragically claimed lives and tested our resolve, they have also inspired resilience, innovation, and collaboration across the aviation industry and beyond. The first fatal airplane crash in history occurred on September 17, 1908, involving the Wright Military Flyer, a type of aircraft designed and built by the Wright brothers, Orville and Wilbur. The crash took place at Fort Myer, Virginia, USA, during a demonstration flight for the United States Army Signal Corps. After that several aeroplane were crashed and some them also claimed lives. Today, we are going to present a historical data on such incidents/accidents. Providing a comprehensive list of fatal plane crashes around the world would be extensive and continually evolving due to the frequency of such incidents. However, below is the list of some significant ones: Tenerife Airport Disaster (1977): Two Boeing 747s collided on the runway of Los Rodeos Airport (now Tenerife North Airport) in the Canary Islands. It remains the deadliest aviation accident in history. Japan Airlines Flight 123 (1985): A Boeing 747 crashed into Mount Takamagahara in Japan due to structural failure, resulting in the highest death toll of any single-aircraft accident: 520 fatalities. Charkhi Dadri mid-air collision (1996): A mid-air collision between Saudia Flight 763 and Kazakhstan Airlines Flight 1907 over Charkhi Dadri, India, resulted in the death of all 349 people on both aircraft. TWA Flight 800 (1996): A Boeing 747 exploded and crashed into the Atlantic Ocean off Long Island, New York, shortly after takeoff from John F. Kennedy International Airport, killing all 230 people on board. Air France Flight 4590 (2000): A Concorde aircraft crashed into a hotel in Gonesse, France, shortly after takeoff from Charles de Gaulle Airport, resulting in 113 fatalities, including 4 on the ground. Siberia Airlines Flight 1812 (2001): A Tupolev Tu-154M was shot down by a Ukrainian missile over the Black Sea, killing all 78 passengers and crew on board. Germanwings Flight 9525 (2015): An Airbus A320 crashed into the French Alps en route from Barcelona to Düsseldorf after the co-pilot deliberately crashed the plane, resulting in 150 fatalities. Lion Air Flight 610 (2018): A Boeing 737 MAX crashed into the Java Sea shortly after takeoff from Jakarta, Indonesia, killing all 189 passengers and crew on board. Ethiopian Airlines Flight 302 (2019): Another Boeing 737 MAX crashed shortly after takeoff from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, resulting in 157 fatalities. Air India Flight 182 (1985): A bomb exploded aboard the Boeing 747 en route from Toronto to London and then Bombay (now Mumbai), causing it to crash into the Atlantic Ocean off the coast of Ireland. All 329 people on board were killed. Pan Am Flight 103 (1988): A bomb exploded aboard the Boeing 747 over Lockerbie, Scotland, en route from London to New York City, killing all 259 passengers and crew on board, along with 11 people on the ground. Swissair Flight 111 (1998): A McDonnell Douglas MD-11 crashed into the Atlantic Ocean near Peggy’s Cove, Nova Scotia, Canada, due to an onboard fire, resulting in the deaths of all 229 passengers and crew. Metrojet Flight 9268 (2015): An Airbus A321 crashed in the Sinai Peninsula, Egypt, shortly after takeoff from Sharm El Sheikh International Airport, killing all 224 passengers and crew. The cause was determined to be a bomb planted on the aircraft. Colgan Air Flight 3407 (2009): A Bombardier Dash-8 Q400 crashed into a house in Clarence Center, New York, while on approach to Buffalo Niagara International Airport, killing all 49 passengers and crew on board, along with one person on the ground. Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 (2014): A Boeing 777 was shot down over eastern Ukraine while flying from Amsterdam to Kuala Lumpur, resulting in the deaths of all 298 passengers and crew on board. The cause was determined to be a surface-to-air missile. American Airlines Flight 587 (2001): An Airbus A300 crashed into the Belle Harbor neighborhood of Queens, New York, shortly after takeoff from John F. Kennedy International Airport, killing all 260 people on board and 5 on the ground. The crash was attributed to the first officer’s excessive rudder inputs. Air France Flight 447 (2009): An Airbus A330 crashed into the Atlantic Ocean during a flight from Rio de Janeiro to Paris, resulting in the deaths of all 228 passengers and crew. The crash was caused by a combination of factors, including pilot error and instrument malfunction during severe weather conditions. MH370 (2014): Malaysia Airlines Flight 370, a Boeing 777, disappeared while flying from Kuala Lumpur to Beijing, with 239 people on board. The exact circumstances of the disappearance remain unknown, and the aircraft’s fate remains one of the greatest mysteries in aviation history. Germanwings Flight 9525 (2015): An Airbus A320 crashed into the French Alps en route from Barcelona to Düsseldorf after the co-pilot deliberately crashed the plane, resulting in 150 fatalities. Aeroflot Flight 1492 (2019): A Sukhoi Superjet 100 caught fire upon landing at Sheremetyevo International Airport in Moscow, Russia, resulting in 41 fatalities out of 78 passengers and crew on board. Gold Coast mid-air collision (2023): On 2 January 2023, two Eurocopter EC130s collided mid-air and crashed near Sea World theme park in the city of Gold Coast, Queensland, Australia. The collision killed four people and injured eight (three critically). Yeti Airlines Flight 691 (2023): This flight was a scheduled domestic passenger flight flown by Yeti Airlines from Kathmandu to Pokhara in Nepal. On 15 January 2023, an ATR 72, the aircraft being operated on the route, stalled and crashed while landing at Pokhara. All 72 people on board died on impact. Ural Airlines Flight 1383 (2023): Ural Airlines Flight 1383 was a scheduled flight from Sochi/Adler to Omsk in Russia. On 12 September 2023, the Airbus A320-214 operating the flight and carrying 159 passengers and 6 crew made an emergency landing in a field. Everyone on board survived and no injuries were reported. Singapore Airlines Flight 321 (2024): On 21 May 2024, a Singapore Airlines Boeing 777-312ER operating as Flight 321, flying a scheduled passenger flight from London Heathrow Airport to Singapore Changi Airport carrying 229 occupants on board, encountered severe turbulence over Myanmar, resulting in 1 death and 104 injuries. The aircraft subsequently made an emergency landing at Bangkok’s Suvarnabhumi Airport. The accident was Singapore Airlines’ first fatal aviation accident since the crash of Flight 006 in 2000. Chikangawa Dornier 228 crash (2024): On 10 June 2024, a Malawi Defence Force Dornier 228 carrying Vice-President of Malawi Saulos Chilima and nine other occupants crashed in Chikangawa Forest Reserve in Mzimba District, killing all on board. These incidents, along with others previously mentioned, underscore the importance of rigorous safety measures and ongoing efforts to improve aviation safety worldwide. LEADERS DIED IN PLANE CRASHES There are some notable plane crashes that resulted in the deaths of political leaders around the world: These incidents highlight the tragic consequences of aviation accidents involving high-ranking government officials. Rwanda: Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana and Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira (1994): Their aircraft, a Dassault Falcon 50, was shot down by surface-to-air missiles near Kigali, Rwanda, triggering the Rwandan genocide. Poland: Polish President Lech Kaczyński and several high-ranking Polish officials (2010): Their Tupolev Tu-154 crashed near Smolensk, Russia, killing all 96 people on board. The delegation was en route to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the Katyn massacre. Pakistan: Pakistan’s Military ruler General Zia-ul-Haq (1988): His C-130 Hercules crashed shortly after takeoff from Bahawalpur, Pakistan, killing all passengers on board, including the American Ambassador to Pakistan Arnold Lewis Raphel and General Akhtar Abdur Rahman, head of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence. Mozambique: Mozambican President Samora Machel (1986): His plane, a Tupolev Tu-134, crashed near the Mozambique-South Africa border, killing all passengers on board, including Machel. Panama: Panamanian President Omar Torrijos (1981): Torrijos died in a plane crash in Panama, which some speculate was not an accident but sabotage. USA: American Senator Paul Wellstone (2002): Wellstone, along with his wife, daughter, and five others, died in a plane crash in Eveleth, Minnesota, while traveling to a campaign event. Malawi: Malawi Vice President Saulos Chilima and nine other people, including his wife, were killed as the plane they were onboard crashed in the Chikangawa mountain range on 10 June 2024. These incidents highlight the various ways in which political figures have been affected by aviation-related tragedies throughout history.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-plane-crashes/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[PM Modi in rare league of Merkel, Roosevelt and Nehru]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/pm-modi-in-rare-league-of-merkel-roosevelt-and-nehru/ He joins the ranks of former US President Franklin D Roosevelt and former German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who were elected for more than two terms while maintaining a largely consistent vote share. With Narendra Modi taking oath for the third time as Prime Minister on Sunday, a look at the election data in India shows that he is the only leader who has won three consecutive polls while continuing to maintain a steady vote share. PM Modi joins the ranks of world leaders like former United States President Franklin D Roosevelt and former German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who were elected for more than two terms while maintaining a largely consistent vote share. Till now Jawaharlal Nehru was the only Indian Prime Minister to have won three consecutive polls. PM Modi is the second leader to do so. Jawaharlal Nehru registered a vote share of 45 per cent in the 1952 election which rose to 47.8 per cent in 1957, but in the 1963 election the vote share dipped to 44.7 per cent, which is marginally lower than his first electoral win. For PM Modi, vote share percentage has been consistent. In 2014, BJP won 31.3 per cent vote share while in 2019 it went up to 37.7 per cent and dipped marginally to 36.6 per cent in 2024 election. BJP won absolute majority on its own in 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha polls while being part of the National Democratic Alliance. PM Modi's victory in 2019 is often compared to Rajiv Gandhi's 1984 win. Buoyed by a sympathy wave due to the assassination of then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, the Congress led by Rajiv Gandhi won 414 seats with a vote share of 49 per cent. PM Modi, seeking re-election in 2019, won a vote share of 45 per cent, and the BJP-led coalition secured 353 seats. In the international context, PM Modi's popularity as a leader stands close to former American President Franklin Roosevelt who won four presidential elections from 1932 to 1944, all with a largely consistent vote percentage. Roosevelt won his first election with a vote percentage of 57.4 per cent in 1932 and his last in 1944 with a share of 53.4 per cent. Roosevelt was the last American President to serve more than two terms. PM Modi's third term can also be compared to the success of former German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who won four consecutive elections from 2005 to 2017. Her vote share fell in 2009 and in 2017. Lee Kwan Yew, the founder of modern Singapore, won six consecutive elections between 1968 and 1988 and his vote share reduced in his second, fourth and fifth terms. Lee Kwan Yew won the 1968 election with a vote share of 86.7 per cent and his term in 1988 came with a vote share of 63.1 per cent. PM Modi now leads an NDA coalition with 293 seats in the Parliament and has promised to continue the path of reform to make India a developed nation by 2047. "NDA government 1, 2, and now 3... this is continuity. We will take the country forward with more vision and comprehensive to ensure our resolutions, our commitment towards good governance and attempt towards fulfilling the dreams of the common people," he told the media in the Rashtrapati Bhavan premises after staking claim to form the new government. "During this tenure of 10 years, India has emerged as a Vishwabandhu for the world. Its maximum advantage is starting now. And I am sure that the next five years are going to be very useful for India in the global environment as well. The world is going through many crises, many tensions, disasters...we Indians are fortunate that despite so many big crises, we are today known as the world's fastest-growing economy. We are also being praised in the world for growth. I have had the experience of doing the Prime Minister's job for 10 years and will use this experience well," he added. PM Modi took the oath of office at 7.15 pm on Sunday along with 30 Cabinet Ministers, five Ministers of State (Independent Charge) and 36 Ministers of State in a ceremony at the Rashtrapati Bhavan.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/pm-modi-in-rare-league-of-merkel-roosevelt-and-nehru/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Cabinet Formation]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/cabinet-formation/ Cabinet formation in India by the Prime Minister has a rich history intertwined with the country’s political evolution. It aims to reflect India’s diversity in terms of regions, languages, religions, castes, and genders. The formation of the Cabinet in India by the Prime Minister has a rich history intertwined with the country’s political evolution. After India gained independence from British rule in 1947, Jawaharlal Nehru became the first Prime Minister and his Cabinet comprised members of the Indian National Congress, the party leading the independence movement. The Cabinet included leaders like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, and others. The formation of the Cabinet reflected the Congress Party’s dominance in Indian politics during this period. After 1964, Lal Bahadur Shastri briefly took over as Prime Minister followed by Indira Gandhi, Nehru’s daughter, who served as Prime Minister for a significant period. Indira Gandhi’s tenure saw significant changes in the composition of the Cabinet. She centralized power within the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) and reshuffled her Cabinet multiple times to maintain control. The Emergency declared by Indira Gandhi in 1975 further consolidated power in the Prime Minister’s hands. Despite Congress dominance, regional parties and alliances started to emerge, influencing Cabinet formation to some extent. Era of Coalition Politics (1991-present): Since the early 1990s, coalition politics became more prevalent in India due to the decline of Congress dominance and the emergence of regional parties. Coalition governments led to more diverse Cabinet formations, with representation from various political parties and regions. Prime Ministers like P.V. Narasimha Rao, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Manmohan Singh, and Narendra Modi led coalitions or minority governments, necessitating intricate negotiations for Cabinet formation. Coalition politics also led to instances where smaller parties demanded key Cabinet positions as a condition for joining the government. Contemporary Trends: Recent decades have seen an increase in the professionalization of politics, with technocrats and experts being inducted into the Cabinet alongside career politicians. Issues like regional representation, caste, gender, and religion have become important factors in Cabinet formation, reflecting India's diverse socio-political landscape. Prime Ministers exercise significant discretion in Cabinet formation, balancing political considerations, meritocracy, and coalition dynamics. Prime ministers make an attempt that they include representatives of all major religions or major castes in their cabinet. In Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s cabinet, he gave ministry of defence to George Fernandes. He gave ministry of Tribal affairs to Jual Oram, who is a tribal. During Narendra Modi’s tenure, Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi assumed the office as a cabinet minister for Minority Affairs on 4 September 2017. He served as the Minister of State for Minority Affairs when Najma Heptulla was the cabinet minister. Following Najma Heptulla's resignation on 12 July 2016, Naqvi was assigned the Independent charge of the Ministry. Overall, the formation of the Cabinet in India by the Prime Minister has evolved over time, reflecting changes in the country's political landscape, from single-party dominance to coalition politics and the increasing influence of regional parties. Portfolio Allocation: The Prime Minister has the authority to allocate ministerial portfolios, deciding which ministries each Cabinet member will lead. Portfolio allocation is often a delicate balancing act, considering factors like seniority, expertise, political considerations, and the need to maintain coalition or party unity. Representation and Diversity: Cabinet formation aims to reflect India’s diversity in terms of regions, languages, religions, castes, and genders. Governments often strive for representation from different states and communities to ensure inclusivity and address diverse interests. Coalition Dynamics: In coalition governments, Cabinet formation involves negotiations with coalition partners to accommodate their interests and ensure their support. Coalition partners may demand specific ministerial positions or portfolios as part of their participation in the government. Ministerial Rank: Cabinet ministers are typically considered higher in rank than ministers of state. Within the Cabinet, there may be senior and junior ministers, with senior ministers often holding key portfolios or positions like Home Affairs, Finance, or Defense. Expansion and Reshuffling: Cabinets can be expanded or reshuffled during a government’s tenure due to various reasons such as political developments, performance evaluations, or accommodating new allies. Expansion may involve the creation of new ministerial positions or the induction of new faces into the Cabinet. Constitutional Provisions: The Constitution of India provides the framework for the formation and functioning of the Cabinet. Article 75 of the Constitution empowers the President to appoint the Prime Minister and other ministers on the advice of the Prime Minister. Article 74 delineates the role of the Council of Ministers in aiding and advising the President. Role of Prime Minister’s Office (PMO): The PMO plays a crucial role in the process of Cabinet formation, coordinating discussions, vetting potential candidates, and overseeing the overall functioning of the government. The Prime Minister’s personal preferences and vision often influence Cabinet formation decisions. Parliamentary Approval: Once the Cabinet is formed, its members need to be sworn in, and their appointment is subject to parliamentary approval. Ministers are accountable to Parliament for their actions, policies, and decisions, and they participate in parliamentary proceedings. These additional aspects provide a deeper understanding of the complexities involved in the formation and functioning of the Cabinet in India under the leadership of the Prime Minister. Specialized Ministries: Over time, specialized ministries have been established to address emerging challenges and sectors such as environment, technology, education, health, and rural development. Cabinet formation often involves assigning competent individuals to lead these ministries, considering their expertise and experience in relevant fields. Regional Parties and Alliances: Regional parties wield significant influence in some states and regions of India. Their participation in national coalitions or alliances often impacts Cabinet formation. Regional parties may prioritize issues specific to their constituencies, demanding key ministerial positions or policy concessions as part of their support to the central government. Interplay of Politics and Administration: Cabinet formation is not only about political considerations but also about administrative efficiency and governance effectiveness. Prime Ministers aim to strike a balance between political expediency and administrative competence when selecting Cabinet members to ensure smooth governance and policy implementation. Public Expectations and Accountability: Citizens and civil society organizations often have expectations regarding the composition of the Cabinet, such as transparency, integrity, and representation of marginalized communities. Cabinet members are accountable to the public for their performance, and public scrutiny can influence Cabinet formation decisions and reshuffles. Historical Precedents and Traditions: India’s political history and traditions influence Cabinet formation practices to some extent. Certain ministries or positions may carry historical significance, and their allocation may reflect continuity with past administrations. Precedents set by previous Cabinets, both in terms of structure and composition, can inform the decision-making process of the Prime Minister when forming a new Cabinet. Crisis Management and National Security: During times of crisis, such as natural disasters, security threats, or economic downturns, Cabinet formation may prioritize individuals with crisis management experience or expertise in relevant domains. National security concerns also play a crucial role in Cabinet formation, with leaders prioritizing the appointment of capable individuals to key security-related ministries. Coalition Bargaining: In the case of coalition governments, Cabinet formation involves extensive bargaining and negotiation among coalition partners. Smaller parties often leverage their support to secure ministerial berths or favorable policies for their constituencies. Regional Balance: Maintaining a regional balance is crucial in Cabinet formation to ensure representation from different states and regions of India. Prime Ministers often consider regional demographics, electoral considerations, and political alliances when appointing Cabinet members to maintain this balance. Party Loyalty vs. Meritocracy: Cabinet formation often presents a dilemma between appointing loyal party members and selecting individuals based on merit and expertise. While party loyalty is important for political cohesion, meritocracy ensures the efficiency and effectiveness of governance. Expert Committees and Advisory Bodies: Apart from the formal Cabinet, Prime Ministers may also rely on expert committees, advisory bodies, or informal groups for policy advice and decision-making. These bodies may include subject matter experts, academics, industry leaders, and civil society representatives, supplementing the expertise available within the Cabinet. Technological Integration: With the advancement of technology, there is a growing emphasis on leveraging digital platforms and data-driven approaches in governance. Cabinet formation may involve the appointment of ministers responsible for technology, digital transformation, and innovation to harness the potential of technology in various sectors. Continuity and Change: Cabinet formation reflects a balance between continuity and change, with incoming governments retaining certain ministers from the previous administration while also introducing new faces and priorities. Changes in Cabinet composition may signal shifts in policy direction, administrative reforms, or responses to evolving socio-economic challenges. Consultative Process: While the Prime Minister has the ultimate authority in Cabinet formation, the process often involves consultation with senior party leaders, coalition partners, and key stakeholders. Consultative processes foster consensus-building and ensure broader political support for the Cabinet. Representation of Minorities and Marginalized Groups: Inclusivity in Cabinet formation extends to the representation of minorities, marginalized communities, and socio-economically disadvantaged groups. Governments may prioritize appointing individuals from these communities to key ministerial positions to address their concerns and ensure their voices are heard at the highest levels of decision-making. Election Promises and Manifesto Commitments: Cabinet formation often reflects the promises and commitments made by political parties during election campaigns. Prime Ministers may appoint Cabinet members who align with the party’s manifesto and policy agenda, aiming to fulfill electoral promises and deliver on public expectations. Inter-State Relations and Federal Dynamics: Given India’s federal structure, Cabinet formation also considers inter-state relations and the coordination between the central government and state administrations. Prime Ministers may appoint ministers with experience in inter-state relations or federal issues to foster cooperation and address regional disparities. Gender Parity and Women’s Representation: There is growing recognition of the importance of gender parity in Cabinet formation, with efforts to increase women’s representation in ministerial positions. Governments may adopt affirmative action measures or set targets to ensure a more balanced gender composition in the Cabinet, promoting women’s participation in decision-making. Youth and New Leadership: In addition to experienced politicians, Cabinet formation may also involve the inclusion of young leaders and fresh talent, reflecting a commitment to generational change and innovation. Younger Cabinet members may bring new perspectives, energy, and ideas to governance, catering to the aspirations of India’s youth population. Adherence to Constitutional Principles: Cabinet formation is guided by constitutional principles such as the principles of collective responsibility, accountability to Parliament, and adherence to the rule of law. Ministers are expected to uphold these constitutional values in their conduct and decision-making, ensuring the integrity and legitimacy of the Cabinet. Global Engagement and Diplomacy: With India’s increasing role on the global stage, Cabinet formation may involve appointing ministers responsible for international relations, diplomacy, and strategic affairs. State and Central Government Coordination: Cabinet formation involves coordination between the central government and state governments to ensure effective governance and policy implementation. Prime Ministers may appoint ministers with experience in state administration or with a background in federalism to facilitate cooperation and coordination between the center and the states. Crisis Response and Emergency Preparedness: The composition of the Cabinet may be influenced by considerations related to crisis response and emergency preparedness. Prime Ministers may appoint ministers responsible for disaster management, public health, or national security to address emergencies and ensure the resilience of the nation in times of crisis.These additional considerations provide further insights into the complex and multifaceted process of Cabinet formation in India, highlighting the diverse factors and objectives that inform the composition of the country’s highest decision-making body. These ministers play a crucial role in representing India’s interests abroad, engaging with foreign counterparts, and advancing the country’s diplomatic objectives. These additional points further illustrate the complexities and nuances involved in the formation of the Cabinet in India, highlighting the diverse factors and considerations that shape the composition of the country’s highest decision-making body.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/cabinet-formation/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Special Category Status Back in Focus]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/special-category-status-back-in-focus/ Special Category Status, first recommended by the Fifth Finance Commission in 1969, serves as a way for the Central government to provide extra financial assistance to states facing unique challenges or special needs. After the recent election, no single party won enough seats to run the government alone. Bihar CM Nitish Kumar from JD(U) and N. Chandrababu Naidu of TDP are key players in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). Nitish Kumar wants Special Category Status for Bihar and more spots in the government if he helps BJP. Naidu also wants Andhra Pradesh to be a Special Category Status. Both want to make sure their states get what they need. Both leaders’ demands highlight the crucial role of regional parties. In recent past, there had been a notable surge in demand for Special Category Status, particularly from Bihar and Andhra Pradesh. This demand, championed by the Bihar CM Nitish Kumar and N. Chandrababu Naidu, has reignited discussions on this long-standing issue. Special Category Status, first recommended by the Fifth Finance Commission in 1969, serves as a way for the central government to provide extra financial assistance to states facing unique challenges or special needs. This renewed focus prompts us to explore the historical background, assignment process, benefits, and qualifying criteria for Special Category Status. Let’s delve into these questions to understand the importance of this status and how it might impact India’s federal structure. The Center categorizes states with special needs through a system called “Special Category Status.” This started in 1969, when the Fifth Finance Commission suggested it. India has 29 states and 7 union territories. Every five years, based on advice from the Finance Commission, the President gives money from the central government to these states and territories. Article 275 of the Indian Constitution allows the central government to give extra money to any state if needed. Currently, 11 states in India have Special Category Status. Five more states are asking for this status. It’s like giving them extra support to help them grow and do better. Special Category Status and Historical Perspective In 1969, the 5th Finance Commission of India introduced the concept of Special Category Status to help some historically disadvantaged regions. This status provided these regions with central assistance and tax breaks. Central Plan Assistance, determined by the National Development Council (NDC), was given to some states using a formula named after Dr. Gadgil Mukherjee, the Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission at the time. Initially, only three states were granted Special Category Status: Assam, Nagaland, and Jammu & Kashmir. This happened during the 4th Five-Year Plan from 1969 to 1974. These states received 9.26% of the total plan assistance. These three states were considered for special status because they were socially, economically, and geographically backward. States get Special Category Status if they meet certain conditions. These include having hilly and tough terrain, being in strategic border locations, having low per capita income, low population density, a large number of tribal people, and economic and infrastructure backwardness. These states also struggle with their finances. In the early 1960s, the government had no solid plan for developing these states. Being economically weak, these states could not manage development work on their own due to limited resources. The central government had two options: either to merge these states with their developed neighbors or to provide assistance to improve their conditions. The second option was chosen, and these states were granted Special Category Status to help their development. Support was really important for states like Assam, Nagaland, and Jammu & Kashmir, which faced various challenges. Over time, other states also received this status, recognizing their need for assistance. However, with the new policies and the 14th Finance Commission’s recommendations, the central government has moved away from this concept, focusing instead on a more equitable distribution of funds among all states. From 1974 to 1979, five more states were added: Himachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Sikkim, and Tripura. In 1990, Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram were also granted this status, bringing the total to ten states. Uttarakhand was added in 2001, making it eleven states with Special Category Status. Until 2014-2015, eleven states enjoyed various benefits and incentives. In recent years, there have been demands from Andhra Pradesh for Special Category Status, and similar demands have come from Bihar, Odisha, Rajasthan, and Goa. In 2018, MPs from Andhra Pradesh disrupted the budget session of Parliament, pushing for this status. After the Planning Commission was dissolved and NITI Aayog was formed, the 14th Finance Commission’s recommendations were implemented. This ended the Gadgil formula-based grants but increased the share of funds from the divisible pool to all states from 32% to 42%. The central government says the 14th Finance Commission effectively removed the concept of Special Category Status after its recommendations were accepted in 2015. On August 5, 2019, a new order was issued by the President of India. This order took away the special status that Jammu and Kashmir had under Article 370 of the Constitution. Currently, it seems unlikely that any more states will be given Special Category Status. The Indian Constitution does not have any provision for categorizing states as Special Category States. However, twelve states have special safeguards under Articles 371, 371-A to 371-H, and 371-J. Article 371-I applies to Goa but does not include any special provisions. The twelve states are Maharashtra, Gujarat, Nagaland, Assam, Manipur, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Sikkim, Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh, Karnataka, and Goa. After independence, India revealed significant geographical, social, economic, and cultural disparities among its states. Some states had better education, health, and economic conditions, while others, particularly in the north-east and hill regions, lacked development and government policies. These states, however, were strategically and geopolitically important to India. During the implementation of the Five-Year Plans, no strict rules were initially followed by the central government in supporting economically weaker states. As a result, different regions experienced varying levels of development. The issue of Special Category Status was first raised in the National Development Council meeting in 1969. So, over the years, more and more states have been given extra help to support their development. This has been done to ensure that the poorer and less developed regions get the attention and support they need. The National Development Council decides if a state gets special category status based on several criteria. These criteria help identify states that need extra support. First, a state must struggle with a shortage of resources. This means it does not have enough natural or financial resources to support its needs. Second, the state must have a low per capita income, indicating that the average income of its people is quite low. Third, the state’s finances must not be viable. This means the state cannot manage its budget and financial needs effectively. Fourth, the state must show signs of economic and structural underdevelopment. This includes poor infrastructure and weak economic activities. Fifth, the state must have a sizable tribe population. This means a significant portion of its people belong to tribal communities. Sixth, the state must have hilly and challenging terrain, making development difficult. Seventh, the state must be located in a strategic border region. This means its location is important for national security. Lastly, the state must be sparsely populated, meaning it has few people living over a large area. The National Development Council, which makes these decisions, includes the prime minister, union ministers, chief ministers, and members of the planning commission. Benefits of Special Category Status (SCS) Special Category Status (SCS) provides significant financial help to states. Previously, states with SCS received grants based on the Gadgil-Mukherjee formula, which made up about 30% of total central assistance. After the Planning Commission was abolished and following the 14th and 15th Finance Commissions’ recommendations, SCS assistance was included in a greater share of funds for all states, now set at 41% in the 15th Finance Commission. SCS states also benefit from a favorable funding ratio. For centrally sponsored schemes, the Centre covers 90% of the costs while the state only needs to cover 10%. In contrast, general category states have to manage with a 60:40 or 80:20 funding split. Additionally, SCS states receive extra incentives such as lower customs and excise duties, and reduced income and corporate tax rates to attract more investments. Bihar is asking for SCS due to several challenges. The state says its poverty and underdevelopment are due to limited natural resources, an unreliable water supply for irrigation, frequent floods in the north, and severe droughts in the south. The split with Jharkhand also moved many industries away, leading to unemployment and less investment. Bihar’s per-capita GDP is around ₹54,000, which is one of the lowest in India. Chief Minister Nitish Kumar says that Bihar has about 94 lakh poor families, and getting SCS would help generate about ₹2.5 lakh crore, essential for welfare programs over the next five years. Demands for SCS from Other States Other states are also demanding SCS. Andhra Pradesh has been seeking SCS since its split from Telangana in 2014 due to the revenue loss after Hyderabad was transferred to Telangana. Odisha is also requesting SCS, pointing out its frequent natural disasters like cyclones and its significant tribal population, which makes up around 22% of the state’s population. Despite these demands, the Central government has consistently turned them down. The 14th Finance Commission’s report recommended against giving SCS to any state, and the government has followed this recommendation. Differences between Special Category Status and Special Status Special Status and Special Category Status are two different things that affect how states in India are treated by the government. Special Status is given by the Constitution and needs a special law passed by a big majority in Parliament. For example, Jammu and Kashmir has Special Status under Article 370. It’s the only state with its own constitution and some laws don’t apply there. But Special Category Status is not the same thing. Special Category Status is decided by the National Development Council, which helps states that are struggling because of where they are or their problems. Jammu and Kashmir got this status first in 1969, and then 10 more states got it later. The National Development Council made 5 rules for giving this special status. Andhra Pradesh wants Special Category Status to get extra help from the government. This help could bring more money and business to the state, especially after it lost its capital, Hyderabad, to Telangana. But the government says Andhra Pradesh doesn’t meet the rules for Special Category Status. Instead, they offered a special package to help the state. So, to sum up, Special Status and Special Category Status is different. Special Status comes from the Constitution, while Special Category Status is decided by the government to help states with problems. Andhra Pradesh wants Special Category Status but didn’t get it because it didn’t meet the rules. Special Category Status (SCS) in India offers extra benefits to states with tough economic and geographic situations. The National Development Council decides who gets SCS. But, after the 14th Finance Commission’s suggestions and the end of the Planning Commission, the government stopped giving SCS to new states. They now divide money more evenly among all states. Even though Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, and Odisha keep asking, the government says no to SCS for them because they don’t meet the rules. The government probably won’t give SCS to more states soon. They’re focusing on different ways to help poorer areas.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/special-category-status-back-in-focus/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[India at a Pivotal Crossroads: Navigating the New Era of Coalition Politics]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/india-at-a-pivotal-crossroads-navigating-the-new-era-of-coalition-politics/ In a surprising result that has sent shockwaves through India's political landscape, the recent general elections have delivered a divided decision, shattering the hopes of the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) to secure an outright majority. For the first time in a decade, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's party has fallen just short of the needed seats in the Lok Sabha, requiring the formation of a coalition government. This unexpected outcome has put India in unfamiliar territory, marking the beginning of a new era in the nation's political journey. As the largest party, the BJP now faces a difficult situation, needing to seek the support of its National Democratic Alliance (NDA) allies to stay in power. The idea of "Coalition Dharma," a term coined by former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, has gained new importance, highlighting the need to consider the interests of coalition partners while holding onto a broader vision for the country. For Modi, a leader who has never had to depend on external support during his time as Gujarat's Chief Minister or as the Prime Minister, this change in power dynamics is a significant departure from the past. His real test as a leader will be in his ability to manage this evolving situation, finding a balance between pushing his party's agenda and respecting the principles of coalition governance. While coalition governments are not unfamiliar in India's political history, recent years have been dominated by the BJP's complete majority in parliament. This new reality reminds us of the country's diversity and the ongoing need for inclusive, consensus-based governance. As India embraces this new era, past experiences provide valuable lessons for the challenges and opportunities ahead. A Tapestry of Coalition Experiments: Learning from History India's involvement with coalition politics dates back to the late 1970s when the Janata Party, a diverse group of opposition forces, removed Indira Gandhi after her controversial Emergency rule. However, this initial attempt at coalition governance didn't last long, collapsing due to internal divisions and ideological differences within just two years. The late 1980s and early 1990s saw a series of coalition experiments, each one moving closer to mastering the art of consensus-driven governance. The National Front alliance, led by V.P. Singh, came to power in 1989 but faced controversy over the implementation of the Mandal Commission report, which reserved government jobs for Other Backward Classes (OBCs). The subsequent withdrawal of support by the BJP over the Ram Janmabhoomi movement ultimately led to the coalition's downfall in 1990. The United Front government, formed in 1996 after a hung parliament, managed to maintain economic stability and continue liberalization policies during its brief time in power. However, the withdrawal of Congress support in 1998 showed the fragility of coalitions dependent on external backing. It wasn't until the late 1990s that India saw the establishment of a stable and lasting coalition government. The BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), under the steady leadership of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, secured a full five-year term from 1999 to 2004, bringing in a period of economic reform, infrastructure development, and the landmark Pokhran-II nuclear tests. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA), a diverse coalition of 13 parties, governed for two consecutive terms from 2004 to 2014, with Dr. Manmohan Singh at the helm. This period was a peak in coalition governance, as the UPA adeptly managed a multifaceted alliance while advancing key economic and social reforms, including the landmark Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) and the Right to Information Act. However, the UPA faced challenges during its tenure. Corruption scandals, such as the 2G spectrum scam and the Commonwealth Games controversies, tarnished the government's reputation, and perceived policy paralysis during its second term contributed to its electoral defeat in 2014. The Return of Single-Party Dominance and Its Implications In a significant departure from the coalition era, the 2014 general elections brought about a change, as the BJP gained a rare parliamentary majority on its own, allowing the NDA to form a single-party government under the dynamic leadership of Narendra Modi. This mandate was reaffirmed in 2019, reflecting the electorate's desire for a strong, decisive administration not bound by the limitations of coalition politics. Modi's first term saw a strong focus on economic development, with initiatives such as the Goods and Services Tax (GST), the Make in India campaign, and efforts towards financial inclusion. However, the government also faced challenges, including an economic slowdown and social tensions arising from issues such as the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the abrogation of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir. As Modi begins his second term, the divided verdict from the electorate has changed the dynamics once again, requiring a return to coalition politics. The ability to form productive alliances and govern through consensus will likely remain essential for any aspiring national leader. The Road Ahead: Challenges and Opportunities The road ahead for the BJP-led coalition will undoubtedly be challenging, with obstacles that will test even the most experienced political operators. The need to satisfy alliance partners, each with their own demands and priorities, could potentially hinder the government's ability to implement its policy agenda with firm conviction. Additionally, the inherent fragility of coalition arrangements can lead to instability, with the constant threat of defections looming large. Smaller parties, empowered by their newfound kingmaker status, may exert significant influence, extracting concessions that don't match their parliamentary strength. Furthermore, the principle of collective responsibility, crucial in parliamentary democracy, often gets compromised in coalition setups. Regional forces, prioritizing local interests over national imperatives, may hold the central executive hostage to their demands, threatening defection if their desires aren't met. This situation undermines administrative accountability, as coalition partners engage in a blame game, neglecting their shared duty to the electorate. However, despite these significant challenges, the emergence of coalition politics in India presents a profound opportunity – a chance to redefine governance and reaffirm the nation's commitment to pluralistic ideals. By embracing consensus-building, the BJP-led coalition can set a course that celebrates India's diversity while promoting a progressive, development-oriented agenda. At the heart of this effort must be an acknowledgment that true statesmanship goes beyond party interests. It requires a willingness to listen, accommodate differing perspectives, and find common ground on national issues. Only through such an inclusive approach can the BJP-led alliance hope to earn the trust and support of the electorate, fostering a sense of shared responsibility for the nation's future. The success of coalition politics depends on the ability to move beyond narrow self-interest, form productive alliances, and prioritize the greater good of the nation. It requires compromise, respect for regional aspirations, and a commitment to inclusive governance. Lessons from past coalitions, both successful and short-lived, offer valuable guidance for navigating the complexities of power-sharing arrangements. As India ventures into this unfamiliar terrain, the world will be watching closely to see how the largest democracy manages the intricacies of coalition governance. The outcome of this experiment will have implications beyond India's borders, serving as a model for nations grappling with diversity and inclusive governance models. In the grand tapestry of Indian democracy, coalition politics represents a coming together of diverse voices, a delicate balancing act of ideological partners united by a shared commitment to democratic principles. It is a process that requires adaptability, a willingness to adjust, and a steadfast dedication to progress and unity. As the nation approaches the realization of its vibrant democracy's true potential, the art of coalition-building may emerge as a defining characteristic of India's political journey, a testament to its resilience and its dedication to inclusive governance. The path ahead may be challenging, but the rewards of successful coalition politics – a more inclusive, prosperous, and united India – are worth the effort. One cannot help but be intrigued by the prospect of witnessing history unfold. As the world's largest democracy navigates this pivotal moment, the lessons learned and the precedents set will undoubtedly shape the trajectory of nations worldwide. In this crucible of coalition politics, India has the opportunity to emerge as a beacon of hope, demonstrating how diversity can be a strength and how consensus-building can lead to sustainable progress. The journey ahead may be daunting, but the unwavering spirit of India's people – their resilience, their commitment to democratic values, and their embrace of diversity – will light the way. As the nation embarks on this new chapter, let us bear witness to the unfolding of a story that will inspire generations to come, a testament to the enduring power of unity in diversity. In summary, India stands at a pivotal crossroads, embracing a new era of coalition politics. While challenges lie ahead, there is immense potential for consensus-building and inclusive governance. By learning from past experiences and embracing diversity, India can pave the way for a brighter, more united future.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/india-at-a-pivotal-crossroads-navigating-the-new-era-of-coalition-politics/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[A recap of record Victories in LS polls]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/a-recap-of-record-victories-in-ls-polls/ Sometimes popularity of leaders is so high that margins in terms of votes set records. Pritam Munde, Narendra Modi, VK Singh, Rahul Gandhi and Mulayam Singh Yadav etched their names in this category. Victories in Lok Sabha elections with the biggest margins are often seen as a reflection of a candidate’s immense popularity or the dominance of their political party in a particular region. Over the years, several candidates have won their seats with very large margins. Here are some notable examples: Pritam Munde (2014) Beed, Maharashtra: Margin: Over 6.96 lakh votes. - Pritam Munde, also from the BJP, won the Beed seat with the largest margin ever recorded in Lok Sabha elections. She was born on 17 February 1983 and is a doctor and Indian politician who is the current Member of Parliament in the Lok Sabha from Beed. In 2014, she won with a margin of 6,96,321 votes - the highest ever in India’s electoral history. She is the second daughter of former BJP leader Gopinath Munde and her mother Pradnya Munde. In 2019 elections she emerged as victorious candidate by defeating Bajrang Sonwane of Nationalist Congress Party by margin of 1.68 lakh votes. Gopinath Munde was Central Cabinet Minister earlier. She has one elder sister Pankaja Munde and younger sister Yashashari. She is a niece of Pramod Mahajan, and a cousin to Rahul Mahajan and Poonam Mahajan. NCP leader Dhananjay Munde is also her cousin. She married Gaurav Khade in 2009 and they have a son named Agastya Khade. Narendra Modi In 2014 Lok Sabha election from Vadodara constituency, Narendra Modi won the seat with a huge margin of over 5.70 lakh votes. He later became the Prime Minister of India. However, he later retained the Varanasi seat. In September 2013, Modi was named the BJP’s candidate for prime minister ahead of the 2014 Lok Sabha election. Prior to the election, Modi’s media image had centred around his role in the 2002 Gujarat riots but during the campaign, the BJP focused on Modi’s neoliberal ideology and the Gujarat model of development. The BJP sought to identify itself with political leaders who publicly opposed Hindu nationalism, including B. R. Ambedkar, Subhas Chandra Bose and Ram Manohar Lohia. Hindutva remained a part of the campaign; BJP leaders used Hindutva-based rhetoric in several states. Communal tensions were played upon, especially in Uttar Pradesh and Northeast India. A proposal for the controversial Uniform Civil Code was a part of the BJP’s election manifesto. The BJP’s campaign was assisted by its wide influence in the media. Modi’s campaign blitz cost around Rs 50 billion (US$630 million) and the BJP received extensive financial support from corporate donors. In addition to more-conventional campaign methods, Modi made extensive use of social media and addressed more than 1,000 rallies via hologram appearances. The BJP won 31 per cent of the vote, and more-than-doubled its number of seats in the Lok Sabha to 282, becoming the first party to win a majority of seats on its own since 1984. Voter dissatisfaction with the Congress and with regional parties in North India, and support from the RSS were reasons for the BJP’s success. In states such as Uttar Pradesh, where the BJP performed well, it drew exceptionally high support from upper-caste Hindus, and its Muslim vote increased to 10 per cent. The BJP performed particularly well in parts of the country that had recently experienced violence between Hindus and Muslims. The magnitude of the BJP’s victory led many commentators to say the election constituted a political realignment away from progressive parties towards the right-wing. Modi’s tweet announcing his victory was described as being emblematic of the political realignment away from a secular, socialist state towards capitalism and Hindu cultural nationalism. Modi was a candidate for the Lok Sabha constituencies Varanasi and Vadodara. He won in both constituencies, defeating Aam Aadmi Party leader Arvind Kejriwal in Varanasi by 371,784 votes and Madhusudan Mistry of the Congress in Vadodara by 570,128 votes. India’s president appointed Modi, who was unanimously elected leader of the BJP, Prime Minister of India. To comply with the law prohibiting MPs from representing more than one constituency, he vacated the Vadodara seat. V.K. Singh In 2014, Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh: Margin: Over 5.67 lakh votes. - Former Army Chief General V.K. Singh, representing the BJP, won the Ghaziabad seat with a huge margin. General Vijay Kumar Singh (retd) is an Indian politician and a former four-star General in the Indian Army. He is the current Minister of State in the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways and Ministry of Civil Aviation in the Second Modi ministry. He previously served as Minister of State for External Affairs, Minister of State (Independent Charge) for Development of the North-Eastern Region and Minister of State for Statistics and Programme Implementation in the First Modi ministry. During his military career, Singh served as the 24th Chief of the Army Staff (COAS) from 2010 to 2012. Singh took the Government of India to court in a dispute over his date of birth and subsequent retirement, becoming the first serving Indian Chief of the Army Staff to take legal action against the Indian government. After his retirement from the military, Singh joined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2014 and was elected as Member of Parliament to the Lok Sabha for the Ghaziabad constituency of Uttar Pradesh in that year’s general election. He was re-elected to the same seat in 2019. Chandrababu Naidu (1999) Kuppam, Andhra Pradesh: Margin: Over 5 lakh votes. - The Telugu Desam Party (TDP) leader and former Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh won the Kuppam seat with a large margin. Nara Chandrababu Naidu also known as Chandrababu Naidu is an Indian politician, statesman and the current leader of the opposition in the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly. He also served as Chief Minister from 1995 to 2004 and as opposition leader from 2004 to 2014 of Andhra Pradesh. He has been the national president of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) since 2015. Naidu’s political career began in the 1970s with the Indian National Congress (INC). In 1978, he was elected to the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly, and from 1980 to 1982, he served as a minister in the state cabinet. Afterwards, he switched party allegiance and joined TDP, which had been founded by Nandamuri Taraka Rama Rao, his father-in-law, whom he initially opposed. He gained the confidence of Rao, especially after helping thwart an INC attempt to oust Rao from his post as chief minister in 1984, becoming the party’s general secretary. Naidu served as a TDP Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) from 1989 to 1995, during which period he became a high-profile opposition leader. In 1995, he became the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh after an intra-party coup against the leadership of Rao. During his two terms as Chief Minister, Naidu’s public image was that of an economic reformer and proponent of information technology-based economic growth. His policies brought modernisation and investments particularly to Hyderabad, where he directed the founding of HITEC City. He also had a role in national politics, first as the convener of the United Front in 1996. He supported the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) after the 1999 Lok Sabha elections, in which TDP won 29 seats, enhancing Naidu’s reputation as a nationally prominent politician. His leadership in IT and infrastructure was much ahead of his times and did not make sense to the voters as propaganda against his tech-driven policies in 2004 defeated his party by a coalition of INC and the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS). In 2014, after having been the leader of opposition during the whole intervening period, Naidu returned as Chief Minister, winning in the now-residuary (due to bifurcation) Andhra Pradesh. Between 2014 and 2019, he developed the basic infrastructure for new Andhra Pradesh, brought in several big-ticket foreign investments such as Kia Motors and created thousands of jobs for the state’s youth. In the 2019 Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly election, Naidu’s party faced an electoral setback, with TDP winning only 23 out of 175 seats. In 2023, Naidu was arrested by the Crime Investigation Department (CID) police in Andhra Pradesh due to alleged political vendetta and was released after 3 months, without any charges due to lack of evidence during Supreme Ashok Kumar Yadav (2019) Madhubani, Bihar: Margin: Over 4.80 lakh votes. - The BJP candidate won the Madhubani seat with a large margin. Ashok Kumar Yadav is an Indian politician. He was elected to the Lok Sabha, lower house of the Parliament of India from Madhubani, Bihar in the 2019 Indian general election as member of the Bharatiya Janata Party. He was elected to the Bihar Legislative Assembly from Keoti (Vidhan Sabha constituency) as a member of Bharatiya Janata party in February 2005, October 2005 and again in 2010. He is the son of BJP leader Hukumdev Narayan Yadav.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/a-recap-of-record-victories-in-ls-polls/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Giant killers and Unexpected Triumphs: A peep into Surprising Electoral Outcomes]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/giant-killers-and-unexpected-triumphs-a-peep-into-surprising-electoral-outcomes/ From political heavyweights facing unexpected defeats to underdogs emerging victorious, electoral upsets have captivated the nation and redefined the political landscape. A look at some of the significant upsets in Indian elections. The 1951-52 parliamentary election, a significant event in India's democratic journey, saw an unusual outcome that surprised the nation. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, a respected scholar and advocate for the underprivileged, competed in a quadrangular contest in the Bombay North Central constituency. Despite his significant stature and considerable contributions to the nation, Ambedkar found himself in a tough battle against a relatively unknown Congress candidate, Narayan Sadoba Kajrolkar, and candidates from the Communist Party and the Hindu Mahasabha. The only party that supported Ambedkar was the Socialists under Ashok Mehta, while SA Dange of the CPI campaigned fiercely against him, causing a divide between Communists and Dalits that persists even today. In a surprising turn of events, Ambedkar was defeated by Kajrolkar, who won by a margin of 15,000 votes. This defeat of one of India's most distinguished figures, who later entered Parliament through the Rajya Sabha, showcased the unpredictable nature of popular elections and the ability of the electorate to go against expectations. After winning a seat in Parliament from Balrampur in 1957 for the first time, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who later assumed the role of India's Prime Minister, lost an election to the Congress's Subhadra Joshi in 1962. Vajpayee experienced his second electoral loss in 1984 when he was defeated by Congress candidate Madhavrao Scindia in the Gwalior polls. This defeat occurred in the first election after the assassination of then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. The resounding defeat, combined with the fact that the BJP secured only two seats in that election, marked a low point for the party and necessitated a leadership change. L.K. Advani took over as the party's president in 1986. Advani's task was monumental: to rebuild the party from the ashes of this crushing defeat and restore its credibility as a formidable political force. L.K. Advani holds the record for being the longest-serving president, serving over three different periods. The 1984 Lok Sabha elections saw two notable surprises that challenged the existing situation. Former Lok Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee won 10 Lok Sabha elections but lost one election. A lesser-known 29-year-old political newcomer Mamta Banarjee defeated the prominent Communist leader by over 20,000 votes (3% margin). Mamta Banarjee was the youngest MP in that Lok Sabha. It took another 27 years for Mamta Banarjee to bring an end to the left rule in West Bengal. Indira Gandhi, who had previously served as a member of the Rajya Sabha and as Prime Minister, contested her first Lok Sabha election from her late husband's constituency, winning over 55% of the votes cast. Despite the Congress split of 1969, she improved her performance in 1971, receiving over 66% of the votes in the constituency, and defeating Samyukta Socialist Party (SSP) candidate Raj Narain by a difference of over 1.1 lakh votes. But this victory did not come without controversy. After his loss, Raj Narain filed a petition before the Allahabad High Court accusing Indira of having used the government machinery to gain an unfair advantage in the election. On June 12, 1975 Justice Jagmohanlal Sinha found Indira guilty of electoral malpractices, and declared Raj Narain winner from Rae Bareli. On June 24, the Supreme Court upheld the High Court judgment, but allowed Indira to continue as prime minister pending the resolution of her appeal. This paved the way for Gandhi declaring Emergency on the midnight of June 25/26. The 1977 Lok Sabha elections, held after 21 oppressive months of Emergency, saw Raj Narain, participating on a Bhartiya Lok Dal (BLD) ticket, defeat Indira by a difference of 55,202 votes in Rae Bareli. This was the first time a non-Congress candidate had won from the constituency. This surprising turn of events not only ended Gandhi's time as Prime Minister but also allowed Narain to become the Health Minister in Morarji Desai's cabinet. The election results were a clear reminder of the power of the Indian electorate to hold even the most influential leaders accountable, and that no political family is protected from the changes in popular opinion. The Amethi constituency, often seen as a stronghold of the Gandhi family, saw a big change in the 2019 elections. Union Minister Smriti Irani of the BJP won, beating Congress chief Rahul Gandhi by a margin of 55,120 votes. Irani's victory, getting 4,68,514 votes compared to Gandhi's 4,13,394 votes, was a significant change for the BJP leader, who had lost in Amethi in the 2014 elections. Irani's hard work over five years to increase her popularity paid off, as she defeated Rahul Gandhi in a place that had been under Gandhi's control for many years. This upset not only showed that the Gandhi family's influence was decreasing but also demonstrated the BJP's ability to break into long-standing political strongholds through careful campaigning and connecting with local communities. The 1984 Lok Sabha election, marked by a significant win for the Indian National Congress (Indira), led by Rajiv Gandhi, also saw one of the most significant surprises. Amitabh Bachchan, a famous film actor running for the Congress, defeated former Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Hemwati Nandan Bahuguna by a staggering difference of 1,87,895 votes. Bachchan's win, in his first venture into politics, showed the influence of celebrity and the ability of new politicians to capture people's attention. It also showed how the Congress party strategically used Bachchan's fame to get votes, which worked well, but also raised questions about the role of money and fame in politics. The 1977 Lok Sabha vote for the Amethi constituency in Uttar Pradesh witnessed a significant political change that echoed across the nation. Ravindra Pratap Singh, a relatively unknown figure from the Bharatiya Lok Dal party, emerged victorious, securing 176,410 votes and defeating the strong Sanjay Gandhi of the Indian National Congress, who got 100,566 votes. Singh's victory by a difference of 75,844 votes marked a turning point, as it was the first time the Congress party failed to win a majority in the Lok Sabha since India's independence. This result showed a big change in the political scene, as the voters showed they were ready to reject the dominance of the Congress party and support other political groups. In 1984 elections, another surprising event occurred in the Hanamkonda area of Andhra Pradesh. P.V. Narasimha Rao, the former Home Minister in Indira Gandhi's cabinet and an experienced political figure, faced a surprising loss to BJP candidate Chendupatla Janga Reddy, who won by a significant 54,000 votes. This unexpected result marked the start of Rao's political decline and reminded that even experienced politicians are not immune to the uncertainties of electoral politics. Rao's defeat was particularly surprising considering his prominent role in the previous government and the Congress party's overwhelming victory in that election. In 2019, a significant upset occurred in Bhopal, where former Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Digvijaya Singh of the Congress party faced a decisive defeat at the hands of BJP's Pragya Singh Thakur. Thakur secured a remarkable victory, defeating Singh by a margin of 3,64,822 votes. This outcome marked the last time the Congress party won the Bhopal seat, which had been a Congress stronghold since the party's significant victory in 1984 following the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. Thakur's triumph highlighted the BJP's increasing strength in the state and the declining popularity of the Congress party, even in traditional strongholds.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/giant-killers-and-unexpected-triumphs-a-peep-into-surprising-electoral-outcomes/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Counting on EVM]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/counting-on-evm/ Vote counting is tedious if elections are conducted through ballot papers. Trials of EVMs were first held in 1982 in Kerala and later rolled out in 25 states in 1998. In 2004 general elections, EVMs were launched pan-India. With EVMs, counting is smooth and seamless. With the Supreme Court ruling in favour of EVMs, all controversies over it are put to rest. The method of counting votes in Indian Lok Sabha elections has evolved over time. Initially, manual counting of paper ballots was the norm. Ballot papers were collected from polling stations and then counted manually at counting centers under the supervision of election officials and political party agents. This process was labor-intensive and time-consuming, often taking several hours or even days to complete. In an effort to streamline the electoral process and address concerns regarding accuracy and efficiency, India began introducing Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) in the 1990s. EVMs are standalone electronic devices that allow voters to cast their votes by pressing buttons corresponding to the candidates’ names or symbols. These machines electronically record the votes and store the data securely. Counting of votes cast through EVMs is typically much faster compared to manual counting of paper ballots. After the voting period ends, the EVMs are sealed and transported to counting centers. The votes stored in the EVMs are then tabulated electronically, with results usually available within a few hours after the conclusion of polling. The introduction of EVMs has brought several advantages, including faster and more accurate tabulation of votes, reduced chances of errors or tampering, and enhanced transparency in the electoral process. However, concerns have been raised regarding the security and integrity of EVMs, leading to debates and discussions on electoral reforms and the use of technology in elections. Overall, while manual counting of paper ballots was the traditional method used in Indian elections, the adoption of EVMs has significantly modernized the electoral process and improved efficiency in vote counting. Here’s a more detailed comparison between ballot paper counting and Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) in Indian Lok Sabha elections: Accuracy: EVMs are designed to minimize errors in the vote-counting process. They electronically record each vote, reducing the likelihood of mistakes that can occur during manual counting, such as misreading or miscounting of ballot papers. Efficiency: EVMs offer a much faster counting process compared to manual counting. With manual counting, the process can be time-consuming and labor-intensive, potentially taking several hours or days to complete, especially in constituencies with a large number of voters. In contrast, EVMs allow for quick tabulation of votes, and results can be declared within hours after the conclusion of polling. Transparency: Both manual counting and EVM-based counting are conducted in the presence of election officials and representatives from political parties to ensure transparency and fairness. However, EVMs provide an additional layer of transparency as they display the total number of votes cast for each candidate at the end of the polling period, allowing for immediate verification by observers. Security: EVMs are designed with several security features to prevent tampering or manipulation of votes. They are sealed before polling begins and opened only in the presence of authorized personnel during counting. Additionally, the data stored in EVMs is encrypted and cannot be altered without proper authorization. Cost: While the initial investment in EVMs may be higher compared to the cost of paper ballots and manual counting equipment, EVMs offer long-term cost savings by reducing the need for paper, printing, storage, and manual labor associated with ballot paper counting. Accessibility: EVMs are user-friendly and accessible to voters of all ages and abilities. They often include features such as Braille labels and audio instructions to assist visually impaired voters. This helps in promoting inclusivity and ensuring that all eligible voters can participate in the electoral process. Public Confidence: The use of EVMs has been subject to scrutiny and debate in India, with concerns raised by some political parties and activists regarding the security and integrity of the voting machines. Despite these concerns, EVMs have generally been accepted by the Election Commission of India as a reliable and efficient means of conducting elections. Storage and Handling: EVMs require less storage space compared to paper ballots and counting equipment. After elections, EVMs can be securely stored in a relatively small space, whereas paper ballots require proper storage facilities to prevent damage or tampering. Recounts and Audits: In case of disputes or requests for recounts, manual counting of paper ballots can be more feasible as each ballot paper can be individually inspected and recounted. However, with EVMs, recounting is limited to verifying the electronic tally stored in the machines, which some critics argue may not provide the same level of transparency as manual recounts. Environmental Impact: The use of EVMs reduces the environmental impact associated with paper-based elections, including deforestation, paper waste, and carbon emissions from transportation. EVMs are reusable electronic devices that contribute to the sustainability of the electoral process. Technological Advancements: EVM technology continues to evolve, with ongoing efforts to enhance security, reliability, and accessibility. New features such as Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT) systems have been introduced to provide voters with a physical receipt of their vote, further increasing transparency and confidence in the electoral process. Legal and Regulatory Framework: The use of EVMs in Indian elections is governed by a comprehensive legal and regulatory framework, including guidelines for manufacturing, testing, and deployment of the machines. The Election Commission of India plays a central role in ensuring compliance with these regulations and addressing any concerns related to EVMs. Public Awareness and Education: The introduction of EVMs has necessitated public awareness campaigns and voter education initiatives to familiarize voters with the technology and reassure them of its reliability. This includes training poll workers, conducting mock elections, and disseminating information about the voting process and security measures in place. International Comparisons: India is not the only country to use EVMs in elections. Many other democracies around the world, including Brazil, the Philippines, and several European countries, have adopted electronic voting systems to varying degrees. Studying international experiences can provide insights into best practices and potential challenges associated with EVMs. In summary, while both manual counting of paper ballots and EVM-based counting have their advantages and challenges, the adoption of EVMs has significantly modernized the electoral process in India, making it more efficient, transparent, and accessible to voters. These points highlight various aspects of the transition from manual ballot paper counting to EVM-based counting in Indian Lok Sabha elections, illustrating the multifaceted nature of electoral modernization efforts. Today, we delve into the comprehensive details of what an EVM truly is and how it functions in the vote-counting process. As per the Election Commission’s definition, an EVM refers to voting conducted electronically to either assist or manage the tasks of casting and tallying votes. In simpler terms, EVMs electronically record voters’ choices, thereby reducing human effort in the voting and counting process during elections. EVMs were introduced as a replacement for traditional paper ballots and were first utilized in the No. 70 Parvur assembly constituency in Kerala in 1982. These machines consist of two units: Control Unit and Balloting Unit. During voting, the Presiding Officer holds the control unit, while the balloting unit is placed in the compartment for voters to cast their votes. It’s important to note that the Presiding Officer verifies the voter’s identity but does not see the choice of vote. EVMs operate on standard batteries and do not require electricity. Each EVM can record up to 2,000 votes, and if one malfunctions, it is replaced with a new one while ensuring that the votes recorded until that point are safely stored in the control unit’s memory. While using an EVM, instead of issuing a paper ballot as done traditionally, the polling officer enables voters to cast their votes by pressing a button. A list of candidates’ names and symbols is displayed on the machine, and voters select their preferred candidate by pressing the corresponding button. The responsibility of conducting elections and counting votes in a constituency lies with the Returning Officer (RO), who is appointed by the Election Commission in consultation with the state government. Counting of votes ideally takes place in one location under the direct supervision of the RO. However, in constituencies with multiple assembly segments, counting may occur at different locations supervised by Assistant Returning Officers (AROs). The counting process begins with the tallying of Electronically Transmitted Postal Ballots (ETPB) and Postal Ballots (PB) under the RO’s supervision. After a set duration, counting of EVMs commences, with results declared after each round of counting, typically covering votes from 14 EVMs. In summary, EVMs have revolutionized the electoral process in India, streamlining voting and counting procedures while maintaining transparency and accuracy in elections.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/counting-on-evm/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Vivekananda Rock: The epitome of wisdom]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/vivekananda-rock-the-epitome-of-wisdom/ Vivekananda Rock has a history dated back to 1892 and the memorial is not just a place of historical and spiritual importance, but also a testament to India's architectural prowess and collective dedication. Vivekananda Rock Memorial is a monument and popular tourist attraction in Kanyakumari, India's southernmost tip. The memorial stands on one of the two rocks located about 500 meters off mainland of Vavathurai. It was built in 1970 in honour of Swami Vivekananda, who is said to have attained enlightenment on the rock. According to legends, it was on this rock that Goddess Kanyakumari (Parvathi) performed tapas in devotion of lord Shiva. A meditation hall known as Dhyana Mandapam is also attached to the memorial for visitors to meditate. The design of the mandapa incorporates different styles of temple architecture from all over India. The rocks are surrounded by the Laccadive Sea where the three oceans Bay of Bengal, the Indian Ocean and the Arabian Sea meets. The memorial consists of two main structures, the Vivekananda Mandapam and the Shripada Mandapam. The memorial commemorates Swami Vivekananda, a prominent Indian philosopher and spiritual leader. Key Points Swami Vivekananda's Meditation (1892): After traveling extensively across India, he reached Kanyakumari and swam to the rock located off the coast in 1892. He meditated there for three days and nights, contemplating India's past, present, and future. This experience is said to have solidified his resolve to serve humanity and to take the message of Vedanta to the Western world. This period of meditation is believed to have inspired him to take up the mission of rejuvenating Hinduism and spreading its teachings worldwide. Initial Efforts (1950s-1960s) The idea to build a memorial on the rock was first proposed in the late 1950s and early 1960s to honor Swami Vivekananda's life and teachings. However, the proposal faced significant opposition from various quarters. Some religious and political groups argued against constructing a memorial on a site they considered sacred to Devi Kanyakumari. Proposal and Construction (1962-1970): The idea of building a memorial on the rock was proposed in 1962, on the occasion of Swami Vivekananda’s birth centenary. - Eknath Ranade, a notable social leader, spearheaded the campaign to construct the memorial, mobilizing support from various political leaders and the general public. - The construction of the memorial faced several challenges, including opposition from some political and religious groups. However, through persistent efforts and nationwide support, these challenges were overcome. National Integration Campaign Ranade launched a nationwide campaign to garner support for the memorial. He reached out to political leaders, religious heads, and the general public, highlighting Swami Vivekananda's role in promoting unity and spiritual awakening. The campaign emphasized that the memorial would be a symbol of national integration and a tribute to Swami Vivekananda’s contributions. Fundraising Efforts Fundraising was a massive undertaking. Donations came from all over India, including contributions from schoolchildren who donated small amounts. This widespread participation turned the project into a national movement, reflecting the deep respect and admiration for Swami Vivekananda. Architectural Design: The memorial's design is a blend of various Indian architectural styles. It comprises two main structures: the Vivekananda Mandapam and the Shripada Mandapam. - The Vivekananda Mandapam houses a statue of Swami Vivekananda, while the Shripada Mandapam marks the spot believed to be blessed by the footprints of the goddess Devi Kanyakumari. The architectural design of the Vivekananda Rock Memorial is a fusion of various Indian architectural styles, symbolizing India's unity in diversity. The design was conceptualized to reflect the spiritual and cultural heritage of India. Vivekananda Mandapam: This structure includes a meditation hall (Dhyana Mandapam) and an assembly hall (Sabha Mandapam). The main hall houses a grand statue of Swami Vivekananda. Shripada Mandapam: This smaller structure is built over the spot believed to bear the footprints of Devi Kanyakumari. It is a place of spiritual significance and worship. Construction Challenges Construction began in 1964 and faced numerous challenges, including logistical issues due to the rock's offshore location and opposition from certain groups. Despite these obstacles, the dedication and perseverance of the people involved ensured the project's completion. Inauguration (1970): The Vivekananda Rock Memorial was officially inaugurated on September 2, 1970, by the then President of India, V. V. Giri. - Since its inauguration, it has become a prominent tourist destination and a place of pilgrimage. The event was marked by a large gathering of devotees, dignitaries, and admirers of Swami Vivekananda. Cultural and Educational Influence The memorial has become a prominent cultural and spiritual landmark. It attracts millions of visitors annually, serving as a place of pilgrimage and meditation. The Vivekananda Kendra, an organization founded in conjunction with the memorial, conducts numerous educational, cultural, and social service programs inspired by Swami Vivekananda's teachings. The memorial serves as a center for cultural and spiritual activities, promoting the teachings of Swami Vivekananda. - It has inspired the establishment of the Vivekananda Kendra, a spiritual organization dedicated to the principles of Swami Vivekananda, which conducts various educational and social service activities across India. The Vivekananda Rock Memorial stands as a testament to Swami Vivekananda’s enduring legacy and serves as a symbol of national unity and spiritual awakening. Symbol of National Unity The memorial stands as a symbol of national unity, reflecting Swami Vivekananda's vision of a strong and spiritually awakened India. It inspires visitors to embrace the values of selflessness, service, and unity. Modern-Day Relevance Today, the Vivekananda Rock Memorial continues to inspire people from all walks of life. It serves as a reminder of Swami Vivekananda's timeless message and his call to serve humanity. The memorial not only honors his legacy but also promotes the ideals of national integration and spiritual awakening that he championed.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/vivekananda-rock-the-epitome-of-wisdom/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Prayagraj: The Stellar Tale]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/prayagraj-the-stellar-tale/ Allahabad Lok Sabha constituency saw two MPs-- Lal Bahadur Shastri and VP Singh--elected and became the prime minister. Allahabad is a Lok Sabha: Allahabad is a Lok Sabha (parliamentary) constituency in the Prayagraj district of Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. Allahabad saw two MPs elected and became the prime minister. Lal Bahadur Shastri became the prime minister during 1964–1966. V. P. Singh was elected twice from this constituency and later went on to become the prime minister. The Allahabad Lok Sabha constituency, located in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, has a rich political history. Here’s an overview: Ancient Period: It finds mention in ancient texts such as the Vedas and the Puranas. In Hindu mythology, it is believed to be the place where Lord Brahma, the creator according to Hindu belief, performed the first-ever sacrifice after creating the universe. Before Mughals: During the Mauryan Empire (around 3rd century BCE), Emperor Ashoka built a fort and a pillar commemorating his visit to the city. The Ashoka Pillar, with inscriptions detailing Ashoka’s dharma (moral law), still stands in Allahabad today. During medieval period, Allahabad was ruled by various dynasties, including the Guptas, the Mughals, and the Delhi Sultanate. Under Mughal rule, it became a provincial capital and a center for trade and administration. Post-Independence Period: After independence, Allahabad continued to be an important political constituency. Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India, represented the Allahabad constituency in the Lok Sabha multiple times. His daughter, Indira Gandhi, also contested and won from Allahabad in the early years of her political career. Emergency Period (1975-1977): Allahabad gained further prominence during the Emergency period declared by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi from 1975 to 1977. Indira Gandhi’s election to the Lok Sabha from Allahabad in 1971 was challenged by Raj Narain, an opposition candidate. In June 1975, the Allahabad High Court found Indira Gandhi guilty of electoral malpractices and declared her election void. This led to the imposition of the Emergency. Recent Years: In recent years, Allahabad has witnessed shifts in political dynamics. The BJP has emerged as a dominant force in Uttar Pradesh politics, winning significant seats including Allahabad. However, other parties continue to contest vigorously in the region, making the electoral landscape dynamic and unpredictable. Renaming to Prayagraj: In 2018, the Uttar Pradesh government officially renamed Allahabad as Prayagraj, reclaiming its ancient name. Members of Parliament Sri Prakasa: He was an Indian politician, freedom-fighter and administrator. He served as India’s first High Commissioner to Pakistan from 1947 to 1949, Governor of Assam from 1949 to 1950, Governor of Madras from 1952 to 1956 and Governor of Bombay from 1956 to 1962. Sri Prakasa was born in Varanasi in 1890. In his early days, he participated in the Indian independence movement and was jailed. After India’s independence, he served as an administrator and cabinet minister. Sri Prakasa died in 1971 at the age of 80. Lal Bahadur Shastri: He was an Indian politician and statesman who served as the second prime minister of India from 1964 to 1966. He previously served as the sixth home minister of India from 1961 to 1963. Shastri was born to Sharad Prasad Srivastava and Ramdulari Devi in Mughalsarai on 2 October 1904. He studied in East Central Railway Inter college and Harish Chandra High School, which he left to join the non-cooperation movement. He worked for the betterment of the Harijans at Muzaffarpur and dropped his caste-derived surname of “Srivastava”. Shastri’s thoughts were influenced by reading about Swami Vivekananda, Mahatma Gandhi and Annie Besant. Deeply impressed and influenced by Gandhi, he joined the Indian Independence movement in the 1920s. He served as the president of Servants of the People Society (Lok Sevak Mandal), founded by Lala Lajpat Rai and held prominent positions in the Indian National Congress. Following independence in 1947, he joined the Indian government and became one of Prime Minister Nehru’s key cabinet colleagues, first as Railways Minister (1951–56), and then in numerous other prominent positions, including the Home Minister. As prime minister, Shastri promoted the White Revolution – a national campaign to increase the production and supply of milk – by supporting the Amul milk co-operative of Anand, Gujarat and creating the National Dairy Development Board. Underlining the need to boost India’s food production, Shastri also promoted the Green Revolution in India in 1965. This led to an increase in food grain production, especially in the states of Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh. He led the country during the Second India–Pakistan War. His slogan “Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan” (“Hail to the soldier; Hail to the farmer”) became very popular during the war. The war formally ended with the Tashkent Declaration on 10 January 1966; Shastri died the next day. Hari Krishna Shastri: He was an Indian politician who was a Minister in the Government of India. He was a member of Fourth (1967, from Allahabad), Seventh (1980, from Fatehpur) and Eighth Lok Sabha. He was the losing candidate from Fatehpur in 1989 general election. Hemwati Nandan Bahuguna: He was an Indian National Congress leader and former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh; he later joined Bharatiya Lok Dal and worked with Charan Singh. Janeshwar Mishra: He was a politician from Samajwadi Party. He was a member of the Parliament of India and also represented Uttar Pradesh in the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Indian Parliament. He was known as Chhote Lohia (Lohia Junior) for his commitment towards socialist ideology, in reference to Ram Manohar Lohia. Vishwanath Pratap Singh: He was an Indian politician who was the 7th Prime Minister of India from 1989 to 1990 and the 41st Raja Bahadur of Manda. He joined the Indian National Congress party and was elected as a member of the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly. In the Rajiv Gandhi ministry, Singh was given various cabinet posts, including Minister of Finance and Minister of Defence. Singh was also the Leader of the Rajya Sabha from 1984 to 1987. During his tenure as Minister of Defence, the Bofors scandal came to light, and Singh resigned from the ministry. In 1988, he formed the Janata Dal party by merging various factions of the Janata Party. In the 1989 elections, the National Front, with the support of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), formed the government and Singh became the 7th Prime Minister of India. During his tenure as prime minister, he implemented the Mandal Commission report for India’s backward castes, which led to major protests against the act. He also created the Sixty-second Amendment and enacted the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe Act in 1989. During his term the kidnapping of Rubaiya Sayeed happened and on the ground the terrorists were released. In 1990 the infamous exodus of Kashmiri Hindus happened from the valley of Kashmir. Following his opposition to the Ram Rath Yatra, the BJP withdrew its support for the National Front, and his government lost the vote of no-confidence. Singh resigned on 7 November 1990. His prime ministerial tenure lasted for 343 days. Amitabh Bachchan: He is an Indian politician and also an actor, who works in Hindi cinema. With a cinematic career spanning over five decades, he has played pivotal roles in over 200 films. In 1984, Bachchan took a break from acting and briefly entered politics in support of a long-time family friend, Rajiv Gandhi. He contested the Allahabad’s (presently Prayagraj Lok Sabha constituency) seat for the 8th Lok Sabha against H. N. Bahuguna, former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. With 68.2% of the votes in his favour, he won by one of the highest victory margins ever in Indian elections. Bachchan resigned from his seat in July 1987. Saroj Dubey: She was elected to the Lok Sabha the lower house of Indian Parliament from Allahabad in Uttar Pradesh in 1991 as a member of the Janata Dal. However, later after the break-up of the Janata Dal, She joined the Rashtriya Janata Dal and was a member of the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Parliament of India representing Bihar. Her son Anurag Dubey and daughter-in-law Anu Dubey are Supreme Court lawyers. Her grandson Aditya Dubey is an environmental activist. Her granddaughter Anoushka Tiwari is studying Computer Engineering at Carnegie Mellon University, USA. Dr. Murli Manohar Joshi: He is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of which he was the President between 1991 and 1993. Joshi is the former Member of Parliament from Kanpur Lok Sabha constituency. He is a former professor of physics in University of Allahabad. He is one of the senior most leaders of the BJP and one of the founding members. Joshi later became the Union Human Resources & Development Minister in the National Democratic Alliance government. Joshi was awarded Padma Vibhushan, the second-highest civilian award, in 2017 by the Government of India. Joshi has been a member of RSS since his college days. Kunwar Rewati Raman Singh: He is an Indian politician from the Allahabad Lok Sabha Constituency in Uttar Pradesh. He played a major role in the establishment of the Samajwadi Party with SP supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav, Beni Prasad Verma and Azam Khan. He is the national secretary of Samajwadi Party. He has served Karachana, the Vidhan Sabha constituency of Allahabad more than 7 times as a Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA). He was also elected as a Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha) from Allahabad twice after defeating the popular BJP politician, Murali Manohar Joshi in 2004 general elections. He has now been elected as an MP (Rajya Sabha) from Uttar Pradesh. He was made irrigation minister and environment minister. Shyama Charan Gupta: He was an Indian politician from the Bharatiya Janata Party, entrepreneur, and Member of Parliament representing Allahabad (Lok Sabha constituency) in the North Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. He was the founder of Shyama Group of companies, established in 1973. He contested the parliamentary elections for the first time from Banda as an Independent candidate in 1984 and came third. His second parliamentary election was from Allahabad in 1991 on BJP ticket. He lost to Janata Dal’s Saroj Dubey by 5,196 votes. In 1996, he campaigned for Murli Manohar Joshi only to challenge him in 1998 Lok Sabha elections as Samajwadi Party candidate. After losing the poll, he shifted to Banda (Lok Sabha constituency) in 1999 general elections. On 28 August 1989, he was elected as Mayor of Allahabad. He was elected the Mayor of Allahabad after a gap of 19 years; it was a prestigious election which he won as an independent candidate with the support of then Janta Dal. He emerged as a solid and a powerful Baniya Leader of Eastern UP during that time. In 2004, Shyama Charan was elected to the 14th Lok Sabha from Banda parliamentary constituency on the ticket of Samajwadi Party. He unsuccessfully fought from Phulpur in 2009 general election, losing to his Bahujan Samaj Party rival by a margin of less than 15,000 votes. In 2014 general election he won from Allahabad on a BJP ticket. Gupta dropped hints of his dissatisfaction with Mulayam Singh Yadav’s party when one of his sons joined the Bhartiya Janata Party in January, 2014, reportedly at his insistence. He resigned from Samajwadi Party and joined BJP to contest the 2014 Lok Sabha election from Allahabad. He won the elections getting 313,772 votes, a margin of 62,009 votes over incumbent MP Rewati Raman Singh of the SP. Rita Bahuguna Joshi: She is an Indian politician and was cabinet minister in the Government of Uttar Pradesh. She was the president of the Uttar Pradesh Congress Committee from 2007 to 2012. She is the daughter of Hemwati Nandan Bahuguna, a former chief minister of the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh.   She joined Bharatiya Janata Party on 20 October 2016. She was elected to the Lok Sabha, lower house of the Parliament of India from Prayagraj, Uttar Pradesh in the 2019 Indian general election as a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/prayagraj-the-stellar-tale/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[CHANDNI CHOWK: A CONGRESS’ CITADEL]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/chandni-chowk-a-congress-citadel/ Chandni Chowk Lok Sabha constituency is traditionally the Congress bastion, as the age-old party emerged out victorious 9 times since independence, while BJP claimed the seat just five times. Chandni Chowk Lok Sabha constituency is one of the seven Lok Sabha (parliamentary) constituencies in the Indian National Capital Territory of Delhi. This constituency came into existence in 1956. It is the smallest constituency of Lok Sabha in terms of area. Chandni Chowk is one of the oldest and most historic constituencies in India. It was formed post-independence, following the delimitation of parliamentary constituencies. Chandni Chowk is situated in the heart of Delhi, the capital of India. It encompasses areas of historic and cultural importance, including the Red Fort, Jama Masjid, and various markets. Due to its central location and dense population, it has always been a politically significant constituency. Over the years, Chandni Chowk has witnessed a diverse range of political affiliations. It has been represented by candidates from various political parties, including the Indian National Congress (INC), Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and regional parties like the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). Like any other urban constituency, Chandni Chowk faces a range of issues including infrastructure development, traffic congestion, pollution, and housing problems. Candidates often focus on addressing these issues during election campaigns. The demographic profile of Chandni Chowk is diverse, with a mix of people from different socio-economic backgrounds, religions, and communities. This diversity often reflects in the election dynamics and candidate strategies. Overall, Chandni Chowk Lok Sabha constituency holds a rich political history and continues to play a crucial role in shaping the political discourse of the country. Before understanding Chandni Chowk Lok Sabha constituency let’s have a look at the Chandni Chowk. Here’s a brief overview of its history: Mughal Era: Chandni Chowk was established in the 17th century by the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan, who also built the majestic Red Fort and Jama Masjid nearby. The area was designed as a square with a centrally located pool, which reflected the moonlight, hence the name “Chandni Chowk.” Commercial Hub: From its inception, Chandni Chowk became a bustling marketplace and a center of trade and commerce. Traders from across India and beyond flocked to the area to buy and sell a variety of goods, including textiles, spices, jewelry, and perfumes. Over the centuries, Chandni Chowk evolved into a vibrant cultural melting pot, attracting people from different parts of India and the world. It became known for its diverse population, comprising Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, and others, who coexisted and contributed to the area’s rich tapestry of traditions and customs. Role in India’s Freedom Struggle: Chandni Chowk played a significant role in India’s freedom struggle against British colonial rule. Many prominent freedom fighters, including Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Subhas Chandra Bose, addressed gatherings and organized protests in the area, galvanizing support for independence. Partition and Aftermath: The partition of India in 1947 had a profound impact on Chandni Chowk, as millions of refugees, especially from Pakistan, arrived in Delhi seeking shelter and livelihood. The area witnessed upheaval and communal tensions, but also resilience as communities worked together to rebuild their lives. Post-Independence Development: In the post-independence era, Chandni Chowk continued to thrive as a commercial and cultural hub. However, rapid urbanization and population growth led to infrastructure challenges, including congestion, inadequate sanitation, and environmental degradation. Preservation Efforts: Despite the pressures of modernization, efforts have been made to preserve Chandni Chowk’s architectural heritage and cultural identity. Restoration projects, heritage walks, and cultural festivals aim to showcase the area’s historical significance and promote sustainable development. Overall, Chandni Chowk’s history is a testament to the resilience, diversity, and dynamism of India’s capital city, reflecting the country’s journey from ancient times to the modern era. Members of Parliament Radha Raman: He was an Indian politician and freedom fighter of Indian National Congress who served as Member of the 1st Lok Sabha 1952-57 from Delhi (Walled) City and the 2nd Lok Sabha 1957-62 from Chandni Chowk Lok Sabha constituency and President of [[Delhi Pradesh Congress Committee] before independence as well as after independence ] on 24 March 1970. He also served as Chief Executive Councillor of Delhi (now known as Chief Minister of Delhi) from 1972 to 1977. He was the first politician to represent Chandni Chowk in Lok Sabha. Subhadra Joshi: She was an Indian freedom activist, politician and parliamentarian from Indian National Congress. She took part in the 1942 Quit India movement, and later remained the president of the Delhi Pradesh Congress Committee (DPCC). She was from Sialkot (now in Pakistan). She was a parliamentarian for four terms from 1952 to 1977 - from Karnal (Haryana) in 1952, Ambala (Haryana) in 1957, Balrampur (Uttar Pradesh) in 1962 and from the Chandni Chowk Lok Sabha constituency in 1971. After defeating Atal Behari Vajpayee in Balrampur in 1962, she then lost 1967 Lok Sabha election to him from the same seat. She won Lok Sabha election from Chandani Chowk in Delhi in 1971 but lost from the same seat in 1977 to Sikandar Bakht. She became the first woman MP from the state of Punjab when she got elected from Karnal (then in Punjab). In an interview given in 1987, she recalled how it was decided that she should stand for the election from Karnal. In the 1962 election, she defeated Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who was the sitting MP from Balrampur. She made important contributions to the passage of Special Marriage Act, the Nationalization of Banks, Abolition of Privy Purses and the Aligarh University Amendment Act. She introduced the Code of Criminal Procedure (Amendment) Bill, 1957 (Bill No. 90 dated 19 December 1957) “to remove the hardship caused to a woman in spending money on litigation when her husband commits the offence of bigamy”. It was passed in 1960 and is one of only 15 Private Members’ Bills passed since independence. Her crowning achievement however was her successful move to amend the code for Criminal Procedure that made any organized propaganda leading to communal tensions or enmity a cognizable offence. She is alleged to have had an affair with Indira Gandhi’s husband, Feroze Gandhi. On 29 March 1963, she moved a motion in the Lok Sabha to nationalize banks to mobilize the national resources after Sino-Indian War. On 6 September 1963, the motion was defeated with 119 against it and 27 supporting it. She was awarded the Rajiv Gandhi Sadhbhavana Award given by the Rajiv Gv andhi Foundation. Sikander Bakht: He was an Indian politician belonging to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) who served as the 15th governor of Kerala from 2002 until his death. He was elected as the Vice President of the BJP, served as its leader in the Rajya Sabha, and as a cabinet minister in the NDA government headed by Atal Bihari Vajpayee. In 2000, he was awarded Padma Vibhushan, the second highest civilian honour of the Government of India. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi ordered General Elections in March 1977. As soon as the opposition leaders were released, they merged all opposition parties to form The Janta Party. In March 1977, Bakht was elected to the Lok Sabha (the lower house of Indian Parliament) as a Janata Party candidate, from Chandni Chowk in New Delhi. Morarji Desai was appointed Prime Minister and he appointed Bakht as a Cabinet Minister for Works, Housing, Supply and Rehabilitation. He served in this capacity till July 1979. In 1980 the Janta Party split and Bakht opted to be with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). He was appointed General Secretary of BJP. In 1984 he was made the Vice President of BJP. In 1990 Bakht was elected to the Rajya Sabha (the upper house of the Indian Parliament) from Madhya Pradesh. In 1992 he became the Leader of Opposition in the Rajya Sabha. (The Leader of Opposition is equivalent to Cabinet Minister’s post.) On 10 April 1996 he was reelected from Madhya Pradesh to the Rajya Sabha. Jai Prakash Aggarwal: He is a politician from the Indian National Congress party and was a member of the Parliament of India who has represented North East Delhi and Chandni Chowk in Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian Parliament and Delhi in the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Indian Parliament. His brother Atam Prakash Aggarwal is the Manager of Ramjas School Pusa Road located in Karol Bagh, Delhi. In the 2009 Indian general election, he defeated the Bharatiya Janata Party candidate by a margin of over 200,000 votes. In the 2014 Indian general election, he lost to Bhartiya Janta Party candidate Manoj Tiwari by a margin of about 380,000. Vijay Goel: He is an Indian politician and a former Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs and Statistic and Implementation in the NDA government. A former Minister of Youth Affairs and Sports, Goel is affiliated with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). He became president of the Delhi unit of the BJP in February 2013. He was elected to Rajya Sabha from Rajasthan in 2014. He is the former Delhi University Students’ Union president and an alumnus of Shri Ram College of Commerce. He has been the Member of Parliament for the 11th, 12th and 13th Lok Sabha representing the Sadar and Chandni Chowk constituencies of Delhi. He also served as the Union Minister of State of Labour, Parliamentary Affairs, Statistics & Programme Implementation and Youth Affairs & Sports in the National Democratic Alliance (India) government until 2004. Kapil Sibal: He is an Indian lawyer and politician. A designated Senior Advocate, he has represented several high-profile cases in the Supreme Court of India and is widely regarded as one of the famous lawyers of India. He is a Member of Parliament, in Rajya Sabha. A University of Delhi and Harvard University graduate, Sibal has practiced law in Wall Street and held several important posts relating to law and administration including Additional Solicitor General, and President of Supreme Court Bar Association. Sibal first entered Rajya Sabha in 1998 to represent Bihar. Before that, he had unsuccessfully contested for the Lok Sabha against Sushma Swaraj. He later contested from Chandni Chowk and won in 2004 and 2009. As a senior Indian National Congress member then, Sibal served under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh as a minister holding various portfolios over the years. As minister, he headed delegations of India in high-profile international forums. His actions in official capacity were controversial multiple times including when he undertook to regulate internet content. Sibal often was portrayed as an intellectual face of the Congress who batted for the party on television and in regular columns. In the Supreme Court of India, he usually represented the Congress. He left the Indian National Congress in 2022 to file his nomination for the Rajya Sabha independently but backed by Samajwadi Party. He was elected again as President of Bar Association in the Supreme Court for the year 2024–25. Harsh Vardhan: He is a former Indian politician and otorhinolaryngologist. He had served as the Minister of Health and Family Welfare, Minister of Science and Technology and Minister of Earth Sciences in the BJP-led NDA government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi from 30 May 2019 to 7 July 2021. He represents Chandni Chowk in Delhi as a Member of Parliament in the 17th Lok Sabha. He was elected to the office of Chairperson of the Executive Board of the World Health Organization from May 22, 2020. Vardhan has been prominent in the Indian government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic. He later resigned from his cabinet post ahead of the cabinet reshuffle in July 2021. He retired from active politics on 4 March 2024 after allegedly being denied a ticket for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/chandni-chowk-a-congress-citadel/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Lucknow: The Blooming Flower]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/lucknow-the-blooming-flower/ Barring initial some terms since independence, the BJP’s hold over Lucknow has been strong for the past three decades, largely due to the popularity of its leaders and changing allegiance of voters. Historical Overview: Lucknow Lok Sabha constituency is one of the 80 Lok Sabha (parliamentary) constituencies in Uttar Pradesh state in northern India. It is one of the two lok sabha constituencies that lies in the largest and capital city of the state, Lucknow. The Lucknow Lok Sabha constituency, located in Uttar Pradesh, India, has a significant political history, marked by its influence in Indian politics and its association with prominent political figures. Since 1991 the seat has been held by the BJP. Its best-known MP is Former Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Vajpayee contested from this seat eight times. First time, he contested 1955 bypoll and came third. Then he came second in 1957 and 1962. After these 3 losses, he won the seat five consecutive times, in 1991, 1996, 1998, 1999 and 2004. In recent years, Rajnath Singh, a senior BJP leader and the current Minister of Defence, has been representing Lucknow since 2014. - The 2014 and 2019 elections saw Rajnath Singh winning by significant margins, underscoring BJP’s strong presence in the constituency. The representation of Lucknow by prominent leaders like Vajpayee and Rajnath Singh has ensured that the constituency received considerable developmental projects and attention. Lucknow is not just an ordinary parliamentary seat; it has often been seen as a symbol of political strategy and influence, especially for the BJP. Members of Parliamemt Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit: She was an Indian freedom fighter, diplomat and politician. Pandit was the first MP from Lucknow constituency. She served as the 8th President of the United Nations General Assembly from 1953 to 1954, the first woman appointed to this post. She was also the 3rd Governor of Maharashtra from 1962 to 1964. Noted for her participation in the Indian independence movement, she was jailed several times during the movement. Hailing from the prominent Nehru-Gandhi political family, her brother Jawaharlal Nehru was the first Prime Minister of independent India, her niece Indira Gandhi was the first female Prime Minister of India and her grand-nephew Rajiv Gandhi was the sixth and youngest Prime Minister of India. She was sent to London as India’s most important diplomat after serving as India’s envoy to the Soviet Union, the United States and the United Nations. Her time in London offers insights into the wider context of changes in India–UK relations. Pulin Behari Banerji: He was an Indian politician. He was elected to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India from the Lucknow constituency of Uttar Pradesh as a member of the Indian National Congress. B.K. Dhaon: He was an Indian politician and was elected to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India from the Lucknow constituency of Uttar Pradesh as a member of the Indian National Congress. Anand Narain Mulla: He was an Indian Urdu poet. He served as a Member of Parliament in both the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha. Mulla was born at Lucknow in the North-Western Provinces of British India, in October 1901 and educated at Government Jubilee High School and College there. He won the Sahitya Akademi award in Urdu in 1964 for his poetry, specifically the book Meri Hadis-e-Umr-e-Gurezan. His first collection of poems, Ju-yi shir, published in 1949, was followed by Hans cog and Bamhina bol. He was also a recipient of the Iqbal Samman, a literary award, when aged 92. His father, Jagat Narain Mulla, was an advocate and government prosecutor. Anand Narain Mulla, a Kashmiri Brahmin, was himself a lawyer. In 1954 he became a judge of the Allahabad High Court, which he remained until 1961. Mulla was a member of the 4th Lok Sabha (1967–1970), elected as an Independent candidate from the Lucknow constituency. He was later elected as a Rajya Sabha member (1972–1978) as a nominee of the governing Indian National Congress party. Mulla died in New Delhi on 12 June 1997, aged 96 years. Sheila Kaul: She was a social democratic leader of the Indian National Congress, a politician, cabinet minister and governor, and the oldest living former member of parliament in India at the time of her death. She was also an educator, social worker, and social reformer in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, and an independence activist in British India. She was Jawaharlal Nehru’s sister-in-law and Indira Gandhi’s maternal aunt. Kaul was the Corporator of the Lucknow Municipal Corporation during 1959–65, and a member of the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Council during 1968–71. She was elected as Member of Parliament five times – in 1971, 1980 and 1984 from Lucknow, and in 1989 and 1991 from Rae Bareli. She served as a Minister in the Cabinet of India during 1980–84 and 1991–95, and as the Governor of Himachal Pradesh during 1995–96. Kaul led the Indian delegations to the International Women’s Congress, Berlin in 1975, the International Conference of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, Copenhagen in 1980, the International Conference on the Role of Culture for Development of Man and Society, Sofia in 1980, the Sessions of General Conference of the UNESCO, Paris in 1982 and 1983, the First Conference of Ministers of Education and Culture of the Non-Aligned and Other Developing Countries, Pyongyang in 1983, the International Conference on Education, Geneva in 1984, the United Nations General Assembly in 1985 and 1987, and the European Parliament in 1990. She became General Secretary of the All India Congress Committee in 1988. Hemwati Nandan Bahuguna: She was an Indian National Congress leader and former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh; he later joined Bharatiya Lok Dal and worked with Charan Singh. He was born on 25 April 1919 in Bughani, Pauri Garhwal, Uttarakhand in a Garhwali Brahmin family. The family later moved to Allahabad in Uttar Pradesh. Little is known about his first marriage. His first wife always lived in his native village Bughani as a simple village woman. His second wife, Kamala Bahuguna, lived with him in Allahabad and was mother of their three children. Their eldest son Vijay Bahuguna served as the Chief Minister of Uttarakhand. He was a former judge of Allahabad and Bombay High Court. He is member of Bharatiya Janata Party. Vijay’s son Saurabh is a Member of the Uttarakhand Legislative Assembly from BJP . He is serving as the Minister of Animal Husbandry, Fisheries, Skill development & Employment, Protocol and Sugarcane Development in the Pushkar Singh Dhami’s cabinet of 2022. The couple’s daughter, Rita Bahuguna Joshi was chief of UP Pradesh Congress committee. She also served as the Mayor of Allahabad. She is member of Bharatiya Janata Party. Mandhata Singh: He was an Indian politician. He was elected to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India from the Lucknow constituency of Uttar Pradesh in 1989 as a member of the Janata Dal. Atal Bihari Vajpayee: He was an Indian politician and poet who served three terms as the 10th Prime Minister of India, first for a term of 13 days in 1996, then for a period of 13 months from 1998 to 1999, followed by a full term from 1999 to 2004. He was the first non-Indian National Congress prime minister to serve a full term in the office. Vajpayee was one of the co-founders and a senior leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party. He was a member of the RSS, a Hindu nationalist volunteer organisation. He was also a Hindi poet and a writer. He was a member of the Indian Parliament for over five decades, having been elected ten times to the Lok Sabha, the lower house, and twice to the Rajya Sabha, the upper house. He served as the Member of Parliament from the Lucknow constituency, retiring from active politics in 2009 due to health concerns. He was among the founding members of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, of which he was president from 1968 to 1972. The BJS merged with several other parties to form the Janata Party, which won the 1977 general election. In March 1977, Vajpayee became the Minister of External Affairs in the cabinet of Prime Minister, Morarji Desai. He resigned in 1979, and the Janata alliance collapsed soon after. Former members of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh formed the Bharatiya Janata Party in 1980, with Vajpayee its first president. In 2015, he was conferred India’s highest civilian honour — Bharat Ratna, by the then-President of India, Pranab Mukherjee. He died in 2018 of age-related illness. Lalji Tandon: He was an Indian politician who served as the 18th Governor of Madhya Pradesh and 28th Governor of Bihar. He had also served as a member of parliament from 1996 until 2014 and as the Leader of the Opposition of the Legislative Assembly of Uttar Pradesh from 2003 until 2007. He was a member of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and a protégé of Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Tandon was a member of Uttar Pradesh Vidhan Parishad (Legislative Council) for two terms, from 1978 until 1984 and remained the Leader of the House, of the Council from 1990 to 1996. Subsequently, he remained a member of Legislative Assembly (MLA) for three terms, 1996–2009, and remained the Leader of Opposition in the Assembly from 2003 to 2007.[7] He had also served as Urban Development minister in the Uttar Pradesh cabinet under Mayawati (in the BSP-BJP alliance), and also in the Kalyan Singh ministry earlier. Tandon was the leader of opposition in the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly from 2003 to 2007. In May 2009, he was elected to the 15th Lok Sabha from Lucknow by a margin over 40,000 votes over Rita Bahuguna Joshi of Indian National Congress. Rajnath Singh: He is an Indian politician and lecturer who is serving as the 29th Defence Minister of India since 2019. He is currently the deputy Leader of the House, Lok Sabha since 2014. He was the 8th President of Bharatiya Janata Party from 2005 to 2009 and again from 2013 to 2014. He is a veteran leader of the BJP who started his career as a RSS Swayamsevak. Singh has previously served as the 19th Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh from 2000 to 2002 and a Cabinet Minister for Road Transport and Highways in the Vajpayee Government from 1999 to 2000 and the minister of Agriculture from 2003 to 2004. He was the 30th Home Minister in the First Modi Ministry from 2014 to 2019, and also was the first to serve in position born after the country’s independence in 1947. He has also served the party in the Uttar Pradesh state from where he started his political career. He was the President of Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha from 1988 to 1990.He was a member of Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly from Haidergarh (assembly constituency) twice, being Chief minister. He was a member of Lok Sabha from Lucknow since 2014 and Ghaziabad from 2009 to 2014. He was also a member of Rajya Sabha from 2002 to 2008 and from 1994 to 2001.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/lucknow-the-blooming-flower/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Rajas Have Fought Elections Too]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/rajas-have-fought-elections-too/ In the annals of India’s transition from a British colony to an independent nation, one of the most captivating chapters is the involvement of members of the erstwhile royal families and princely states in the democratic process. These individuals, who once held positions of power and privilege, embarked on a remarkable journey, adapting to the new realities of a democratic India and leaving an indelible mark on the nation’s political landscape. The stories of these leaders are not merely accounts of personal ambition but a reflection of the changing times and the nation’s evolving identity. They navigated the rough terrain of electoral politics, challenging societal barriers and embracing the principles of democracy that were once foreign to their aristocratic upbringing. One such figure who exemplifies this transition is Captain Amarinder Singh, hailing from the royal family of Patiala. Educated at the prestigious Doon School and trained at the Indian Military Academy, Singh’s political journey began in 1980 when he was elected as a Member of Parliament (MP) from the Indian National Congress (INC) party, securing an impressive 56.05% of the votes. In a striking personal anecdote, Singh’s early years were marked by his involvement in the negotiations to address the Punjab crisis before Operation Bluestar, a military operation carried out by the Indian Army to remove militants from the Golden Temple in Amritsar. Despite his close friendship with the Gandhi family, Singh made the bold decision to resign from both Parliament and the Congress party in 1984, a pivotal moment that would shape his future political trajectory. Singh’s journey took an unexpected turn when he joined the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) party and served as a minister in Surjit Singh Barnala’s government in 1985. However, his tenure was short-lived, and he resigned in protest against the police’s entry into the Darbar Sahib on Barnala’s orders, showcasing his unwavering commitment to his principles. In 1998, Singh rejoined the Congress party after the Akalis denied him a ticket in the 1997 elections. Under the leadership of Sonia Gandhi, he became the state chief of the party and led it to a remarkable performance in the 1999 Lok Sabha polls, demonstrating his political acumen and determination. Singh’s national appeal soared in 2014 when, at Sonia Gandhi’s request, he contested the parliamentary election from Amritsar as an outsider and defeated the BJP stalwart Arun Jaitley by a substantial margin of 102,770 votes. This victory propelled Singh onto the national stage and cemented his position as a formidable political force, showcasing his ability to adapt to new challenges and resonate with voters beyond his traditional base. Another prominent figure who left an indelible mark on Indian politics is Madhavrao Jivajirao Scindia, born into the royal Maratha family and the son of the last ruling Maharaja of the princely state of Gwalior. After his father’s death in 1961, Scindia succeeded to certain privileges and the use of the title “Maharaja of Gwalior” until 1971, when these were abolished by the 26th Amendment to the Constitution of India. Scindia’s political career began on a Jana Sangh ticket, but he resigned from the party after the Emergency in 1975. His entry into the Congress party was initially opposed by his family, a testament to the challenges he faced in navigating his aristocratic background and embracing democratic politics. However, he persevered and won the Guna constituency in the 1980 elections, paving the way for his illustrious career. Throughout his nine terms in the Lok Sabha and significant portfolios, Scindia left an indelible mark on Indian politics. As Rajiv Gandhi’s Railway Minister between 1984 and 1986, he introduced the popular Shatabdi Express and spearheaded the modernization of Indian railways through the integration of computers and advanced technology, a testament to his progressive vision and ability to adapt to changing times. One of Scindia’s most remarkable electoral victories came in 1984 when he defeated the formidable BJP stalwart Atal Bihari Vajpayee by a massive margin of over 200,000 votes in Gwalior. In a memorable quote, one of Scindia’s election workers remarked that the “throne” was not “negotiable,” a testament to his unwavering determination and the strength of his political brand, despite his royal lineage. Scindia’s close relationship with the Gandhi family was well-known, as he was a friend of Rajiv Gandhi from their days at Cambridge and later became close to Sonia Gandhi after Rajiv Gandhi’s untimely demise. This connection not only showcased his ability to navigate the changing political landscape but also his ability to forge strong alliances and partnerships. While Amarinder Singh and Madhavrao Scindia were prominent figures in Indian politics, another leader who left an indelible mark on the nation’s political landscape is Vishwanath Pratap Singh. Known for his bold and decisive actions, VP Singh played a pivotal role in dethroning Rajiv Gandhi’s government in the 1989 elections by skillfully managing a coalition of the Left and the BJP. Singh’s legacy is defined by his commitment to addressing corruption and upholding the secular fabric of the Indian state. As the 8th Prime Minister of India, he implemented reform programs that aimed to improve the lives and livelihoods of the lower castes and marginalized communities, showcasing his dedication to social justice and equality. Initially a member of the Indian National Congress and part of the cabinet, VP Singh later left the party and formed a coalition of various smaller parties. His coalition’s victory in the 1989 general elections marked the end of the Congress party’s four-decade-long electoral dominance in independent India, ushering in a new era of coalition politics and the “third electoral system” in the country. VP Singh’s tenure as Prime Minister, though short-lived from December 1989 to November 1990, left an indelible mark on Indian politics. During his time in office, the Janata Dal party, which he led, became a powerful force and formed governments in five states, demonstrating his ability to mobilize support and build alliances across the country. Singh’s impact extended beyond his time as Prime Minister. He is credited with bridging the gap between governance and society, ensuring that social realities were reflected in the country’s leadership. His policies and initiatives paved the way for more representation of backward classes in the All India Services and State Services, with a 20% increase in the number of officers from these communities compared to 1990. The rise of prominent political figures like Mayawati, Mulayam Singh Yadav, and Lalu Prasad Yadav can be traced back to Singh’s efforts to empower marginalized communities and promote caste-based politics. While his approach was divisive, it ultimately aimed to restore social equality and give a voice to those who had been historically underrepresented, showcasing his commitment to addressing deep-rooted societal issues. Singh’s impact on Indian politics was profound, and he is remembered as a short-term Prime Minister with long-term effects. His bold actions, such as issuing an arrest warrant against L.K. Advani during the latter’s Rath Yatra, exemplified his unwavering commitment to upholding the principles he believed in, even in the face of intense political pressure. Beyond the realm of political parties and coalitions, the stories of royal figures like Maharani Gayatri Devi, the Rajmata of Jaipur, offer a unique perspective on the integration of princely states into the democratic fabric of independent India. Gayatri Devi, born into the royal household of the Maharaja of Cooch Behar, broke traditional barriers by entering politics and winning a seat in the Lok Sabha in 1962. Her victory was nothing short of remarkable, as she secured an astounding 192,909 votes out of 246,516 cast, a feat recognized by the Guinness Book of Records as the world’s largest majority of votes. Gayatri Devi’s political career was marked by her fierce dedication to the welfare of the people, particularly women’s rights and the preservation of cultural heritage. She contested and won the Lok Sabha seat from 1962 to 1971 as a member of the Swatantra Party, founded by C. Rajagopalachari, running against the Indian National Congress Party. On the campaign trail, Gayatri Devi tirelessly delivered speeches and met with the people of Jaipur, connecting with them on a personal level and advocating for the development of Rajasthan during her first term. In a bold move, she formed a coalition with the Hindu Jan Sangh in the 1967 elections, showcasing her ability to forge strategic alliances and navigate the complexities of coalition politics. Her unwavering commitment to her principles and her refusal to bow down to political pressure earned her the ire of the then Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi. In retaliation, Gandhi abolished the privy purses and royal privileges in 1971, accusing Gayatri Devi of breaking tax laws and sentencing her to five months in Tihar Jail during the Emergency. This incident showcased the challenges and sacrifices Gayatri Devi endured in her pursuit of democratic ideals and her commitment to serving the people. Despite these challenges, Gayatri Devi’s legacy as a trailblazer in Indian politics remains undiminished. She fearlessly challenged the status quo and made a significant impact on the political landscape, inspiring future generations of women leaders and advocates for cultural preservation. In a remarkable display of her enduring influence, there were rumors that she might re-enter politics as late as 1999, when the Cooch Behar Trinamool Congress nominated the 80-year-old Gayatri as their candidate for the Lok Sabha elections, a testament to her lasting impact and the respect she commanded. The stories of Capt. Amarinder Singh, Madhavrao Jivajirao Scindia, Vishwanath Pratap Singh, and Maharani Gayatri Devi are not merely tales of individual political ambitions but rather a reflection of the broader transition that India underwent as it embraced democracy and embraced the participation of diverse segments of society in the democratic process. These individuals faced numerous challenges and obstacles as they navigated the complexities of adapting to the new political landscape. They had to overcome opposition from their own families, societal barriers, and entrenched political powers, showcasing their resilience and determination to make a difference. Despite their privileged backgrounds, these leaders were able to connect with the common people and advocate for their causes. They championed issues such as women’s rights, cultural preservation, and the empowerment of marginalized communities, showcasing their ability to transcend their aristocratic roots and embrace the principles of social justice and equality. Furthermore, their stories underscore the changing dynamics of Indian politics, where traditional power structures were challenged, and new alliances and coalitions emerged. The rise of regional parties and the shift towards coalition governments were in part fueled by the involvement of these leaders, who brought their unique perspectives and experiences to the political arena. As India continues to evolve and grapple with the complexities of a diverse and vibrant democracy, the legacy of these remarkable individuals serves as a powerful reminder of the importance of embracing change, championing inclusivity, and staying true to one’s principles. Their stories remind us that true leadership transcends personal gain and is rooted in a commitment to serving the greater good. In the annals of Indian history, the transition of these royal figures from the opulence of palaces to the rough terrain of electoral politics will forever be remembered as a remarkable chapter, a testament to the resilience and adaptability of the human spirit, and a shining example of the power of democracy to embrace diverse voices and shape a more just and equitable society.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/rajas-have-fought-elections-too/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Kolkata: TMC’s Fortress]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/kolkata-tmcs-fortress/ Considered to be a bastion of the Trinamool Congress, it has been won by the party since its formation in 1998. Prior to it, the seat was a stronghold of Congress. Unusually, this seat was renamed multiple times. Kolkata Dakshin Lok Sabha constituency (earlier known as Calcutta South Lok Sabha constituency) is one of the 543 Lok Sabha (parliamentary) constituencies in India. The constituency centres on the southern part of Kolkata in West Bengal. While four of the seven legislative assembly segments on No. 23 Kolkata Dakshin Lok Sabha constituency are in Kolkata district. Considered to be a bastion of the Trinamool Congress, it has been won by the party since its formation in 1998. Prior to it, the seat was a stronghold of Indian National Congress. TMC’s founder and current chief minister of West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee was the longest holder of the seat. The Kolkata Dakshin Lok Sabha constituency is one of the 42 parliamentary constituencies in the Indian state of West Bengal. It covers a significant portion of the southern part of Kolkata, the capital city of West Bengal. This constituency has been a stronghold for the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) in recent years. Some of the key areas within this constituency include Ballygunge, Tollygunge, Jadavpur, Behala East, and Behala West. Members of Parliament Syama Prasad Mookerjee: He was an Indian politician, barrister and academician, who served as India’s first Minister for Industry and Supply (currently known as Minister of Commerce and Industries) in Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s cabinet. After falling out with Nehru, protesting against the Liaquat–Nehru Pact, Mukherjee resigned from Nehru’s cabinet. With the help of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, he founded the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, the predecessor to the Bharatiya Janata Party, in 1951. He was also the president of Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha from 1943 to 1946. He was arrested by the Jammu and Kashmir Police in 1953 when he tried to cross the border of the state. He was provisionally diagnosed of a heart attack and shifted to a hospital but died a day later. Since the Bharatiya Janata Party is the successor to the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, Mookerjee is also regarded as the founder of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) by its members. Dr Mookerjee was inspired by the ideologies of Swami Pranavananda, founder of Bharat Sevashram Sangha and considered him as his guru. Sadhan Chandra Gupta: He was an Indian lawyer and politician. Gupta became the first blind parliamentarian in independent India in 1953, and later served as Advocate General of West Bengal. Gupta was born in Dacca on 7 November 1917. His father, Jogesh Chandra Gupta, was a lawyer at the Calcutta High Court and a leader of the Indian National Congress. Sadhan Gupta became permanently blind after contracting smallpox during his childhood. Gupta went to school at the Calcutta Blind School. Later he studied at Presidency College (Economics, graduated with honours) and Calcutta University (Law). He became involved in radical politics during his student days, joining the Communist Party of India in 1939. He served as president of the Bengal Provincial Students Federation. Gupta contested the Calcutta South East seat in the 1951–1952 election, challenging Dr. Syama Prasad Mukherjee. In parliament, Gupta was noted for his flawless English. He would softly type braille whilst listening to the debates. Gupta was re-elected to the Lok Sabha in the 1957 general election, from the Calcutta East constituency. He obtained 143,350 votes (62.68%). Ganesh Ghosh: He was an Indian independence activist, revolutionary and politician. Ganesh Ghosh born in a Bengali Kayastha family which hailed from Chittagong, now in Bangladesh. In 1922, he took admission in the Bengal Technical Institute in Calcutta. Later, he became a member of the Chittagong Jugantar party. He participated in the Chittagong armoury raid, along with Surya Sen and other revolutionaries on 18 April 1930. After the split in Communist Party of India in 1964, Ganesh sided with the Communist Party of India (Marxist). He was elected to the West Bengal Legislative Assembly in 1952, 1957 and 1962 as a Communist Party of India candidate from Belgachia. He was elected to the 4th Lok Sabha in 1967 from Calcutta South Lok Sabha constituency as a Communist Party of India (Marxist) candidate. In the 1971 Lok Sabha he was again the Communist Party of India (Marxist) candidate from Calcutta South Lok Sabha constituency. This time he was defeated by 26-year-old Priya Ranjan Dash Munshi who won his first Lok Sabha election, fighting on the Congress (R) ticket. Priya Ranjan Dasmunsi: He was an Indian National Congress politician, former Union Minister and a member of the 14th Lok Sabha of India. He represented the Raiganj constituency of West Bengal. He died on 20 November 2017, aged 72, after nine years in a coma following a massive stroke. Dasmushi entered politics as a member of the Chhatra Parishad, the student’s wing of the state Congress unit while studying in the Calcutta University as a protégé of veteran Congress leader Atulya Ghosh when the state was hit with the first-wave of Naxalite-Maoist insurgency, which saw large number of students from well-reputed colleges & universities of Calcutta abandon their studies to take up arms against the state in lines of the people’s war strategy of Naxalite ideologue Charu Majumdar. He, alongside Subrata Mukherjee & Somen Mitra was the prominent militant face of the Chhatra Parishad who clashed heads-on with the student cadres of both CPI (M) & CPI (ML) alike in the politically turbulent atmosphere of the state caused by a fractured mandate in the state elections & the Naxalite insurgents. Known for his organisational capability, fiery speeches & strong anti-Communist stance, Dasmunshi was violently assaulted by CPI (M) cadres in 1967 after a street rally in the suburbs of North Calcutta, which left him with a fractured arm, thereby cementing his image as a firebrand anti-Communist leader. Dasmunsi was made state president of Indian Youth Congress in from 1970 to 1971. But his failure to keep his electoral promise saw him lose the seat in the 1989 general election. He also led a fiery campaign against the CPI(M)-led Left Front government of the state in 1987 state election as the state PCC chief, but failed to dislodge the Communists. He again lost from Howrah in 1991, but was re-elected back from there in 1996. From 1999, he was the MP from Raiganj constituency. In 2004, in the First Manmohan Singh ministry, he was appointed as the Minister of Parliamentary Affairs and the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. Dasmunsi served as the president of the All India Football Federation for almost twenty years, from 1988 to 2008. He was succeeded by Nationalist Congress Party politician Praful Patel. Dasmushi was re-elected as the state PCC chief in 2008 & remained so until 2010, when he was replaced with Manas Bhunia. Satya Sadhan Chakraborty: He was an Indian academic and politician from West Bengal belonging to Communist Party of India (Marxist). He was a member of the Lok Sabha and West Bengal Legislative Assembly. He also served as a minister of the Government of West Bengal. Chakraborty was born on 1933 at Harina in Comilla. He graduated from Bangabasi College. Later, he completed postgraduate studies from University of Calcutta in political science. Chakraborty was a professor of the Vidyasagar College. He also coauthored a book titled Bharoter Shasonbyabostha O Rajneeti with Nimai Pramanik. The book is used as a textbook in graduate level. Besides, he served as the general secretary of the West Bengal College and University Teachers’ Association and All India Federation of University & College Teachers’ Organisations. He was elected as a member of the Lok Sabha from Calcutta South in 1980. Later, he was elected as a member of the West Bengal Legislative Assembly from Chakdaha in 1991, 1996 and 2001. He also served as the Higher Education Minister of the Government of West Bengal from 1991 to 2006. Biplab Dasgupta: He was a Marxian economist, former member of Rajya Sabha, Lok Sabha and the Bengal state committee of the CPI(M). He was the author of several books on the agrarian economy of India. He received his MA in economics from the University of Calcutta. In 1967 he received the PhD of London University as a member of SOAS for the thesis “Oil prices and the Indian market, 1886-1964” where his supervisor was Edith Penrose. He also received an MSc degree in computer science from the University of London. He was a popular student leader of 1950s and became a member of CPI in 1955. He joined CPI(M) in 1964. He was elected a member of the state committee in 1980. He became a central committee member of the CPI(M) in 1985. A teacher at London and Sussex universities, Dasgupta acted as adviser to UN bodies including FAO, ILO, UNESCO, UNRISD and UNEP between 1972 and 1978. He was also the editor of Nandan Patrika, the cultural monthly of CPI(M) . He was elected to Lok Sabha in 1989. Mamata Banerjee: He is an Indian politician, who is serving as the eighth and current chief minister of the Indian state of West Bengal since 20 May 2011, the first woman to hold the office. Having served multiple times as a Union Cabinet Minister, Mamata Banerjee became the Chief Minister of West Bengal for the first time in 2011. She founded the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC or TMC) in 1998 after separating from the Indian National Congress, and became its second chairperson later in 2001. She previously served twice as Minister of Railways, the first woman to do so. She is also the second female Minister of Coal, and Minister of Human Resource Development, Youth Affairs and Sports, Women and Child Development in the cabinet of the Indian government. She served as the member of West Bengal Legislative Assembly from Bhabanipur from 2011 to 2021. She contested the Nandigram assembly seat and lost to the BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari in the 2021 West Bengal Assembly elections, though her party won a large majority of seats. She is the third West Bengal Chief Minister to lose an election from her own constituency, after Prafulla Chandra Sen in 1967 and Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee in 2011. Mamata challenged the result of Nandigram Constituency in Calcutta High Court and the matter is sub judice. She led her party to a landslide victory in the 2021 West Bengal assembly polls. She got elected as member of West Bengal Legislative Assembly again from Bhabanipur constituency in the bypoll. She is the only female incumbent Chief Minister in India at present. Subrata Bakshi: He is an Indian politician who currently serves as Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha from West Bengal. He is the General Secretary of All India Trinamool Congress and State President of West Bengal Trinamool Congress. He was the Minister for Public Works and the Minister for Transport in the Government of West Bengal in 2011. He was also an MLA, elected from the Bhabanipur constituency in the 2011 West Bengal state assembly election. He was elected to parliament from Kolkata Dakshin constituency after Mamata Banerjee resigned to become a member of the West Bengal Legislative Assembly. He was elected on 10 December 2011 with a margin of 2,30,999 votes, and re-elected in 2014. Mala Roy: She is an Indian politician who has been a Member of Lok Sabha for Kolkata Dakshin since 2019. She is a member of All India Trinamool Congress party. She has been the Chairperson of Kolkata Municipal Corporation since 2015.n 1995, Roy was elected to the Kolkata Municipal Corporation as a councillor from ward no.88. She contested as a candidate of Indian National Congress party and defeated her nearest rival by a margin of 576 votes. In 2000, she contested as a candidate of Trinamool Congress party and retained her seat by defeating Swadeshranjan Das of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) by a margin of 3,205 votes. In 2005, she contested as a candidate of the Nationalist Congress Party and defeated Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar of Trinamool by 1,900 votes. In 2010, she was re-elected, this time as a candidate of Congress party.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/kolkata-tmcs-fortress/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[The Remarkable Saraswati River: Unearthed and Linked to Indus Valley Civilization’s]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-remarkable-saraswati-river-unearthed-and-linked-to-indus-valley-civilizations/ Throughout history, rivers have been incredibly important for human societies. These great river systems not only lived off but bordered political and cultural territories, functioned as communication veins, and offered the opportunity for the first civilizations to develop along their banks. Great societies from the earliest recorded history emerged and developed by the side of the rivers, which provided a basis for food production, transportation, and commerce. The famous rivers such as the Nile, Tigris, Euphrates, Indus, and other rivers  referred to as river valleys are considered to have been the birthplaces of civilization. From the riverine civilization to the flow of water and irrigation systems, the role of rivers in the progression and failures of ancient cultures cannot be questioned. Since the early Vedic texts of India, the mythical Saraswati river has always generated rigorous academic interest and controversy. This river is popularly known as the Lost River and has been a subject of discussion among historians, archaeologists, and other scholars who study Indian history. However, due to new scientific findings, people's belief in its existence has come under more discussion due to the new evidence gathered by scientists. The Vedas, which are the initial and most sacred scripts of Hinduism, portray the geographical articulation of the ancient Indian subcontinent, Bharat, as Saptasindhu, or the country of seven rivers. Among these sacred rivers, the Saraswati River is a unique river that perhaps does not exist geographically and, for centuries, has been shrouded in mystery. The people who lived in the Indus Valley Civilization or the Harappan Civilization, now known as Pakistan and North Western India, started the great civilization over 4,000 years ago and left behind a lavish cultural heritage and the most progressive urban structures. Geological and Archaeological Revelations One of the most significant discoveries ever made by a geologist was made by R. D. Oldham, a geologist of the Geological Survey of India, in 1893. He suggested the presence of a dry river in Rajasthan and extended it right to the Gujarat coast. This proposed course is being passed as the Nara-Hakra-Ghaggar channel, which has come to be accepted as the route that the elusive Saraswati River followed. Since then, more studies by researchers from India and other countries have indicated the presence of paleochannels and dried-up river channels in this area, in concordance with early historical maps and satellite images of the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO). These discoveries have also supported the fact that there was indeed a Saraswati River. For the first time in human history, scientists from various institutions, including the Indian Institute of Technology, Kharagpur, the Archaeological Survey of India, Deccan College, and the Physical Research Laboratory, have recently given evidence of a Himalayan snow-fed river system from the Rann of Kutch in the Wiley Journal of Quaternary Science. This river looked much like the Saraswati River mentioned in Hindu scriptures and epics. It will therefore be asserted that this river system sustained the areas around it by providing the water needed for the habitation and growth of the early Indus Valley civilization, as evidenced by archeological findings such as Dholavira, which was one of the largest cities during this civilization. Including in the intrigue, old Indus Valley seals show practices noted with an 'X' where 4 roadways satisfy a sign referred to as 'Chatuspatha' in the Vedas, showing the presence of a growing human being. Numerous archaeologists, coupled with Indologists, currently suggest that these old people must be described as the "Indus-Saraswati Civilization" as opposed to only the "Indus Valley Civilization," recognizing the substantial duty played by the Saraswati River. Dholavira and Climate Change: Explaining the site’s decline One of the most intriguing findings of this exploratory work has to do with the synchronism between the decline of the ancient Harappan city of Dholavira and the decline of the glacial-fed river system, if not the mythical river Saraswati, approximately 4000 years ago. In order to construct the line of work for Dholavira and changes in environmental issues, many dating methods, such as accelerator mass spectrometry, were used on the remains involving human bracelets, fish ear bones, and mollusk shells. They also analyzed high-resolution oxygen isotopes in snail shells that were found at the site, which helped them understand the constant decline in the contribution of meltwater from glacial rivers over time. This disaster occurred at the beginning of the Meghalayan age, which is characterized by a very abrupt mega-drought that lasted for 250 years. Dholavira, the largest archaeologically explored Harappan city in the Rann of Kutch region, was a bustling urban center. It started 5,500 years ago during the pre- Harappan period and continued until 3,800 years ago in the late Harappan phase The Evidence Affirms the Existence of the Saraswati River Through an engaging variety of geological, archaeological, and textual proof carefully collected and evaluated by scientists from numerous recognized establishments, the presence of the once-mythical Saraswati River has actually been verified beyond sensible question. What once was disregarded as a simple tale or allegory in ancient Indian texts like the Vedas has currently been confirmed to be an actual, magnificent watercourse that played a critical function in the growth of human beings. After years of research, this research study has actually reconstructed an extensive image of the Saraswati River's presence, training course, and effect on the area. The exploration of paleochannels, run out river beds, glacial debris, old mangrove coverings, and freshwater shellfish in the Rann of Kutch location, coupled with the past, has actually given the silver bullet of a Himalayan snow-fed river system that as soon as supported these lands. In addition, the striking similarity of this river system to the Saraswati River is explained in ancient text, integrated with the exploration of archaeologically considerable sites like Dholavira along its banks, between this legendary watercourse and the rise and fall of the Indus Valley Civilization, now referred to as the Indus-Saraswati Civilization by many scholars. The findings of this research study not only shed light on the mysteries surrounding the Saraswati River but also offer invaluable insights into the intricate interplay between human civilizations, water resources, and environmental changes in the ancient past. The decline of Dholavira and also various other Harappan settlements, straight connected to the loss of this glacial-fed river system and also the start of an extended mega-drought, works as a sobering pointer to the disastrous effects of environmental modification and also lack of water. As we continue to unravel the secrets of the past, the story of the Saraswati River stands as an effective testimony to the durability and resourcefulness of our forefathers despite ecological obstacles. Their capability to harness the sources of this magnificent river and create innovative water monitoring systems permitted them to construct a growing city and also maintain their people for centuries. It underscores the importance of preserving our natural resources, implementing sustainable water management practices, and adapting to the challenges posed by climate change to ensure the survival and prosperity of future generations.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-remarkable-saraswati-river-unearthed-and-linked-to-indus-valley-civilizations/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[MATHURA: BEYOND PILGRIMAGE]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/mathura-beyond-pilgrimage/ A tug of war was always seen in the political history of Mathura Lok Sabha constituency. While Congress emerged victorious for four times, BJP claimed the seat for six times. The war is still on. Mathura Lok Sabha constituency is one of the 80 Lok Sabha (parliamentary) constituencies in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. This constituency covers the entire Mathura district. According to Election Commission of India 2009 reports, the Mathura Parliamentary constituency (constituency number 17) has a total of 1,341,649 electorates out of which 593,726 are females and 747,923 are males. Mathura’s legacy is a testament to India’s rich tapestry of history, spirituality, and cultural diversity. It continues to inspire awe and reverence, drawing pilgrims, scholars, and tourists alike to its sacred shores, where the timeless legacy of Lord Krishna and the spirit of ancient India live on. Mathura Lok Sabha constituency holds significant historical importance in India. Here are some salient historical features: Lord Krishna: Mathura, nestled along the banks of the sacred Yamuna River, boasts a history as ancient as Indian civilization itself. Revered as the birthplace of Lord Krishna, Mathura’s legacy is steeped in mythology, spirituality, and a rich tapestry of cultural heritage. Vedic Era: The origins of Mathura can be traced back to the Vedic era, where it was known as Madhupura, meaning “the city of honey.” As one of the oldest cities in India, Mathura served as a thriving center of trade and commerce, connecting various regions of the Indian subcontinent. Its strategic location on trade routes contributed to its prosperity and cultural exchange. However, it is in the realm of spirituality and religion that Mathura truly shines. According to Hindu mythology, Mathura is the divine land where Lord Krishna, the eighth incarnation of Lord Vishnu, was born. The city’s streets echo with tales of Krishna’s childhood exploits, from stealing butter to playing the flute, immortalized in Hindu scriptures like the Bhagavad Gita and the Mahabharata. Medieval Period: Mathura’s religious significance extends beyond Hinduism. It is also deeply intertwined with Buddhism, as the place where Gautama Buddha is believed to have delivered his “Fire Sermon.” The presence of ancient Buddhist stupas and monasteries bears testimony to Mathura’s role as a center of Buddhist learning and pilgrimage. Throughout history, Mathura has been a witness to the rise and fall of empires. From the Mauryas to the Guptas and the Mughals, various dynasties left their mark on the city’s landscape, contributing to its architectural splendor. The towering spires of temples, intricately carved sculptures, and grand fortifications stand as monuments to Mathura’s glorious past. Architectural Marvels: The city boasts a wealth of architectural marvels, ranging from ancient temples and stupas to Mughal-era forts and palaces. The Vishram Ghat, believed to be the spot where Lord Krishna rested after defeating the tyrant Kansa, is a sacred pilgrimage site. The Kusum Sarovar, Govardhan Hill, and Dwarkadhish Temple are among the many architectural wonders that adorn Mathura’s landscape. Freedom Movement: During India’s struggle for independence, Mathura emerged as a bastion of resistance against British colonial rule. The city witnessed the fervor of freedom fighters who laid down their lives for the nation’s cause, igniting the flames of patriotism in the hearts of its residents. Contemporary times: Mathura continues to thrive as a vibrant cultural hub and pilgrimage destination. Its bustling markets, colorful festivals, and spiritual aura attract devotees and tourists from far and wide. The legacy of Mathura transcends time and space, weaving together the threads of history, mythology, and spirituality. As the cradle of Lord Krishna’s divine leelas and a symbol of India’s cultural heritage, Mathura stands as a testament to the enduring spirit of the nation. Overall, Mathura’s historical features encompass its religious, cultural, and political significance, making it a symbol of India’s rich and diverse heritage. Members of Parliament Raja Mahendra Pratap: He was an Indian freedom fighter, journalist, writer, revolutionary, President in the Provisional Government of India, which served as the Indian Government-in-exile during World War I from Kabul in 1915, and social reformist of British India. He also formed the Executive Board of India in Japan in 1940 during the Second World War. He formed the original Indian National Army (Azad Hind Fauj) in 1915 in Kabul which was supported by many Nations including Japan. He also took part in the Balkan War in the year 1911 along with his fellow students of Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College. He is popularly known as “Aryan Peshwa” He was a member of the second Lok Sabha in 1957–1962. He was elected as an independent candidate in the 1957 Lok Sabha Elections from Mathura Lok Sabha constituency defeating Bharatiya Jana Sangh (which would later evolve into BJP) candidate and the future Prime Minister of India, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who was in the fourth position among the list of five candidates. On 22 November 1957, Mahendra Pratap moved a bill in Lok Sabha to recognise the service to the country of people like Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, Barindra Kumar Ghosh and Bhupendranath Datta. The bill was defeated with 48 votes favouring it and 75 against it. He, along with other members walked out of the Lok Sabha saying “I hope every Bengali and every Maratha will also walk out”. Chaudhary Digambar Singh: He was member of 3rd Lok Sabha from Mathura in Uttar Pradesh State, India. He was elected to 3rd, 4th, and 7th Lok Sabha from Mathura. He contested in the 1957 Lok Sabha Elections from Mathura Lok Sabha constituency as the INC candidate and was defeated by the independent candidate Raja Mahendra Pratap. Chakleshwar Singh: He was an Indian politician. He was elected to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India from the Mathura constituency of Uttar Pradesh as a member of the Indian National Congress. Mani Ram Bagri: He was an Indian parliamentarian and political activist. He served three terms in the Indian Parliament, first from 1962 to 1967, and then again from 1977 to 1984 [Consisting of two terms: 1977-1980 and 1980-1984]. He belonged to the league of parliamentary opposition socialists like Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia and Jayaprakash Narayan. Known widely throughout North India during his tenure as the “de facto” Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Bagri was widely considered to be one of the most prolific Socialist leaders of his time. He was party to the nation’s international visits to the USSR, including the summit that led to the Tashkent Declaration, as well as the Warsaw Pact socialist republics in the 1960s. In the 1960s, he and his team of socialists were invited to the Socialist Republic of Romania and to observe the proceedings of the Politburo. He remained close allies with Moscow, however, he disapproved of the indiscriminate Communist authoritarian state established there. Bagri officially retired from politics in the late 1980s, following the demise of Indira Gandhi and the 1984 Anti-Sikh riots, in which he played an active part in preventing harm from coming to innocent Sikh civilians in Delhi and Hisar. Manvendra Singh: He is a leader of Indian National Congress from Uttar Pradesh. He served as member of the Lok Sabha representing Mathura (Lok Sabha constituency). He was elected to 8th, 9th and 14th Lok Sabha. Swami Sachchidanand Hari Sakshi Ji Maharaj: He was also known as Sakshi Maharaj, is an Indian political and religious leader belonging to the Bharatiya Janata Party. He won the 2014 general election from Unnao, Uttar Pradesh. He also won Indian general election in 1991 from Mathura, 1996 and 1998 from Farrukhabad. He was also a member of Rajya Sabha from 2000 to 2006, before being suspended for corruption. He holds a Ph.D. degree and runs various educational institutions and ashrams across India under the banner of Sakshi Maharaj Group for which he is also serving as its present director. He has been at the center of controversies for his reportedly Islamophobic views. While campaigning in the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections, he said that he feels it is the last election of the country. Sakshi Maharaj holds the title of Acharya Mahamandleshwar of Shri Nirmal Panchayati Akhada. He is also the director of Sakshi Maharaj Group which has 17 educational institutions in India and several ashrams Chaudhary Tejveer Singh: He was born in Shahpur, Mathura district, Uttar Pradesh and is a leader of Bharatiya Janata Party from Uttar Pradesh.Currently Serving as Member of Parliament Rajya Sabha. Previously He served as a member of the Lok Sabha representing Mathura (Lok Sabha constituency). He was elected to 11th, 12th and 13th Lok Sabha. He is a former MP of Mathura has been elected unopposed as the chairman of Uttar Pradesh Cooperative Bank. With this, Samajwadi Party leader and former minister Shivpal Singh Yadav has been discharged.He was previously the Uttar Pradesh, co-operative chairman. Chaudhary Jayant Singh: He is an Indian politician and a member of the Rajya Sabha from Uttar Pradesh since 2022. Previously, he also served as a member of 15th Lok Sabha from Mathura. He is the National Chairman of the Rashtriya Lok Dal. On March 01, 2024, Chaudhary’s Rashtriya Lok Dal formally joined the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). He started his political career in 2009, when he won as a Member of Parliament (MP) from Mathura, Uttar Pradesh, India. He was one of the prime movers on Land Acquisition issue and had introduced a Private Member Bill on Land Acquisition in the Lok Sabha. Jayant Singh Chaudhary was a member of the Standing Committee on Commerce, the Consultative Committee on Finance, the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR), and the Committee on Government Assurances. He has served previously on the Standing Committees on Agriculture and Finance as well as the Committee on Ethics. In July 2022, he was elected a member of the Rajya Sabha as a candidate of the Rashtriya Lok Dal. Hema Malini: She is an Indian actress, director, producer, and politician, who is currently serving as a member of the Lok Sabha from the Bharatiya Janata Party, representing Mathura constituency since 2014. She was a member of the Rajya Sabha from Karnataka from 2011 to 2012, subsequent to her nomination to that chamber from 2003 to 2009 as a member of the BJP. In 1999, Malini campaigned for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) candidate, Vinod Khanna, a former Bollywood actor, in the Lok Sabha Elections in Gurdaspur, Punjab. In February 2004, Malini officially joined the BJP. From 2003 to 2009, she served as an MP to the upper house – the Rajya Sabha, having been nominated by the then President of India, Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam. In March 2010, Malini was made general secretary of the BJP, and in February 2011, she was recommended by Ananth Kumar, the party general secretary. In the 2014 general elections for the Lok Sabha, Malini defeated the Mathura incumbent, Jayant Chaudhary (RLD) by 3,30,743 votes. In 2019, she again won the same seat. Primarily known for her work in Hindi films, she has starred in both comic and dramatic roles, and is one of the most popular and successful leading actresses of mainstream Hindi cinema. Malini was honoured with the Padma Shri in 2000, the fourth-highest civilian honour awarded by the Government of India. In 2012, the Sir Padampat Singhania University conferred an honorary doctorate on Malini in recognition of her contribution to Indian cinema. Malini served as chairperson of the National Film Development Corporation. In 2006, Malini received the Sopori Academy of Music And Performing Arts (SaMaPa) Vitasta award from Bhajan Sopori in Delhi for her contribution and service to Indian culture and dance. In 2013, she received the NTR National Award from the Government of Andhra Pradesh for her contribution to Indian cinema. Malini has been involved with charitable and social ventures. Currently, Malini is also a life member of the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON).]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/mathura-beyond-pilgrimage/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[THE STAR-STUDDED GURDASPUR CONSTITUENCY]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-star-studded-gurdaspur-constituency/ Gurdaspur is one of the parliamentary constituencies in Punjab that shared border with Pakistan and enjoyed a dominance of Bollywood stars like Vinod Khanna for nearly 18 years and Sunny Deol presently. Gurdaspur Lok Sabha constituency is one of the 13 Lok Sabha (parliamentary) constituencies in Punjab state in northern India. The incumbent MP is Sunny Deol from Bharatiya Janata Party. Gurdaspur Lok Sabha constituency is located in the state of Punjab, India. It’s one of the 13 parliamentary constituencies in the state. Gurdaspur is known for its rich cultural heritage and historical significance. It has a diverse population comprising various communities, including Sikhs, Hindus, and Muslims. Historically, Gurdaspur has been a politically significant constituency. It gained prominence due to its association with late actor and politician Vinod Khanna, who represented the constituency several times. However, after his demise, the political landscape in Gurdaspur witnessed changes. The constituency covers areas like Gurdaspur, Dera Baba Nanak, Batala, and Qadian among others. Agriculture is a primary occupation in this region, with wheat, rice, and sugarcane being the major crops. In terms of politics, Gurdaspur has seen competition among various political parties, including the Indian National Congress, Shiromani Akali Dal, and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), among others. The demographics and socio-political dynamics of the constituency often influence the electoral outcomes. Let’s deep dive today into history of this constituency to understand its political dynamics Member of Parliaments Teja Singh Akarpuri: He was the First MP from Gurdaspur constituency In Lok Sabha from 1952 to 1957 and was succeeded by Diwan Chand Sharma. After the Nankana Sahib massacre of February 1921, he resigned from government service and joined the Akali movement. The SGPC appointed him administrator of Gurdwara Premsati at Kamalia, in Montgomery District, now in Pakistan. In 1921, he was appointed Jathedar of Akal Takht, Amritsar. He was president of Sri Nankana Sahib management committee from 1935 to 1938. In the Punjab Assembly elections in January 1937, he contested the Batala constituency as a nominee of the Shiromani Akali Dal, but lost to Sir Sundar Singh Majithia, leader of the Khalsa National Party. He was again elected a member of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee in 1939. He became 7th president of the Shiromani Akali Dal in 1940. He presided over the first Sarb Hind Akali Conference at Atari, in Amritsar district, on 10 February 1940. Jathedar Teja Singh Akarpuri was a member of the 1st Lok Sabha from 1952 to 1957 representing his native district, Gurdaspur. Diwan Chand Sharma: He was the member of 1st Lok Sabha from Hoshiarpur (Lok Sabha constituency) in Punjab State, India. He was elected to 2nd Lok Sabha, 3rd and 4th from Gurdaspur (Lok Sabha constituency). He was MP from Gurdaspur from 1957–1962, 1962–1967 and 1967–1968. He was succeeded by Prabodh Chandra. Veer Yagya Dutt Sharma: He was associated with RSS and was one of the founding members of Bhartiya Jan Sangh. He was a member of the fourth and sixth Lok Sabha representing the Amritsar and Gurdaspur parliamentary constituencies in Punjab during 1967-70 and 1977–79. He was also a leader of Bharatiya Janata Party. His memorable contribution in establishing Bhartiya Jan Sangh in the rural areas of hills of Punjab (Kangra Una Hamirpur & Shimla) which are presently the part of Himachal Pradesh deserves a special mention. He was the Governor of Odisha from 1990 to 1993. During the famines of 1943 in Bengal and Kangra-Kula valley in 1945–46, he along with a team of doctors from Punjab provided relief to the famine-stricken people. Sukhbans Kaur Bhinder: She was an Indian politician belonging to the Indian National Congress, who was the only woman in the country to become an MP six times – five times of the Lok Sabha and one of the Rajya Sabha. She was elected to the Lok Sabha from Gurdaspur in Punjab in 1980, 1985, 1989, 1992 and 1996. She was elected to the Seventh Lok Sabha in 1980 for the first time. She was re-elected to the Eighth Lok Sabha in 1985 for the second time and then in 1989 to the Ninth Lok Sabha, in 1992 to the Tenth Lok Sabha and in 1996 to the Eleventh Lok Sabha. She was defeated by actor-turned politician Vinod Khanna of BJP during the Lok Sabha polls in 1997. She was nominated to the Rajya Sabha in 2005. She was also the member of the Joint Committee to examine the Dowry Prohibition, 1961 from 1981–82 and Union Minister of State, Civil Aviation and Tourism in the Department of Tourism from July 1992 to May 1996. She was interested in social work and upliftment of women. She also worked as an executive with ITDC and East India Hotels and underwent training as Hotel Executive in Paris. Vinod Khanna: He was an Indian actor, film producer and politician who is best known for his work in Hindi films. In 1997, Khanna joined the Bharatiya Janata Party and was elected from Gurdaspur constituency in Punjab in the next year’s Lok Sabha poll. In 1999, he was re-elected to the Lok Sabha from the same constituency. Later, he became union minister for culture and tourism in July 2002. Six months later, he was moved to the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) as Minister of State. In 2004 he won re-election from Gurdaspur. However, Khanna lost out in the 2009 general elections. In the 2014 general election he was again elected for the 16th Lok Sabha from the same constituency. No other Bollywood star has triumphed in four Lok Sabha polls (1998, 1999, 2004 and 2014). He also served as Union minister of state for tourism and culture, as well as external affairs. He was the recipient of two Filmfare awards. Khanna was one of the highest-paid stars of his times, along with Amitabh Bachchan and Rajesh Khanna. He was the only superstar who could compete with Amitabh Bachchan’s box office run in late 1970s to early 1980s before taking break from films. After joining politics, he became the MP from the Gurdaspur constituency between 1998–2009 and 2014–2017. In July 2002, Khanna became the minister for Culture and Tourism in the Atal Bihari Vajpayee cabinet. Six months later, he became the Minister of State for External Affairs. Khanna has been posthumously awarded India’s highest award in cinema, the Dadasaheb Phalke Award in 2018 by the Government of India at 65th National Film Awards. Partap Singh Bajwas: He is the son of Satnam Singh Bajwa who was a three-time Member of Legislative Assembly Punjab and Minister in the government of Punjab. He completed his schooling at Punjab Public School, Nabha. He started his career in politics as a student leader in 1976 became President of Youth Congress in 1982 and rose to the President of State Congress. He has served as a minister under chief ministers Beant Singh, Rajinder Kaur Bhathal, and Amarinder Singh. Partap Singh Bajwa is Rajya Sabha member since 10 April 2016. He started his career in politics as a student leader in 1976 from DAV College, Chandigarh, became President of District Youth Congress Gurdaspur then Vice President of Youth Congress in 1980, President of Youth Congress in 1982, and rose to the President of State Congress. Sunil Jakhar: He is an Indian politician and president of the Bharatiya Janata Party, Punjab unit since 4th July 2023. Previously, Jakhar was the president of the Punjab Pradesh Congress Committee from 2017 to 2021. Elected consecutively three times from Abohar Assembly constituency (2002-2017). He was a member of the Indian National Congress (INC) for five decades until 2022. In May 2022, he joined the BJP. Earlier, Jakhar was elected as a Member of Parliament from Gurdaspur constituency to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of Indian parliament in a by-election in 2017. His father was Balram Jakhar, a prominent Indian politician of the Congress party, who served as the Speaker of the Lok Sabha and founded the Bharatiya Krishak Samaj, a farmers’ organization. Jakhar first became a member of Punjab Vidhan Sabha from Abohar Assembly constituency in 2002. In 2007 and 2012, he was re-elected from Abohar. He became a member of parliament after winning a by-election in Gurdaspur. He left the Indian National Congress on 14th May, days after receiving a notice from Congress High-Command. He joined the Bharatiya Janata Party on 19 May 2022 in Delhi. On July 4, 2023, Jakhar was made the president of BJP Punjab. Sunny Deol: His real name is Ajay Singh Deol and screen name is Sunny Deol. He is an Indian actor, film director, producer, politician and incumbent Member of Parliament in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of Indian Parliament. He was elected from the Gurdaspur constituency of Punjab. Deol joined the BJP on 23 April 2019. He won the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections from Gurdaspur constituency in Punjab against Sunil Jakhar of Indian national Congress with a margin of 82,459 votes. As of 11 December 2023 he has an attendance of 18% in the Parliament. The national average for the same is 79%. In cinema world, he is one of the highest grossing actors of Indian cinema and he has worked in more than 90 Hindi films in a career spanning over four decades and is particularly known for his angry action hero persona. Deol has won several awards including two National Film Awards and two Filmfare Awards. He is elder son of actor and politician Dharmendra, who was an MP from Bikaner. Deol had his biggest commercial successes in the period action films Border (1997) and Gadar: Ek Prem Katha (2001). After more than a decade of decline, he made a career comeback by reprising his role in Gadar 2 (2023), which became the highest-grossing film of his career and the sixth highest-grossing Hindi film of all-time. Interesting Facts Historical Significance: Gurdaspur is known for its historical significance, being situated near the India-Pakistan border. It has witnessed various historical events, including the partition of India in 1947. Border Area: Gurdaspur shares its border with Pakistan, making it strategically important. The Wagah-Attari border crossing, one of the few road border crossings between India and Pakistan, is located nearby. Cultural Diversity: The constituency is culturally diverse, with a mix of Sikh, Hindu, and Muslim communities. This diversity is reflected in its religious sites, festivals, and traditions. Film Connection: Gurdaspur gained prominence in the Indian film industry due to actor Vinod Khanna, who represented the constituency in parliament. Khanna, a popular Bollywood actor, was elected multiple times from Gurdaspur. Agricultural Hub: Agriculture is the primary occupation in Gurdaspur, with fertile land supporting the cultivation of crops like wheat, rice, and sugarcane. The agrarian economy plays a crucial role in shaping the socio-economic landscape of the constituency. Political Dynamics: Gurdaspur has been a politically significant constituency, witnessing competition among various political parties. The electoral landscape has seen shifts over the years, influenced by factors such as demographic changes, development initiatives, and regional dynamics. Historic Sites: The constituency is home to several historic sites, including forts, temples, and gurdwaras. These sites attract tourists and pilgrims, contributing to the cultural and economic vitality of the region. Industrial Growth: Alongside agriculture, there has been a growing emphasis on industrial development in Gurdaspur. The establishment of industrial zones and the presence of manufacturing units have contributed to job creation and economic growth. Education Hub: Gurdaspur is also emerging as an education hub, with institutions offering quality education in various fields. Education infrastructure development has been a focus area for enhancing human capital and promoting socio-economic progress. Tourism Potential: The constituency has untapped tourism potential, with scenic landscapes, heritage sites, and religious landmarks. Efforts to promote tourism could further boost economic growth and employment opportunities in the region.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-star-studded-gurdaspur-constituency/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Never Never Nest for BJP: Mumbai North West]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/never-never-nest-for-bjp-mumbai-north-west/ Mumbai North West Lok Sabha constituency was ruled by several popular faces and many political parties since Independence but surprisingly, its voters showed no allegiance towards the saffron brigade. Mumbai North West Lok Sabha constituency is a constituency represented in the Lok Sabha of the Parliament of India, having approximately 1.6 million voters. The constituency went to poll on 20th May 2024 and counting of votes will be held on June 4th . The Mumbai North West Lok Sabha constituency stands as a testament to the ever-evolving political landscape and urban dynamics within the bustling metropolis of Mumbai, Maharashtra. This constituency, nestled within the heart of India’s financial capital, has witnessed a rich tapestry of historical events, political transformations, and socio-economic shifts over the years, shaping its identity and character. The genesis of Mumbai North West’s political saga can be traced back to the pre-independence era when Mumbai, then known as Bombay, emerged as a focal point of political activism and nationalist fervor. The constituency’s boundaries have evolved in tandem with the city’s expanding footprint, encompassing diverse neighborhoods ranging from the vibrant streets of Andheri and Versova to the bustling hubs of Goregaon and Jogeshwari. Post-independence, Mumbai North West became a vital cog in the democratic machinery of India, with its electorate actively participating in the electoral process to elect representatives to the Lok Sabha. The constituency’s journey through the annals of Indian democracy has been marked by a kaleidoscope of political affiliations, ideological shifts, and electoral battles. The political narrative of Mumbai North West is intricately woven with the rise and fall of prominent political stalwarts who have left an indelible imprint on the constituency’s socio-political landscape. Leaders from diverse political hues, including the Indian National Congress, Shiv Sena, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and other regional outfits, have vied for electoral supremacy, each leaving their distinct mark on the constituency’s trajectory. One of the defining features of Mumbai North West’s political history is its resilience in the face of adversity. The constituency has weathered political storms, electoral upsets, and seismic shifts in power dynamics, emerging as a crucible of democratic expression and political mobilization. Despite the challenges posed by rapid urbanization, infrastructure bottlenecks, and socio-economic disparities, the electorate of Mumbai North West has exhibited a steadfast commitment to democratic ideals and civic engagement. The electoral landscape of Mumbai North West has witnessed seismic shifts in recent decades, mirroring broader political realignments at the state and national levels. The emergence of new political formations, changing socio-economic demographics, and evolving voter aspirations have added layers of complexity to the constituency’s political calculus, making each electoral contest a microcosm of India’s democratic vibrancy. Moreover, Mumbai North West’s political narrative is deeply intertwined with the aspirations and struggles of its multi-faceted populace. From advocating for better infrastructure and urban amenities to addressing issues of housing, transportation, and environmental sustainability, the electorate has consistently demanded responsive governance and equitable development from its elected representatives. Gajanan Kirtikar from SHS won the parliamentary elections in 2019 with a winning margin of 27.65% . Gajanan Kirtikar defeated Sanjay Nirupam from INC . SHS and INC polled a vote share of 60.55% and 32.9% respectively. In 2014 Kirit Somaiya belonging to BJP won the elections, while in 2009 ,Mumbai North West constituency choose Sanjay Dina Patil from NCP. The voter turnout in 2019 , 2014 and 2009 was 57.23% , 51.65 % and 42.46% respectively. In conclusion, the history of Mumbai North West Lok Sabha constituency is a saga of resilience, dynamism, and democratic vitality. As Mumbai continues to evolve as a global city, the constituency’s political journey serves as a poignant reminder of the enduring spirit of democracy and the power of collective action in shaping the destiny of nations. As the constituency embarks on a new chapter in its political odyssey, it remains poised to navigate the winds of change with fortitude and resolve, guided by the enduring principles of democracy, inclusivity, and progress. MEMBER OF PARLIAMENTS Shantilal Shah: He was an Indian politician, elected to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India as a member of the Indian National Congress from Mumbai North West Lok Sabha constituency. He received his education at Elphinstone College and Gujarat College. H. R. Gokhale: He was an Indian politician who was a member of the Indian National Congress from Maharashtra and of the Lok Sabha from Mumbai North West. He served as cabinet minister of Law and Justice in the Indira Gandhi government during The Emergency (1975–1977).[1] He died at the age of 62 after suffering a heart attack in New Delhi in February 1978. He was the father in law of the writer Namita Gokhale. Ram Boolchand Jethmalani: He was an Indian lawyer and politician. He served as India’s Union minister of law and justice, as chairman of the Indian Bar Council, and as the president of the Supreme Court Bar Association. Jethmalani obtained his LL.B. degree at the age of 17 and started practising law in his hometown, Shikarpur, until the partition of India. The partition led him to move to Mumbai as a refugee where he began his life and career afresh. He announced his retirement from judicial profession in 2017. Throughout his political career, Jethmalani worked for improving the relations between India and Pakistan, owing to his experiences as a refugee post-partition. He was elected as member of the Lok Sabha twice, on Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) tickets, from the Mumbai North West constituency. He also served as the union minister of urban development in the first Atal Bihari Vajpayee ministry, against whom he later contested election in the 2004 Indian general elections from the Lucknow constituency. He later returned to BJP in 2010, and was elected to the Rajya Sabha on its ticket. Jethmalani was awarded the Human Rights Award by World Peace Through Law in 1977. He authored books such as Big Egos, Small Men; Conscience of a Maverick; and Maverick: Unchanged, Unrepentant; among others. He also co-authored legal scholarly books on different fields of law. Sunil Dutt: He was an Indian actor, film producer, director and politician. Dutt was honoured with Padma Shri, in 1968, by the Government of India, for his contribution to Indian cinema. Dutt debuted in 1955 with the Hindi film Railway Platform. He rose to prominence with highly successful and acclaimed films, such as Ek Hi Raasta (1956), Mother India (1957), Sadhna (1958) and went on to deliver many hugely popular and iconic films in a career that spanned 48 years. Dutt married his Mother India co-star Nargis in 1958. Together they had three children, including the actor Sanjay Dutt.[8] In 1984 he joined the Indian National Congress party and was elected to the Parliament of India for five terms from the constituency of Mumbai North West. He was the Minister of Youth Affairs and Sports in the Manmohan Singh government (2004–2005) and also a former Sheriff of Mumbai. In 1982, he was appointed as the Sheriff of Bombay, an apolitical titular position bestowed on him by the Maharashtra government for a year. In 1995, he won the Filmfare Lifetime Achievement Award for his contribution to the film industry for four decades. In 1987 when Punjab was facing heightened militancy, Dutt, accompanied by his daughter Priya undertook a 2,000 km 76 day long Mahashanti Padyatra (journey by foot) from Bombay to Amritsar (Golden Temple) to establish communal harmony and brotherhood. During the padyatra, he attended more than 500 roadside meetings and suffered a bout of jaundice. His political career was halted for some years in the early 1990s when he worked to free his son from jail after he was arrested for keeping an AK-56 that he claimed was for the protection of his family after bomb blasts in Bombay. Madhukar Sarpotdar: He was born in 1936 and had his last breath in 2010. Madhukar was a leader of Shiv Sena and a member of Lok Sabha elected from Mumbai North West. He was trade unionist and a member of Maharashtra Legislative Assembly elected in 1990. Priya Dutt Roncon: She is an Indian politician and social worker. She was elected for the first time to the 14th Lok Sabha from Mumbai North West constituency in Maharashtra on 22 November 2005, representing the Indian National Congress party. She represented the Mumbai North Central constituency in the 15th Lok Sabha from 2009. It first became obvious that Priya was her father’s successor when she accompanied him on his Mahashanti Padyatra in 1987 from Mumbai to Amritsar. In 2005, following the death of her father, Sunil Dutt, and despite a low voter turnout, she won her seat in the Lok Sabha by a margin of 172,043 votes over the Shiv Sena candidate. Dutt received considerable media attention for this victory, partially on account of her famous family. Since her election, Priya has been appointed secretary of the All-India Congress Committee. In the 2014 and 2019 Indian general elections, she was defeated by Poonam Mahajan of the BJP. Gajanan Kirtikar: He is Leader of Shivsena and a Member of Parliament (MP) from Mumbai North West (Lok Sabha constituency) in Mumbai, Maharashtra, India. He has been a Member of Legislative Assembly from Malad assembly constituency in Mumbai from 1990 to 2009. He was state minister for home in Shiv Sena-Bharatiya Janata Party Government. He has been elected to the Parliament of India. In the 2014 General elections (16th Lok Sabha), he defeated Gurudas Kamat, by a margin of approximately 1,83,028 votes, to win from the Mumbai North West constituency in Maharashtra. In the 2019 General elections (17th Lok Sabha), he defeated Sanjay Nirupam, by a margin of 2,60,328 votes. Gurudas Kamat: He was an Indian politician from the Indian National Congress (INC). An advocate by profession, Kamat was a commerce graduate from R.A. Podar College, Mumbai and has a law degree from the Government Law College, Mumbai. He was a Member of the Parliament for the Mumbai North West constituency of Maharashtra in 2009 and Mumbai North East constituency of Maharashtra in 1984, 1991, 1998 and 2004. He served as the Minister of State for Home Affairs with additional charge of Minister of Communications and Information Technology, Government of India during 2009 to 2011. In July 2011, he resigned as minister. In July 2013, Kamat was appointed General Secretary All India Congress Committee and given charge of Rajasthan, Gujarat, Dadra and Nagar Haveli, Daman and Diu[10] and was also appointed a member of the Congress Working Committee, the highest decision making body of the Indian National Congress. In 2014, he lost the Lok Sabha Election. In 1980 he was appointed General Secretary of Maharshtra Pradesh Youth Congress; in 1984, he was appointed the President of the Maharashtra Pradesh Youth Congress; and in 1987, he was appointed the President of the Indian Youth Congress. Kamat was appointed the President of Mumbai Congress in 2003. He held the position till 2008. In 1982, Kamat represented the Indian Youth Congress at International Convention in Bucharest, Romania. In 1986, Kamat represented International Youth Festival in Moscow and USSR. In 2003, he was a member of the four member delegation representing India at the United Nations in New York City along with Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Inder Kumar Gujral and Farooq Abdullah.  ]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/never-never-nest-for-bjp-mumbai-north-west/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Hajipur’s Dynastic Showdown Legacy, Divinity, and Electoral Dynamics]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/hajipurs-dynastic-showdown-legacy-divinity-and-electoral-dynamics/ The Hajipur Lok Sabha constituency in Bihar has become a significant battleground in Indian politics. This region, comprising six assembly segments – Hajipur, Lalganj, Mahua, Raja Pakar, Raghopur, and Mahnar – has a rich history of electoral narratives that have captured the nation’s attention. As the 2024 elections approached, the spotlight once again fell on Hajipur, where the sounds of the past continued through the present, shaping the future of this historically significant area. The interaction of political legacies and evolving electoral patterns promised to make Hajipur a closely watched region in the upcoming polls. ss The Enduring Legacy of Ram Vilas Paswan: The late Ram Vilas Paswan cast a towering presence over Hajipur’s political landscape; his name became synonymous with the constituency’s electoral history. Paswan’s political journey in Hajipur spanned an incredible eight victories, a feat that defied belief and stood as a testament to the deep-rooted support he commanded among voters. From his inaugural triumph in 1977 as a Janata Party candidate to his final win in 2014, Paswan’s electoral supremacy in Hajipur was remarkable. His record-breaking achievement of securing 89.3% of the votes in 1977, coupled with a staggering margin of 4.24 lakh votes, remained unparalleled in the region’s political records. Paswan’s enduring legacy continued to shape Hajipur’s electoral dynamics, where his memory and accomplishments still echoed. As the 2024 polls approached, the spotlight fell on this pivotal constituency, where Paswan’s lasting impact on the region’s political landscape could not be understated. His successors and opponents alike had to deal with his formidable legacy, making Hajipur a closely watched battleground in the upcoming elections. Divine Names and Electoral Victories: Hajipur’s electoral history was a pattern woven with intriguing patterns, particularly evident in the names of its elected representatives. Over 16 elections, the late Ram Vilas Paswan emerged victorious eight times, his name resonating with the Hindu deity ‘Ram.’ This trend extended further back, spanning from 1977 to 2014, where leaders bearing the name ‘Ram’ adorned the halls of power. Notable among them were Ram Ratan Ram of the Congress in 1984, and Ram Sundar Das of Janata Dal (United), triumphing in 1991 and 2009. Such a combination of political and cultural symbolism fascinated the electorate, influencing their choices and defining the region’s political narrative. Delving deeper into Hajipur’s political chronicles revealed more intriguing coincidences. The inaugural winner, Rajeshwar Patel, bore a name linked to Lord Shiva, sparking thoughts on divine references in electoral dynamics. Reflecting on the elections of 1967 and 1971, where Valmiki Chaudhary and Digvijay Narain Singh emerged victorious, respectively, highlighted the subtle influence of divine names. Valmiki, the author of the Ramayana, and Narain,’ alternate name for Lord Vishnu, adorned their names, suggesting an intriguing correlation between divine references and electoral success. This historical analysis prompted speculation on the role of candidate names in shaping Hajipur’s political landscape. This unique blend of political legacies and cultural connection had captured the imagination of the electorate, influencing their voting decisions and shaping the region’s political discourse. The Congress Party’s Foothold: While parties like the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), Janata Dal-United (JDU), and Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) had been major contenders in Hajipur, the Indian National Congress had also left an unforgettable mark on the constituency’s political history. The Congress Party’s dominance in the region was evident from its four victories between 1957 and 1971, adding a significant layer to Hajipur’s electoral narrative. The Congress Party’s influence in Hajipur dates back to 1957 when Rajeshwara Patel secured the seat. Subsequently, the party clinched victories in 1962, 1967 (with Valmiki Choudhary as the MP), and 1971, showcasing its enduring appeal among the electorate during that period. Diversity, Dominance, and Dynamics: Hajipur’s electoral dynamics were intrinsically tied to its diverse demographic and voting patterns. The 2019 Lok Sabha elections witnessed a substantial electorate of 18,23,664 registered voters, reflecting a tapestry of political allegiances and preferences within the constituency. The voter breakdown in 2019 revealed a male majority, with 9,84,179 male voters compared to 8,39,426 female voters. Notably, 59 voters identified as belonging to the third gender, underscoring the constituency’s commitment to inclusivity. Further adding to the electorate’s diversity were 2,731 postal votes and 5,455 service voters, comprising 5,218 men and 237 women. To accommodate this sizable electorate, Hajipur undertook a significant logistical effort, with 1,827 polling stations established in 2019 – a notable increase from the 1,512 stations deployed in 2014. This expansion highlighted the region’s growing electoral importance and the concerted efforts to ensure accessibility and participation for all eligible voters. In 2019, following Ram Vilas Paswan’s resignation from the Rajya Sabha, his brother, Pashupati Kumar Paswan, contested the Lok Sabha elections and emerged victorious from the Hajipur constituency. Notably, Paras’ name invoked one of Lord Shiva’s incarnations, adding a layer of cultural symbolism to the election. Pashupati Kumar Paswan’s big win in the 2019 elections changed things up in Hajipur’s politics. He got an impressive 5,41,310 votes, which was 53.72% of the total votes. This was a big win over his opponent, Shiv Chandra Ram from the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), by a difference of 2,05,449 votes. Overall, there were 10,06,817 valid votes, and the turnout was 55.21%. Significantly, the 2019 polls also saw 25,256 voters (2.51%) opting for NOTA (None of the Above), a trend that had begun in 2014 when 15,047 voters (1.66%) exercised the same choice. This growing preference for NOTA suggested a segment of the electorate that was dissatisfied with the available candidates or sought to express their dissent through alternative means. Delving into Hajipur’s electoral history, the late Ram Vilas Paswan’s dominance was undeniable. His eight victories, spanning from 1977 to 2014, solidified his status as a political titan in the region. However, Hajipur’s political landscape had also witnessed the success of other parties, with the Indian National Congress and Janata Dal each clinching four victories, showcasing the dynamic nature of the constituency’s electoral dynamics. The Hajipur constituency’s electoral patterns were shaped by various factors, including caste dynamics, religious affiliations, and socio-economic factors. The Yadav community, which had traditionally supported the RJD, held significant influence in the region, while the Dalits and Muslims had historically favored Paswan’s LJP and its allies. The forward castes, on the other hand, had historically leaned towards the BJP and its partners. Additionally, Hajipur’s proximity to the state capital of Patna had played a role in shaping its political discourse, as the urban-rural divide and issues of development and infrastructure had often taken center stage during election campaigns. As the 2024 Lok Sabha elections approached, Hajipur’s electoral dynamics were poised to undergo further shifts and realignments, reflecting the ever-evolving nature of Indian politics. The interplay of caste equations, party alliances, and the emergence of new issues and narratives would undoubtedly shape the course of the electoral battle in this pivotal constituency. The Dynastic Battle of 2024: The intense electoral battle that unfolded witnessed a fierce campaign, capturing the nation’s attention. At the center of this contest was Chirag Paswan, the son of the late Ram Vilas Paswan, a towering figure in Bihar politics. Backed by the powerful Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the 39-year-old Paswan exuded confidence, asserting that the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) would sweep all 40 seats in the state. However, this election marked a watershed moment for the young leader, as he navigated the treacherous political terrain without the experienced guidance of his father, who passed away in 2020. As the nation eagerly awaited the results on June 4th, the outcome of these pivotal elections could have far-reaching repercussions for the broader political landscape of Bihar and the nation as a whole. One of the most notable factors shaping the electoral dynamics was the enduring legacy of Ram Vilas Paswan and the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP). Paswan’s unwavering support from the state’s electorate had solidified the LJP’s position as a formidable force, influencing its strategies and alliances at both the state and national levels. Moreover, the recurring theme of candidates bearing names associated with Hindu deities and epic figures resonated deeply with voters, tapping into their cultural and religious sensibilities, potentially swaying their decisions at the ballot box. The high-profile clash between Chirag Paswan and Shiv Chandra Ram in Hajipur exemplified this trend, with both candidates seeking to leverage their symbolic representation. As the campaign trail concluded, both sides intensified their efforts to woo voters, with the BJP and the INDIA bloc rallying behind their respective candidates. The outcome of this high-stakes contest would not only shape Bihar’s future but could also have far-reaching implications for the broader political landscape of the nation. With the nation eagerly awaiting the results, the stage was set for a nail-biting finish as Bihar’s electoral dynamics took center stage, potentially reshaping the state’s political trajectory and influencing the course of governance at the national level. Conclusion: As the nation awaited the electoral verdict from Hajipur with bated breath, the enduring saga of this pivotal constituency continued to captivate political pundits and the electorate alike. The clash between Chirag Paswan and Shiv Chandra Ram had transcended mere electoral arithmetic, morphing into a symbolic battle that encapsulated the intricate interplay of legacy, identity, and shifting loyalties. Beneath the surface of this high-stakes contest lay a profound restructuring of Bihar’s socio-political fabric, where traditional vote banks were being challenged, and new alliances were being forged. The BJP’s unambiguous backing of Chirag Paswan signified a calculated gambit to consolidate its foothold in the region, while the INDIA bloc’s support for Ram underscored the fragility of established political equations. Moreover, the recurring motif of divine appellations – from Ram Vilas Paswan’s indomitable tenure to the current candidates’ monikers – had reignited the intricate interplay between religion, culture, and electoral dynamics. This confluence of symbolism and strategy had elevated Hajipur from a mere geographical entity to a crucible of ideological clashes, where the very essence of Bihar’s political identity was being contested. As the nation held its collective breath, Hajipur’s verdict would reverberate far beyond its geographical confines, potentially redefining the contours of national politics. The destiny of this storied constituency hung in the balance, poised to either cement the dominance of dynastic politics or usher in an era of unprecedented upheaval, where the electorate’s voice transcended the echoes of the past.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/hajipurs-dynastic-showdown-legacy-divinity-and-electoral-dynamics/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Historically Speaking Ep 2: Unraveling Majoritarianism, Dynasty Politics And PM Modi’s Influence]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/historically-speaking-ep-2-unraveling-majoritarianism-dynasty-politics-and-pm-modis-influence/ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4icLXQEBVIQ&t=17s   Historically Speaking with Dr. Aishwarya Pandit Sharma has released an engaging new episode titled "Unravelling the Dance of Democracy." This episode features a thought-provoking conversation with S Prasannarajan, the esteemed Editor of Open Magazine. S Prasannarajan offers insightful perspectives on several critical topics, including the challenges faced by the opposition, noting how Former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh became a selected rather than elected PM. He also discusses Rahul Gandhi's strategy and its impact within his own party, the influence of Modi in the current political landscape, majoritarianism, and dynasty politics. The discussion provides a careful analysis of these elements, highlighting their significance in the ongoing Lok Sabha Elections 2024. Historically Speaking is a podcast dedicated to exploring the rich tapestry of the past, offering listeners a deep dive into historical events and narratives that continue to shape our present and future.
]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/historically-speaking-ep-2-unraveling-majoritarianism-dynasty-politics-and-pm-modis-influence/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Indore: BJP’s Unwavering Stronghold]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/indore-bjps-unwavering-stronghold/ The Member of Parliament from Indore Lok Sabha constituency is Shankar Lalwani. Since 1989, the seat is held by the BJP. Before Lalwani, the seat was held for record 8 consecutive terms by BJP’s Sumitra Mahajan since 1989, who was also the Speaker of the Lok Sabha between 2014 and 2019. Indore Lok Sabha constituency: Since 1952, when India’s first general election were held, till 1989, Congress enjoyed the dominance over crucial Indore Lok Sabha constituency, but the wave of BJP’s stalwart Sumitra ‘tai’ wrote a new history. Nestled in the heartland of India, the Indore Lok Sabha Constituency stands as a testament to the country’s democratic ethos and rich cultural tapestry. Representing not just a geographic area but a confluence of historical legacies, economic dynamism, and socio-cultural diversity, this constituency holds a special place in the annals of Indian politics. Let’s delve into the essence of the Indore Lok Sabha Constituency through the lens of its historical significance, political landscape, demographic diversity, and socio-economic vibrancy. Indore Lok Sabha constituency is one of the 29 Lok Sabha constituencies in Madhya Pradesh state in central India. This constituency covers most of the Indore district. The Member of Parliament from Indore Lok Sabha constituency is Shankar Lalwani. Since 1989, the seat is held by the BJP. Before Lalwani, the seat was held for record 8 consecutive terms by BJP’s Sumitra Mahajan since 1989, who was also the Speaker of the Lok Sabha between 2014 and 2019. Historical Significance: Indore, with its roots tracing back to the erstwhile princely state, has been a pivotal center of commerce, culture, and governance since ancient times. Its strategic location on trade routes and its role as a hub of administration under various rulers have imbued it with a rich historical legacy. The constituency bears the imprints of this history, with landmarks like the majestic Rajwada Palace and the Lal Bagh Palace standing as reminders of its regal past. Political Landscape: The political landscape of the Indore Lok Sabha Constituency reflects the broader trends in Indian politics. Over the years, it has emerged as a stronghold of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), with the party often clinching victories in parliamentary elections. However, it has also witnessed spirited contests from rival political factions, including the Indian National Congress and regional parties. The electoral dynamics here are a microcosm of the complex interplay between national and regional forces shaping the political landscape of India. Demographic Diversity: What truly sets the Indore Lok Sabha Constituency apart is its remarkable demographic diversity. From the bustling urban sprawl of Indore city to the serene rural hinterlands, the constituency encompasses a mosaic of communities, cultures, and traditions. It is home to people from various socio-economic backgrounds, including traders, industrialists, farmers, and artisans. This diversity not only enriches the social fabric of the constituency but also underscores the need for inclusive and equitable representation in the corridors of power. Socio-Economic Vibrancy: Economically, Indore is a thriving center of trade, industry, and commerce. Its bustling markets, industrial estates, and commercial hubs pulsate with activity, driving the region’s growth and prosperity. The city’s robust economy is complemented by its burgeoning educational sector, with prestigious institutions nurturing the talents of the future. However, amidst this prosperity, challenges such as urbanization, infrastructure development, and equitable distribution of resources remain pertinent issues that warrant attention from policymakers. Conclusion: In essence, the Indore Lok Sabha Constituency epitomizes the essence of Indian democracy, where the aspirations of millions find expression through the ballot box. It is a melting pot of history, politics, culture, and enterprise, where the past converges with the present to shape the future. As the custodian of this constituency, it is imperative for elected representatives to uphold the values of inclusivity, integrity, and progress, ensuring that the voice of every citizen resonates in the hallowed halls of Parliament. In doing so, they honor the spirit of democracy and empower the people they serve to chart a path of collective prosperity and wellbeing. Famous political leaders in history Indore, with its rich historical and political significance, has been home to several notable political leaders who have left an indelible mark on the region’s socio-political landscape. Here are some famous historical political leaders from Indore: Rani Ahilyabai Holkar: Holkar, also known as the Philosopher Queen, was one of the most revered rulers of Indore. She ruled the Malwa region, including Indore, from 1767 to 1795. Ahilyabai is remembered for her progressive administration, patronage of art and culture, and her dedication to public welfare. Her legacy as a just and compassionate ruler continues to inspire generations. Nathuram Mirdha: Nathuram Mirdha was a prominent political leader from Rajasthan with roots in Indore. He served as a Member of Parliament from the Indore Lok Sabha constituency. Mirdha was known for his advocacy of farmers’ rights and rural development. He played a key role in shaping agricultural policies and was a vocal voice for the welfare of farmers in the Indian Parliament. Jeevraj Alva: Jeevraj Alva was a freedom fighter and a prominent political figure from Indore. He was actively involved in the Indian independence movement and later became a leader of the Indian National Congress. Alva played a significant role in the socio-political development of the region and contributed to the upliftment of marginalized communities. Yashodhara Raje Scindia: Scindia belongs to the Scindia royal family of Gwalior, which historically held sway over parts of the Malwa region, including Indore. She has been a prominent political leader in Madhya Pradesh, serving as a Member of Parliament and holding ministerial positions in the state government. Yashodhara Raje Scindia has been actively involved in championing the cause of women’s empowerment and rural development. These political leaders from Indore have played pivotal roles in shaping the region’s history, politics, and socio-economic development. Their contributions continue to resonate, serving as a source of inspiration for future generations striving to build a better and more inclusive society. FAMOUS Parliamentarians Homi F. Daji: He was a member of the 3rd Lok Sabha of India. He represented the Indore constituency of Madhya Pradesh and was a member of the Communist Party of India. Daji hailed from the Parsi community. Born in Bombay, he was the son of Framroze Daji. He was elected to the Lok Sabha (lower house of the parliament of India) from the Indore constituency in the 1962 Indian general election. Whilst Daji was known as a communist leader, he contested on an independent ticket. Daji obtained 95,682 votes (41.68%). In the 3rd Lok Sabha, Daji was a member of the committees on Public Undertakings and Subordinate Legislation. In 1967 he was named a member of the National Commission on Labour, the Study Group on Industrial Relations (Western Region). Daji lost the Indore seat to the Indian National Congress candidate P.C. Sethi in the 1967 Indian general election. Daji finished in second place with 100,350 votes (32.54%). But whilst Sethi won in the rural areas of the constituency, Daji’s vote share in the urban areas was 4.4 percent points higher than that of Sethi.Daji tried to regain the Indore seat in the 1971 Indian general election. Daji finished in third place after the Indian National Congress and Bharatiya Jan Sangh candidates. Daji obtained 64,430 votes (21.22%). Prakash Chandra Sethi: He was an Indian National Congress politician who served as Minister of Home Affairs (1982–84) and as the 8th Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh (1972–75). Ideologically he always appreciated people like Shankar Dayal Sharma, Ravi Shankar Shukla, Guru Radha Kishan and Gandhian Mahesh Dutt Mishra. During his tenure in the central government, Sethi was elected from the Indore constituency four times in 1967, 1971, 1980 and 1984. He also held a number of positions in the Central Government of India - Home Minister, Defence Minister, Minister of External Affairs, Finance Minister, Railways, and Housing and Development. He is also known for his efforts for surrender of dacoits from Chambal region of Madhya Pradesh in 1976 while holding the post of Union Petroleum and Chemicals Minister. Kalyan Jain: He was an Indian politician who was a member of the 6th Lok Sabha. He represented the Indore constituency of Madhya Pradesh and is a member of the Janata Party. He was also member of Samyukta Socialist Party, Socialist Party and Bharatiya Lok Dal. Jain was born in Indore, Madhya Pradesh on 13 August 1934, and died on 13 July 2023, at the age of 88. Sumitra Mahajan: She is an Indian politician who was the Speaker of Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian Parliament from 2014 to 2019. She belongs to Bharatiya Janata Party. She represented the Indore constituency of Madhya Pradesh from 1989 to 2019 as the longest serving Woman Member of Parliament. She also served for as a Union Minister of State from 1999 to 2004, holding the portfolios for Human Resource Development, Communications and Information Technology and Petroleum and Natural Gas. She also held position of Chairperson of Standing Committee on Social Justice and Empowerment (2004-2009) and Standing Committee on Rural Development (2009-2014). She was the eldest and seniormost among woman Members of Parliament in the 16th Lok Sabha. She is the second woman after Meira Kumar to be elected as the Speaker of the Lok Sabha. She was awarded India’s third highest civilian award the Padma Bhushan in 2021. Shankar Lalwani: He is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party. Lalwani has served as a Member of Parliament in the 17th Lok Sabha from Indore since 2019. He also held previously the position of chairman in Indore Development Authority. Lalwani is the current Member of Parliament from Indore parliamentary constituency of Madhya Pradesh. He is one of the handful of politicians to have polled more than 10 lakh votes in a Lok Sabha election, having breached the barrier in May 2019. He polled more votes in 2019 than any other Lok Sabha member. His winning margin was 5 lakhs, with many candidates winning with higher margins than that, especially in Gujarat.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/indore-bjps-unwavering-stronghold/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Gwalior: Beyond Royal Lineage]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/gwalior-beyond-royal-lineage/ Titans, including Atal Bihari Vajpayee, have shown their mettle in Gwalior, but the constituency’s allegiance is mostly towards the royal lineage of Scindias since independence. The Gwalior Lok Sabha constituency is one of the 29 parliamentary constituencies in the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh. Here’s an overview of its history: The constituency was formed in 1952, the year of the first general elections in India. Gwalior is known for its historical and cultural significance, including the Gwalior Fort, and has a mix of urban and rural population. It has a diverse electorate with a mix of various communities, including a significant number of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The constituency has seen representation from various political parties over the years, but it has traditionally been a stronghold for the Indian National Congress (INC) in the early years. From the 1980s onwards, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) started gaining influence in the region, marking a shift in the political landscape. The Scindia family’s influence, particularly through Jyotiraditya Scindia, has been a significant factor, although Jyotiraditya’s shift from the INC to the BJP in 2020 added a new dimension to the constituency’s political dynamics. The Gwalior Lok Sabha constituency continues to be a politically significant and dynamic region, reflecting the broader electoral trends and political shifts in Madhya Pradesh and India as a whole. Let’s deep dive into the history of Gwalior Lok Sabha Constituency: Political Dynasty Drama Scindia Family Rivalries: The Scindia family, although influential and respected, has had internal rivalries that have spilled over into public politics. For instance, Madhavrao Scindia’s departure from the Indian National Congress to form the Madhya Pradesh Vikas Congress in 1996 was a significant political drama. His differences with other INC leaders highlighted the factionalism within the party and the family’s complex political dynamics. Unusual Electoral Outcomes Tie and Recount in 1967: In the 1967 Lok Sabha elections, Gwalior witnessed an unusually tight contest between INC’s Vijaya Raje Scindia and Jana Sangh’s A. G. Kher. The results were so close that they necessitated a recount, an uncommon occurrence in Indian elections at the time. Royalty and Politics Royal Titles and Politics: Gwalior has a unique blend of royal history and modern politics. Vijaya Raje Scindia, also known as the Rajmata of Gwalior, was a prominent political figure who transitioned from royalty to politics. Her regal background often created an interesting juxtaposition with her political campaigns and public engagements. Party Switching Frequent Party Switching: The constituency has seen several instances of political leaders switching parties, sometimes in rapid succession. Jyotiraditya Scindia’s switch from the INC to the BJP in 2020 was a high-profile case that sent shockwaves through Indian politics. His move was seen as both a strategic shift and a dramatic political realignment, given his family’s historical ties to the Congress. Assassination Attempt Assassination Attempt on Madhavrao Scindia: In 1989, there was an assassination attempt on Madhavrao Scindia during a campaign rally in Gwalior. Though he survived, the incident added an element of danger and drama to the political climate in the region. Legal Battles and Controversies Election Petitions and Legal Battles: Gwalior’s political history includes numerous election petitions and legal battles. Candidates have often resorted to the courts to challenge election results, adding a layer of legal drama to the political scene. Use of Royal Influence Campaigning in Palatial Settings: The use of royal palaces and heritage sites as backdrops for political events is a peculiar feature of Gwalior politics. Candidates from the Scindia family, in particular, have hosted political gatherings in their historic residences, adding a touch of grandeur to their campaigns. Members of Parliament Vishnu Ghanashyam Deshpande: He was an Indian politician and first Lok Sabha member from Gwalior. He was born in Mehkar, Vidarbha, Maharashtra. V.G. Deshpande was the general secretary of the Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha. In the 1951 general election, V.G. Deshpande managed to get elected from two Lok Sabha constituencies (Gwalior and Guna). In Guna he obtained 56,518 votes (40.70% of the votes in the constituency), defeating the Indian National Congress candidate Gopi Krishna Vijayvargiya. In Gwailor he got 65,695 votes (45.49%), defeating the Vaidehi Charan Parashar. Vijaya Raje Scindia: She was third Lok Sabha member from Gwalior. Born as Lekha Divyeshwari Devi, she was also popularly known as the Rajmata of Gwalior. In the days of the British Raj, as consort of the last ruling Maharaja of Gwalior, Jivajirao Scindia, she ranked among the highest royal figures of the land. In later life, she became a politician of considerable influence and was elected repeatedly to both houses of the Indian parliament. She was one of the founding members of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. Vijayaraje was initiated into electoral politics in 1957 when she contested and won the Guna Lok Sabha seat in Madhya Pradesh on a Congress ticket. Five years later, she won on a Congress ticket from Gwalior. Later, she quit the Congress and won the Guna seat in 1967 on Swatantra Party’s ticket. She soon joined Bharatiya Jan Sangh and resigned from Lok Sabha to take part in state politics. Jan Sangh defied the Indira-wave in the 1971 Lok Sabha polls to win 3 seats in Gwalior region – Vijaya Raje Scindia from Bhind, Vajpayee from Gwalior and Madhavrao Scindia from Guna, though he later left the party. Vijayaraje Scindia lost to Indira Gandhi in Rae Bareli in 1980. In 1989, she won from Guna as member of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and retained the seat in 1991, 1996 and 1998. She was mother of Madhavrao and grandmother of Jyotiraditya Scindia. Ram Awtar Sharma: He was an Indian politician and was elected to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India, from Gwalior in Madhya Pradesh, as a member of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. Sharma died at Gwalior on 29 October 1987 at the age of 79 years. Atal Bihari Vajpayee: He was an Indian politician and poet who served three terms as the 10th Prime Minister of India, first for a term of 13 days in 1996, then for a period of 13 months from 1998 to 1999, followed by a full term from 1999 to 2004. He was the first non-Indian National Congress prime minister to serve a full term in the office. Vajpayee was one of the co-founders and a senior leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party. He was a member of the RSS, a Hindu nationalist volunteer organisation. While he had won the 1977 and the 1980 elections from New Delhi, Vajpayee shifted to his home town Gwalior for the election. Vidya Razdan was initially tipped to be the Congress (I) candidate. Instead, Madhavrao Scindia, scion of the Gwalior royal family, was brought in on the last day of filing nominations. Vajpayee lost to Scindia, managing to secure only 29% of the votes. He served as Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha, for various terms starting at Balrampur from 1957–1962. He served again from Balrampur from 1967–1971, then from Gwalior from 1971–1977, and then from New Delhi from 1977–1984. Finally, he served from Lucknow from 1991–2009. Narain Krishna Rao Shejwalkar: He was a member of Lok Sabha from Gwalior. He was elected to 6th and 7th Lok Sabha from Gwalior. He also served as member of Rajya Sabha and was the Mayor of Gwalior Municipal Corporation during 1970–71. His son Vivek Shejwalkar was elected to 17th Lok Sabha from Gwalior (Lok Sabha constituency) in 2019. Madhavrao Jivajirao Scindia: He was the only politician, who emerged as the MP from Gwalior for record five times, and a minister in the Government of India. He was a member of the Indian National Congress party. Scindia was the son of Jiwajirao Scindia, the last ruling Maharaja of the princely state of Gwalior during the British Raj. Upon the death of his father in 1961, and under terms agreed to during the political integration of India, Scindia succeeded to a privy purse, certain privileges, and the use of the title “Maharaja of Gwalior,” which lasted until 1971, whereupon all were abolished by the 26th Amendment to the Constitution of India. A nine-term member of the Lok Sabha, Madhavrao Scindia never lost an election since 1971, when he won for the first time from Guna constituency at the age of 26. He contested the election on the ticket of Bharatiya Jana Sangh (the precursor of the present day Bharatiya Janata Party), which his family had long patronised. When the Emergency, he fled the country into self-imposed exile in the United Kingdom. After he returned to India, he resigned from the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. He contested from Guna constituency as an independent candidate and won the seat a second time in spite of the wave in favour of the Janata Party. In the 1980 election, he switched allegiance to the Indian National Congress and won from Guna a third time. In 1984, he was nominated as the Congress party’s candidate from Gwalior in a last-minute manoeuvre to defeat the Bharatiya Janata Party’s Atal Bihari Vajpayee, and won by a massive margin. After that Scindia contested from either Gwalior or Guna and won on each occasion. He died at the age of 56, in a plane crash in Motta village, which is on the outskirts of Mainpuri district of Uttar Pradesh, on 30 September 2001. Yashodhara Raje Scindia: She was first elected from Gwalior (Lok Sabha constituency) to the 14th Lok Sabha via a by-poll in 2007 and again in 2009 General Election. She is was a Minister of Sports and Youth Welfare, Technical Education and Skill Development and Employment of Madhya Pradesh. She is also the former Minister for Commerce, Industries and Employment in Government of Madhya Pradesh. She is the youngest daughter of Jivajirao Scindia, Maratha Maharaja of Gwalior and the Late Rajmata Vijayaraje Scindia of Gwalior. She is a Member of Legislative Assembly from Shivpuri constituency in Madhya Pradesh since 2013. Narendra Singh Tomar: He is an Indian politician and a member of the Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly. He is the former Minister of Agriculture and Farmers’ Welfare. He has been Minister of Rural Development, Minister of Panchayati Raj, Minister of Mines and Minister of Parliamentary Affairs in the Government of India during different periods of the First and Second Modi ministry. He is a leader of Bharatiya Janata Party. He was also a member of Fifteenth Lok Sabha from 2009 to 2014 from Morena; Sixteenth Lok Sabha from 2014 to 2019 from Gwalior and 17th Lok Sabha from 2019 to 2023 from Morena. In 2019, he changed his constituency and was re-elected to the Lok Sabha from Morena. Vivek Narayan Shejwalkar: He is an Indian politician. He was elected to the Lok Sabha, lower house of the Parliament of India from Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh in the 2019 Indian general election as member of the Bharatiya Janata Party. His father Narain Krishna Rao Shejwalkar was elected to 6th Lok Sabha and 7th Lok Sabha from Gwalior (Lok Sabha constituency). He was also a Mayor of Gwalior Municipal Corporation.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/gwalior-beyond-royal-lineage/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[The Saffron Citadel: Pilibhit]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-saffron-citadel-pilibhit/ Pilibhit is the only Parliament seat in the history of India where descendants family emerged victorious under thesaffron flag making it a citadel of the BJP. Pilibhit Lok Sabha constituency is one of the 80 Lok Sabha (parliamentary) constituencies in Uttar Pradesh state in northern India. The combination of strong BJP leadership in Pilibhit constituency, effective organizational strategies, local development focus, and ideological resonance with the electorate makes it difficult for the Congress to gain a foothold in Pilibhit.To improve its prospects, the Congress would need to strengthen its local leadership, build a more robust organizational presence, and effectively address the specific needs and aspirations of Pilibhit’s voters. Lets have a historical look on this constituency Historical and Geographical Context: Pilibhit Lok Sabha constituency, located in the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, holds significant political and cultural importance. Established in 1952, it has been a key player in the political landscape of the region. Geographically, Pilibhit is bordered by the Himalayan foothills to the north and is known for its rich biodiversity, including the Pilibhit Tiger Reserve. The constituency covers parts of Pilibhit district, which is characterized by its fertile plains and extensive agricultural activities. Demographics and Socio-Economic Profile: Pilibhit constituency has a diverse demographic profile with a mix of urban and rural populations. The primary language spoken is Hindi, with a significant portion of the population also fluent in Urdu and Punjabi. The socio-economic profile of the region is primarily agrarian, with sugarcane, wheat, and rice being the main crops. The constituency also boasts a significant number of small and medium enterprises, particularly in the sugar and rice milling industries. Political Landscape: Pilibhit has been a battleground for several prominent political figures. Historically, it has been a stronghold of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), with Varun Gandhi, a notable member of the Gandhi family, representing the constituency in multiple terms. The political dynamics in Pilibhit are influenced by caste equations, agrarian issues, and the personal charisma of political leaders. The electorate in Pilibhit has shown a preference for leaders who can address local issues such as water scarcity, agricultural support, and infrastructure development. Election Dynamics: Elections in Pilibhit are characterized by high voter turnout and competitive campaigns. The constituency has witnessed a blend of traditional door-to-door campaigning and modern social media outreach. Issues like development, education, healthcare, and employment dominate the election discourse. The youth, constituting a significant portion of the electorate, play a crucial role in shaping the election outcomes, often swayed by development promises and employment opportunities. The Indian National Congress faces several challenges in winning the Pilibhit Lok Sabha constituency, which has historically been a stronghold of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Here are the key reasons: Strong BJP Presence: Pilibhit has consistently leaned towards the BJP, making it a challenging territory for the Congress. The BJP has built a strong voter base over the years. Figures like Varun Gandhi, a prominent BJP politician and member of the Nehru-Gandhi family, have significantly influenced the constituency. His personal appeal and work in the area have bolstered the BJP’s position. Political Dynamics: The BJP has effectively mobilized dominant caste groups and other communities in Pilibhit. The party’s strategies and alliances with local leaders have strengthened its voter base. The BJP’s promotion of Hindutva resonates well in Pilibhit, which has a significant Hindu population. This ideological alignment attracts voters who might be less inclined to support the Congress. Organizational Strength: The BJP’s organizational structure in Pilibhit is robust, ensuring effective mobilization during elections. The party’s grassroots presence and active local units give it an edge over the Congress. The BJP’s efficient and well-funded election campaigns often outmatch those of the Congress. Their strategic use of social media and local outreach plays a crucial role in voter engagement. BJP representatives in Pilibhit have focused on local development issues, such as improving infrastructure, water management, and agricultural support. This focus resonates with the electorate, enhancing the party’s appeal. Congress’s Weaknesses: The Congress has struggled to field strong, charismatic leaders in Pilibhit who can rival the BJP’s candidates. This leadership gap affects the party’s ability to connect with voters. Compared to the BJP, the Congress’s local organizational structure is weaker. This limits its ability to effectively mobilize voters and run comprehensive election campaigns. Socio-political Context: The evolving demographics in Pilibhit, with a younger and more aspirational electorate, may align more with the BJP’s development and economic narratives than the Congress’s traditional rhetoric. List of MPs In the first parliamentary election, the Praja Socialist Party (PSP) won this seat thrice. Later, in the following elections, Indian National Congress (INC) and its participatory parties have won this seat four times. From 1989 onwards, Menaka Gandhi (a member of Nehru-Gandhi family) has kept this seat under her influence. She has won this seat by contesting on the tickets of different parties or independently. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won Pilibhit parliamentary constituency in 1991 parliamentary elections defeating Janata Dal’s Maneka Gandhi, in the Ayodhya wave aftermath; by 2004, Menaka Gandhi had joined BJP and she won this seat that year on BJP’s ticket. She contested successfully from Aonla in 2009 but returned to Pilibhit in 2014. Pilibhit parliamentary constituency is one of a few constituencies in India, which have sent a woman to the Indian Parliament for more than five time Mukund Lal Agrawal: He was Member of Parliament in the first Lok Sabha from Pilibhit Constituency elected in 1952 as an Indian National Congress representative. His father was Kanhai Lal, a prominent sahukar and social worker in the city of Pilibhit. Agrawal attended High School and Intermediate at Government High School, Pilibhit, which is currently known as Drumand Boys’ Government Intermediate College. He was a member of the Indian National Congress. In the 1952 general election, Agrawal was elected as the first Member of Parliament from Pilibhit constituency, gaining 43.11% of the vote as an INC candidate and defeating his rival contender from the Socialist Party, who gained 22.58% of the votes. Kunwar Mohan Swarup: He was Member of Parliament in the second (1957), third (1962), and fourth (1967) Lok Sabha on Praja Socialist Party’s ticket and again in fifth Lok Sabha (1971–77) as a member of Congress Party from Pilibhit Constituency. In 1977, he contested the seat again on Indian National Congress’s ticket but lost to Janata Party in the anti-Indira wave. Swarup was son of Kunwar Shambhu Sahai, a prominent freedom fighter and social worker from Sahora village. Swarup was educated at Bareilly College, in Bareilly and married Shanti Devi in May 1940 at the age of 22. The couple had four sons and two daughters. Swarup was associated with the Praja Socialist Party (PSP) until 1970. He held various posts and committee memberships. Md Shamsul Hasan Khan: He was an Indian politician who was a Member of Parliament in the sixth Lok Sabha, elected from the Pilibhit constituency in 1977 as a candidate of the Bharatiya Lok Dal. Khan was son of Mohd. Badrul Hasan Khan, who was the nawab of Sherpur Reasat in the former princely state of Rampur. Khan was educated initially at the village school in Sherpur Kalan, of which he later became president. Khan joined the Indian National Congress as member of All-India Congress Committee (O) and was president of the District Congress Committee (O) for six years. Khan was a prominent agriculturist from Pilibhit, and was also a member of Farmers’ forum of India. Khan was elected as a Member of Parliament for the Sixth Lok Sabha from Pilibhit constituency with 71.32 per cent of the vote as a Bharatiya Lok Dal candidate, defeating a rival representing the Indian National Congress. Harish Kumar Gangwar: He was a Member of Parliament in the seventh Lok Sabha from Pilibhit constituency elected in 1980 on Indian National Congress ticket. HGangawar attended primary school in Teolia Village, and attended High School and Intermediate class in Bareilly city, after which he joined Bareilly College, Bareilly for Bachelor of Arts. After passing the same he joined Masters of Arts from Bareilly College, Bareilly. after that he successfully completed B.T. course from Bareilly College, Bareilly. Then he joined L.L.B. from Bareilly College, Bareilly and after completing the same, he started practising Law as a profession in the city of Bareilly. At initial, he joined Bhartiya Jan Sangh and elected for President of Gram Sabha, Teolia village several times during 1950–60. But with due course of time, he joined Congress (I), and elected for Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly in 1962 form Bareilly legislative seat and again in 1974 from the same Bareilly legislative seat. He was elected as seventh Member of Parliament from Pilibhit constituency with 40.42% votes on Congress (I)’s ticket and defeated his rival contender who was from Janata Party and received 25.34% votes in the general election held in 1980.Apart from this, he was ex-director of Sugar Cane Co-operative Society, Bareilly and Manager of Patel Inter College in Dhaura town in Bareilly district. He also held the position of Member in the Committee on Subordinate Legislation. Bhanu Pratap Singh: He was Member of Parliament in the eighth Lok Sabha from Pilibhit Constituency elected in 1984 on Congress (I)’s ticket. He is an agriculturist by profession and a Member of district Congress Committee, Bareilly since 1964. He was elected as General Secretary, district Congress Committee for 1967–72. He has also served as Deputy Minister for Agriculture, Dairy and Animal Husbandry, Government of Uttar Pradesh in 1972 and Minister of State for Agriculture, Animal Husbandry and Sugarcane in 1980 and Cabinet Minister for Sugarcane, Excise and Revenue and Agriculture, Dairy, Gardening and Excise Department in 1980. He was the Member of Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly for 1969-74 and 1980–84. He was elected as eighth Member of Parliament from Pilibhit Constituency with 63.84% votes on Congress (I)’s ticket and defeated his rival contender who was from Bharatiya Lok Dal and received 23.39% votes in the general election held in 1984. Maneka Gandhi: She is an Indian politician, animal rights activist, and environmentalist. She is a member of the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian parliament and a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). She is the widow of Indian politician Sanjay Gandhi. She has been a minister in four governments, most recently in Narendra Modi’s government from May 2014 to May 2019. She also authored a number of books in the areas of etymology, law and animal rights. Maneka’s relationship with Indira Gandhi gradually disintegrated after Sanjay’s death and they would continually argue with one another. As she had a fallout with Indira Gandhi, on 3 April 1983, she founded the Rashtriya Sanjay Manch along with Akbar Ahmad. The party primarily focused on youth empowerment and employment. It won four out of five seats in the Elections in Andhra Pradesh. Gandhi contested the Amethi constituency from Uttar Pradesh for the 1984 general election for the Lok Sabha, but lost to Rajiv Gandhi. In 1988, she joined V. P. Singh’s Janata Dal Party and became the General Secretary. In the 1989 Indian general election, Gandhi won her first election to Parliament and became a Minister of State as the Minister for Environment. As a matter of fact, she contested from Pilibhit constituency and emerged victorious at a record number of six where she fought from Janata Dal and won the seat in independently in 1989 and 1996. She fought independently in 1998 and 1999 while in 2004 and 2014, she contested from BJP and won the seat. Varun Gandhi: He is an Indian politician and a third-term Member of Parliament for Lok Sabha from the Pilibhit constituency. He is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party and was inducted into Rajnath Singh’s team in March 2012 as General Secretary. He belongs to the Nehru–Gandhi family, which has occupied a prominent place in the politics of India since a time before the country’s independence in 1947. Gandhi was first introduced to the Pilibhit constituency by his mother during the 1999 election campaigning. Maneka had been a part of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) since earlier but she and Varun formally joined BJP in 2004. Varun Gandhi campaigned for the party in the 2004 elections, covering over 40 constituencies. In the 2009 general election, the BJP decided to field Varun Gandhi as its candidate from the Pilibhit constituency instead of his mother Maneka Gandhi. He won the seat by receiving 419,539 votes and defeated his nearest contending candidate, V.M. Singh, by a margin of 281,501 votes. The victory was the strongest of any of the four Gandhi family candidates in the election: his mother Maneka Gandhi, aunt Sonia Gandhi and first cousin Rahul Gandhi. The security deposits of all other candidates, including those of V.M. Singh of the Indian National Congress and the Bahujan Samaj Party candidate Ganga Charan Rajput were forfeited.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-saffron-citadel-pilibhit/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[A HARD NUT TO CRACK FOR BJP: CHHINDWARA]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/a-hard-nut-to-crack-for-bjp-chhindwara/ Chhindwara Lok Sabha constituency in Madhya Pradesh is a tough nut to crack for Bhartiya Janata Party because it has long been considered a stronghold of Congress since Indian Independence. Chhindwara Lok Sabha constituency, located in the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh, holds significant political and historical importance. Renowned for its lush landscapes, rich cultural heritage, and vibrant political landscape, Chhindwara has remained a focal point in Indian politics for decades. Chhindwara Lok Sabha constituency in Madhya Pradesh has long been considered a stronghold of the Indian National Congress (INC). Several factors contribute to its status as a Congress bastion: Historical Legacy: Chhindwara has a historical association with the Congress party, dating back several decades. The constituency has consistently elected Congress candidates to the Lok Sabha, establishing a deep-rooted connection between the party and the electorate. Leadership of Prominent Congress Figures: Chhindwara was the parliamentary constituency of prominent Congress leaders such as Shri Kamal Nath. Kamal Nath, a veteran politician and former Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, represented the seat multiple times, further cementing the Congress party’s stronghold in the region. Strong Grassroots Support: The Congress party has cultivated a strong grassroots network in Chhindwara, engaging with the local community and addressing their concerns effectively. Party workers and leaders have maintained close ties with the electorate, fostering a sense of trust and loyalty among voters. Social and Demographic Composition: Chhindwara constituency comprises a diverse demographic, including indigenous tribes, scheduled castes, and other backward classes. The Congress party has traditionally appealed to a broad spectrum of voters, with its inclusive policies and focus on social welfare resonating strongly with marginalized communities. Effective Mobilization and Campaigning: The Congress party has demonstrated a strategic approach to election campaigning in Chhindwara, mobilizing resources effectively and reaching out to voters through various channels. Door-to-door canvassing, public rallies, and outreach programs have been instrumental in consolidating support for the party. Absence of Strong Opposition: In Chhindwara, the Congress party has often faced relatively weak opposition from rival political parties. The lack of a strong alternative has further bolstered the Congress’ electoral prospects in the constituency. Overall, the combination of historical legacy, effective leadership, grassroots support, and strategic campaigning has contributed to Chhindwara’s status as a Congress bastion. However, it’s essential to note that political dynamics can evolve over time, and the electoral landscape may witness changes in the future. Let’s understand the constituency: Geographical and Demographic Profile: Chhindwara constituency spans across the Chhindwara district, which is situated in the southern part of Madhya Pradesh. The region is characterized by its diverse geography, encompassing fertile plains, dense forests, and hilly terrains. The district is primarily rural, with agriculture serving as the primary occupation for a majority of its inhabitants. The population comprises a mix of different communities, including indigenous tribes, scheduled castes, and other backward classes. Political Significance: Chhindwara Lok Sabha constituency holds immense political significance due to its association with prominent political leaders and parties. The constituency has long been considered a bastion of the Indian National Congress (INC), with the party’s stronghold extending over several decades. Notably, Chhindwara was the parliamentary constituency of former Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, Shri Kamal Nath, who represented the seat multiple times. Economic Landscape: Economically, Chhindwara is known for its agricultural productivity, with crops such as soybean, wheat, and lentils being cultivated in abundance. Additionally, the region is home to industries such as textiles, handloom, and forestry, which contribute significantly to its economy. The district also has reserves of coal and other minerals, providing employment opportunities in the mining sector. Social and Cultural Fabric: Chhindwara district boasts a rich cultural heritage, with a blend of traditional and modern influences. The region is home to various indigenous tribes, each with its distinct cultural practices, languages, and customs. Festivals such as Navratri, Diwali, and Holi are celebrated with great fervor, reflecting the vibrant cultural tapestry of the region. Additionally, Chhindwara is known for its handloom industry, producing exquisite fabrics and textiles that are renowned across the country. Challenges and Developmental Initiatives: Despite its natural beauty and cultural richness, Chhindwara faces several developmental challenges. Infrastructure development, including road connectivity and access to healthcare and education, remains a priority for the region. Additionally, issues such as unemployment, poverty, and environmental degradation pose significant challenges to the district’s progress. In recent years, various developmental initiatives have been undertaken to address these challenges. Efforts to improve infrastructure, promote education and healthcare, and enhance agricultural productivity have been initiated by the government and non-governmental organizations. Additionally, schemes aimed at empowering marginalized communities and promoting sustainable development have been implemented to uplift the socio-economic status of the region. Conclusion: Chhindwara Lok Sabha constituency embodies the essence of India’s diversity, with its rich cultural heritage, vibrant political landscape, and socio-economic complexities. As a symbol of resilience and progress, Chhindwara continues to chart its course towards development and prosperity, guided by the collective aspirations of its people and the visionary leadership of its representatives. List of MPs Raichandbhai N. Shah: He was an Indian politician and a member of Parliament in the 1st Lok Sabha in 1952 and represented Chhindwara constituency. He was affiliated with the Indian National Congress. Shah was born in Gagwa district, Jamnagar (Saurashtra) on 17 October 1917 to Narshibhai Shah. He obtained his education from Government High School, Betul, Madhya Pradesh. He participated in various nationwide movements against the British India rule, including in 1941 Civil Disobedience Movement for which he was imprisoned for 6 months, the Quit India Movement in 1942 for which he was imprisoned for 14 months. He served as vice chairperson of the Kasturba Gandhi National Memorial Trust for Chhindwara district, president Municipal Committee, Pandhurna in 1947, chair of Bangaon Nyay Panchayat in 1948 and district vice president of Gandhi National Memorial Fund Committee, Chhindwara. Bhikulal Chandok: He emerged victorious twice from Chhindwara Lok Sabha constituency. He was a member of Indian National Congress and was trusted by the voters not only in 1957 but he also garnered majority votes in 1962 general elections as well. Gargi Shankar Mishra: He was born on 1 January 1919 in Nagpur. He was an Indian politician and also a member of the 8th Lok Sabha, representing the Seoni (Lok Sabha constituency) of Madhya Pradesh. He was also elected as member of Lok Sabha the many times. He won general elections in 1967, 1971 and 1977. Alka Nath: Nath was born on 24 November 1951 is a political and social worker and a former member of parliament elected from the Chhindwara constituency as an Indian National Congress candidate. Alka was born on 24 November 1951 in Amritsar. She married to Kamal Nath, Congress’ veteran leader, on 27 January 1973 and has two sons Nakul Nath and Bakul Nath. Nath completed her Bachelor of Arts from Sacred Heart College, Dalhousie (Himachal Pradesh). Alka was elected to the 11th Lok Sabha in 1996. Sunder Lal Patwa: He was an Indian politician, who served as the 11th Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh and a cabinet minister in the Government of India. He was a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party. He was the only politician who defeated Congress strong man Kamal Nath in 1997 from Chhindwara constituency for member of parliament. He was born in the village of Kukreshwar located between Manasa and Rampura in the Neemuch District of Madhya Pradesh. He was awarded Padma Vibhushan, the second-highest civilian award, posthumously in 2017 by the Government of India. He was Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh twice, from 20 January 1980 to 17 February 1980 as member of Janata Party and from 5 March 1990 to 15 December 1992 as leader of Bharatiya Janta Party. He began his political career with Jana Sangh which merged with Janata Party in 1977. Later members owing allegiance to Jana Sangh’s Hindutva ideology broke away from Janata Party in 1980 to form Bharatiya Janata Party. He was first elected to Lok Sabha via by-poll in Chhindwara in 1997 by defeating Congress strongman Kamal Nath in his home turf. He lost from Chhindwara in 1998 General Election. In 1999, he was elected to the Lok Sabha from Narmadapuram constituency, and was minister in Atal Bihari Vajpayee Government from 1999 to 2001. As a legislator, he was known as strict disciplinarian. He was associated with Indore Rajya Praja Mandal since 1941, R.S.S. since 1942 and R.S.S. Vistarak, 1947–51. He was imprisoned for seven months for participating in R.S.S. movement in 1948 and was an active worker of Jana Sangh since 1951, Chairman of District Cooperative Bank, Director, State Cooperative Bank and State Cooperative Marketing Sangh and Treasurer, Jana Sangh from 1967 to 1974. He was detained under M.I.S.A. during Emergency from June 1975 to January 1977. He was awarded the “Vidhan Gaurav” in the All India Conference of Presiding Officers, 1989. He died on 28 December 2016 in Bhopal due to a heart attack at the age of 92 on 28 December 2016. Kamal Nath: He is an Indian politician and served as the 18th Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh for approximately 15 months and resigned after a political crisis. He was the Leader of the Opposition in the Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly from March 2020 to April 2022. As a leader of the Indian National Congress he has served as the Minister of Urban Development. He is one of the longest serving and most senior members of the Lok Sabha, the lower house of India’s bicameral Parliament. He was appointed the Pro Tem Speaker of the 16th Lok Sabha.[4] He has been elected nine times from the Chhindwara Lok Sabha constituency of Madhya Pradesh. Nath was elected president of the Madhya Pradesh Congress Committee in May 2018, leading the party in the November–December 2018 assembly election. He assumed the office of Chief Minister on 17 December 2018 and resigned on 20 March 2020 due to lack of majority in government. Nath was first elected to the 7th Lok Sabha in 1980. He was re-elected to the 8th Lok Sabha in 1984, the 9th Lok Sabha in 1989, and the 10th Lok Sabha in 1991. He was inducted into the Union Council of Ministers as Union Minister of State (Independent Charge) of Environment and Forests in June 1991. From 1995 to 1996 he served as Union Minister of State (Independent Charge) of Textiles. Nath was elected to the 12th Lok Sabha in 1998 and the 13th Lok Sabha in 1999. From 2001 to 2004, he was the General Secretary of the Indian National Congress (INC). He was re-elected to the 14th Lok Sabha in the 2004 elections and served as Union Cabinet Minister of Commerce and Industry from 2004 to 2009. On 16 May 2009 he again won the elections from his constituency for the 15th Lok Sabha and re-entered the Cabinet, this time as Union Minister of Road Transport and Highways.[6] In 2011, as a result of a cabinet reshuffle, Nath replaced Jaipal Reddy to take on the role of Minister of Urban Development. In October 2012 Nath was confirmed to the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs in addition to his current role as Minister of Urban Development. In late 2012 Nath replaced Pranab Mukherjee to help the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government win a crucial debate on foreign direct investment in India (FDI).[18] Nath also replaced Minister of Rural Development Jairam Ramesh as an ex officio member of the Planning Commission in December 2012 From 4 to 5 June 2014 Kamal Nath was the only member to have taken the official oath as a member of the newly elected 16th Lok Sabha, and was made the Pro Tem Speaker. The first day of the Lok Sabha, on which the Pro Tem Speaker normally administers the oath to all other elected members, was interrupted by the death of Union Cabinet Minister of Rural Development Gopinath Munde. The House was adjourned after paying tribute to Munde and observing a two-minute silence. Since no other elected member had taken the oath that day, they were not officially members of parliament. On 13 December 2018, Kamal Nath was elected as the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh after the INC emerged as the single largest party with 114 seats. On 28 April 2022, Kamal Nath stepped down from his position as Leader of Opposition in the Madhya Pradesh Assembly. Kamal Nath is a member of the INC (Indian National Congress) political party and served as general secretary from 2001 to 2004. Nath has close ties with the Nehru–Gandhi family, being young friends and schoolmates with Sanjay Gandhi at the Doon School, an independent boarding school located in Dehradun. Kamal Nath serves as president of the board of governors for The Institute of Management Technology (IMT) a management institution. He is Chairman of “Madhya Pradesh Child Development Council” and Patron to the Bharat Yuvak Samaj (Youth Wing of All India Bharat Seva Samaj). Kamal Nath was born in 1946 In Kanpur to Mahendra Nath and Lila Nath. He has two sister, Anita Puri and Rita Jolly.He married Alka Nath on 27 January 1973 and has two sons, Nakul Nath and Bakul Nath. The family has owned several successful businesses including real estate, aviation, plantations and hospitality. Alka Nath and Nakul Nath have both been elected to India’s parliament.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/a-hard-nut-to-crack-for-bjp-chhindwara/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Rich Blend of History, Culture and Politics]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/rich-blend-of-history-culture-and-politics/ It is a symbol of resilience. Its political significance equally significant. A holy city with its beautiful Golden Temple, a beacon of spirituality and architectural grandeur, to the haunting memories of the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, where the struggle for independence was written in blood, Amritsar has witnessed the triumphs and tragedies that have shaped the nation's destiny. The origins of this storied city can be traced back to the 16th century when Guru Ramdas, the fourth Sikh Guru, constructed a sacred pool, which later gave birth to the name "Amritsar," meaning the "pool of nectar." Despite facing devastation at the hands of Afghan and Mughal rulers, the resilient Sikh community's unwavering spirit and determination revived the city, transforming it into a symbol of resilience and perseverance. With the nation already in the midst of high-stakes general elections, excitement is running high. Everyone's waiting eagerly as the big day approaches when the people of Amritsar will cast their votes on June 1st. It's shaping up to be a crucial moment in our democratic journey, and all eyes are on this gripping electoral showdown in Amritsar. Amritsar's political significance is as glorious as its historical legacy. The Lok Sabha seat for this constituency has long been a coveted prize, witnessing intense battles between political heavyweights vying for the honor of representing this pivotal region. Since India's independence, the Indian National Congress (INC) party has dominated the Amritsar constituency, emerging victorious 12 times out of the total elections held. In the 2019 Lok Sabha election, Congress leader Gurjeet Singh Aujla triumphed over the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) candidate Hardeep Singh Puri, securing an impressive 4,45,032 votes against Puri's 3,45,406 votes. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) candidate, Kuldeep Singh Dhaliwal, garnered 20,087 votes in the same election. The voter turnout stood at a respectable 56.34%, reflecting the city's active political engagement and the electorate's determination to make their voices heard. However, the dynamics of Amritsar's political landscape have undergone a significant shift in recent years, reflecting the changing tides of public sentiment and the evolving socio-political climate. Prior to 1999, Hindu candidates held sway, winning 9 out of 14 elections (including by-elections), while Sikh candidates secured victory only 5 times. But the tide has turned, with the parties increasingly preferring to field Sikh candidates, and in the five Lok Sabha elections (including by-elections) held since 1999, Sikh candidates have emerged victorious every single time. The Amritsar Lok Sabha constituency encompasses 9 assembly segments: Ajnala, Raja Sansi, Amritsar North, Amritsar West, Amritsar Central, Amritsar East, Amritsar South, Attari, and Majitha. With a total of 860,582 registered voters, this constituency wields substantial influence in shaping the political landscape of Punjab and, by extension, the nation. A closer examination of the statistical intricacies reveals the ebbs and flows of electoral fortunes in Amritsar. In the 2014 Lok Sabha election, Congress stalwart Amarinder Singh emerged victorious over the BJP's Arun Jaitley, securing 4,82,876 votes (48% vote share) and defeating Jaitley, who garnered 3,80,106 votes (37.74% vote share), by a margin of over one lakh votes. After Amarinder Singh's ascension to the Chief Minister's office in Punjab, a by-election was necessitated for the Amritsar Lok Sabha seat in 2017. In this closely contested battle, Congress' Gurjeet Singh Aujla emerged triumphant over the BJP's Rajinder Mohan Singh Chhina, securing a substantial margin of 1,99,189 votes and cementing the party's hold on the constituency. Looking back at historical trends, the vote share in Amritsar has fluctuated between the two dominant parties, the Congress and the BJP. In 2019, the INC secured an impressive 51.78% of the vote share, while the BJP garnered 40.19%. In 2014, the INC's vote share stood at 47.94%, while the BJP trailed closely at 37.74%. Interestingly, in 2009, the tables were turned, with the BJP leading the pack at 48.13% and the INC following closely at 47.29%, reflecting the fluid nature of Amritsar's political landscape and the electorate's willingness to shift allegiances based on prevailing circumstances and issues. The voter turnout in Amritsar has also witnessed varying levels of participation over the years. In 2019, the turnout was 57.07%, while in 2014 and 2009, it stood higher at 68.18% and 65.63%, respectively. Notably, the percentage of NOTA (None of the Above) votes in the 2019 election was 1.02%, indicating a segment of voters dissatisfied with the available choices or seeking alternative options beyond the traditional political parties. As the nation gears up for the 2024 Lok Sabha election, scheduled for June 1st with the counting of votes on June 4th, there's a lot of excitement in Amritsar's political scene. The incumbent MP, Gurjeet Singh Aujla of the Congress party, is aiming for an unprecedented hat-trick, having secured consecutive victories in the 2017 by-poll and the 2019 general election. His bid for a third term will undoubtedly face fierce competition from the opposition parties. In a bid to reclaim the prestigious Amritsar Lok Sabha seat, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has fielded a formidable candidate – former diplomat and ambassador to the United States, Taranjit Singh Sandhu. Sandhu, who retired as the Indian envoy to the US in February and joined the BJP in March, brings a wealth of experience and diplomatic clout to the political arena, adding a new dimension to the contest. Ahead of his nomination, Sandhu had been a vocal advocate for establishing US consulates in Indian cities, playing a pivotal role in the opening of the Indian consulate in Seattle. His candidacy has undoubtedly added a new layer of intrigue to the political landscape of Amritsar, where his international experience and connections could resonate with voters seeking a broader perspective on governance. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which has been making significant inroads in Punjab's political sphere, has nominated Kuldeep Singh Dhaliwal, the Cabinet Minister and MLA from Ajnala, as their candidate for the Amritsar seat. Dhaliwal's candidacy represents the party's ambition to expand its footprint in the state and challenge the dominance of the Congress and BJP by offering a fresh alternative to the electorate. In the past general elections in Punjab, the BJP secured 2 seats with a 9.7% vote share, while the Congress emerged as the frontrunner with 8 seats and a 40.6% vote share. The Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) and AAP each won 1 seat, highlighting the growing political diversity in the state and the electorate's willingness to explore new options beyond the traditional parties. As the campaign trail heats up, the battle for Amritsar's Lok Sabha seat promises to be a closely watched contest, with each party leaving no stone unturned to sway the electorate. The city's rich history and political significance ensure that the outcome will reverberate across the nation, shaping the future course of governance and representation at the highest levels. Many important Indian politicians have represented the Amritsar Lok Sabha constituency. These include well-known figures like Gurmukh Singh Musafir (Indian National Congress), Navjot Singh Sidhu (who was once with the Bharatiya Janata Party), and Amarinder Singh (Indian National Congress) Their legacies have left an indelible mark on the city's political tapestry, serving as a reminder of the weight and responsibility that comes with representing this influential constituency. As the candidates from various parties hit the campaign trail, the citizens of Amritsar find themselves at a crossroads, weighing the promises and visions presented by each contender. The city's diverse electorate, comprising different communities and socio-economic strata, will undoubtedly play a pivotal role in shaping the outcome, with each segment of society bringing its unique concerns and priorities to the table. In the midst of all the noise from rallies and speeches, it's really important for voters to closely look at what the candidates have done before, what they plan to do, and how they want the city to grow. Issues such as infrastructure, healthcare, education, and employment will likely take center stage, as Amritsar strives to maintain its position as a thriving economic and cultural hub while addressing the pressing needs of its citizens. Voters will undoubtedly be seeking assurances and concrete plans from the candidates to tackle these fundamental concerns that directly impact their daily lives. As the sun sets on the Golden Temple, the city awaits with bated breath, eager to witness the dawn of a new political era that will shape its destiny for years to come. The combined opinions of the people in Amritsar, heard through voting, will reverberate across the nation, influencing the delicate balance of power in the hallowed halls of Parliament. Ultimately, the decision rests in the hands of the electorate, who will cast their votes based on a myriad of factors, including party allegiances, individual candidates' track records, and the pressing issues that resonate most deeply with their lived experiences. It is a momentous responsibility, one that will shape not only the future of Amritsar but also the trajectory of the nation as a whole. As the nation holds its collective breath, Amritsar stands poised to once again etch its name in the annals of India's political history, a testament to the enduring spirit of democracy and the power of the people's voice.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/rich-blend-of-history-culture-and-politics/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[The Constituency of Titans]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-constituency-of-titans/ New Delhi Lok Sabha constituency is one of the 7 Lok Sabha (parliamentary) constituencies in the Indian National Capital Territory of Delhi. This constituency came into existence in 1951. The New Delhi Lok Sabha constituency is a crucial political region within the larger framework of Indian politics. Representing the heart of the capital city, it holds significant influence both nationally and internationally. Here’s a detailed essay on the New Delhi Lok Sabha constituency Introduction: The New Delhi Lok Sabha constituency is one of the most prestigious parliamentary constituencies in India. It represents the political nerve center of the country, situated in the heart of the national capital, New Delhi. Comprising diverse demographics, including residential areas, commercial hubs, government institutions, and diplomatic enclaves, this constituency encapsulates the essence of Indian democracy and governance. Historical Background: The New Delhi constituency came into existence post-independence, as part of the democratic restructuring of India’s political landscape. Over the years, it has witnessed significant socio-political transformations, reflecting the evolving aspirations and concerns of its residents. From being a stronghold of traditional political parties to witnessing the rise of newer political formations, the constituency’s electoral dynamics have been dynamic and multifaceted. Demographics and Constituency Profile: The New Delhi Lok Sabha constituency encompasses a diverse range of demographics. From affluent residential areas like Lutyens’ Delhi to bustling commercial centers like Connaught Place and Karol Bagh, the constituency reflects the socio-economic diversity of urban India. Additionally, it houses numerous government institutions, including the Parliament, Prime Minister’s Office, and various ministries, making it a focal point of political activity. Moreover, the presence of diplomatic missions and international organizations adds a global dimension to the constituency’s profile, influencing its socio-political dynamics and policy priorities. The constituency is also home to a significant migrant population, comprising people from various states and backgrounds, further enriching its cultural fabric. Political Significance: Given its strategic location and symbolic importance, the New Delhi constituency holds immense political significance. The Member of Parliament (MP) representing this constituency not only voices the concerns of local residents but also plays a crucial role in national policymaking and governance. As the face of the capital city in Parliament, the MP is tasked with addressing a wide range of issues, including urban development, infrastructure, law and order, and public services. Moreover, being the seat of power, the New Delhi constituency often becomes a battleground for political parties seeking to assert their dominance at the national level. Elections here are keenly contested, with major political parties deploying significant resources and strategies to secure victory. The outcome of elections in this constituency is closely watched by observers, as it often reflects broader political trends and sentiments in the country. Key Issues and Challenges: Like any other urban constituency, New Delhi faces a myriad of challenges that require effective governance and policymaking. Urbanization, infrastructure development, traffic congestion, pollution, housing, and sanitation are some of the pressing issues that need attention. Additionally, the constituency grapples with issues such as security concerns, especially given its status as the political capital and the presence of diplomatic missions. Furthermore, the socio-economic disparities within the constituency highlight the need for inclusive development policies that cater to the needs of all sections of society. Ensuring equitable access to basic amenities and addressing the concerns of marginalized communities remain key priorities for policymakers and elected representatives. Conclusion: In conclusion, the New Delhi Lok Sabha constituency occupies a central position in India’s political landscape, symbolizing the aspirations and challenges of urban India. As a melting pot of cultures, ideologies, and interests, it embodies the diversity and dynamism of the country’s democratic ethos. Moving forward, effective governance, inclusive development, and responsive leadership will be crucial in addressing the myriad challenges facing the constituency and realizing its full potential as a beacon of progress and prosperity. KEY LOK SABHA MEMBERS Sucheta Kripalani: She was an Indian freedom fighter and politician. She was India’s first female Chief Minister, serving as the head of the Uttar Pradesh government from 1963 to 1967. For the first Lok Sabha elections in 1952, she contested from New Delhi on a KMPP ticket against Congress’ Man Mohani Sehgal. She had joined the short-lived party founded by her husband the year before. She defeated the Congress candidate Manmohini Sahgal. Five years later, she was reelected from the same constituency, but this time as the Congress candidate. She was elected one last time to the Lok Sabha in 1967, from Gonda constituency in Uttar Pradesh. When Congress split in 1969, she left the party with Morarji Desai faction to form NCO.[citation needed] She lost 1971 election as NCO candidate from Faizabad (Lok Sabha constituency). She retired from politics in 1971 and remained in seclusion till her death in 1974. Balraj Madhok: He was an Indian political activist and politician from Jammu. In 1951, Madhok joined Shyama Prasad Mookerjee in the formation of what later become the political party of the Sangh Parivar, the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. The Bengal branch of the Jana Sangh was established by Mookerjee on 23 April 1951 and the Panjab and Delhi branch was established by Madhok a month later, on 27 May 1951. Madhok served as the secretary of the Panjab branch and later, a member of the Working Committee of the national organisation. He was part of the RSS-dominated Working Committee of the Jana Sangh in 1954, which ensured the ouster of the traditional politician wing led by the President M. C. Sharma. The Delhi branch of the party was dissolved and then reconstituted with RSS pracharaks at the helm. Madhok continued to be active in the Delhi branch of Jana Sangh, and won the Lok Sabha seat for Delhi in 1961. In 1966–67, Madhok rose to become the President of the Jana Sangh. He led the party in the general election of 1967, when the party won 35 seats in the Lok Sabha, its highest tally. Madhok tried to create a coalition of rightist forces along with the Swatantra Party. He saw the split in the Congress party in 1969 as an opportunity to expand the role of Jana Sangh. However, the strategy was opposed by A. B. Vajpayee, who represented the hardline RSS faction inside the party. Madhok denounced what he called the party’s `leftist’ leanings and the influence of the RSS on its functioning. His stand led to his marginalisation in the party. In 1973, L.K. Advani, who became the president, expelled Madhok from the party for three years. Atal Bihari Vajpayee: Vajpayee was an Indian politician and poet who served three terms as the 10th Prime Minister of India, first for a term of 13 days in 1996, then for a period of 13 months from 1998 to 1999, followed by a full term from 1999 to 2004. He was the first non-Indian National Congress prime minister to serve a full term in the office. Vajpayee was one of the co-founders and a senior leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party. He was a member of the RSS, a Hindu nationalist volunteer organisation. He was also a Hindi poet and a writer. He was a member of the Indian Parliament for over five decades, having been elected ten times to the Lok Sabha, the lower house, and twice to the Rajya Sabha, the upper house. He served as the Member of Parliament from the Lucknow constituency, retiring from active politics in 2009 due to health concerns. He was among the founding members of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, of which he was president from 1968 to 1972. The BJS merged with several other parties to form the Janata Party, which won the 1977 general election. In March 1977, Vajpayee became the Minister of External Affairs in the cabinet of Prime Minister, Morarji Desai. He resigned in 1979, and the Janata alliance collapsed soon after. Former members of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh formed the Bharatiya Janata Party in 1980, with Vajpayee its first president. The 1984 general elections were held in the wake of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s assassination by her Sikh bodyguards. While he had won the 1977 and the 1980 elections from New Delhi, Vajpayee shifted to his home town Gwalior for the election. He contested against of Congress’ Shashi Bhushan in 1977 and the same party’s C. M. Stephen in 1980. Lal Krishna Advani: He is an Indian politician who served as the 7th Deputy Prime Minister of India from 2002 to 2004. He is one of the co-founders of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and a member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a right-wing Hindu nationalist volunteer organization. He is the longest serving Minister of Home Affairs serving from 1998 to 2004. He is also the longest serving Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha. He was the prime ministerial candidate of the BJP during the 2009 general election. In 1977, Advani became the union minister for Information and Broadcasting and leader of the house in Rajya Sabha. In 1980, he was one of the founding members of the BJP along with Atal Bihari Vajpayee and served as the president of the party three times. He was elected to the Lok Sabha for the first time in 1989 where he served seven terms. In 1992, he was alleged to have been part of the Demolition of the Babri Masjid, but was acquitted by the courts due to lack of evidence. Following the same, he was one of the chief proponents of the movement to build a temple over the disputed Ram Janmabhoomi site in Ayodhya and the subsequent rise of Hindutva politics in the late 1990s. He has served as leader of opposition in both the houses. He was the minister of home affairs from 1998 to 2004 and deputy prime minister from 2002 to 2004. He served in the Indian parliament until 2019 and is credited for rise of BJP as a major political party. In 2015, he was awarded the Padma Vibhushan, India’s second highest civilian honour and in 2024, he was conferred with Bharat Ratna, India’s highest civilian honour. He was Member of Parliament from Nagpur Lok Sabha constituency twice in 1989 and 199. Rajesh Khanna: He was an Indian actor, film producer and politician who worked in Hindi films. Considered as one of the greatest and most successful actors in the history of Indian cinema, he is known as the first Superstar of Indian cinema. He was the highest-paid actor in Hindi cinema throughout the 1970s and 1980s.[5] His accolades include five Filmfare Awards, and in 2013, he was posthumously awarded the Padma Bhushan, India’s third highest civilian honour. He was a Member of Parliament in the 10th Lok Sabha from New Delhi Lok Sabha constituency between 1992 and 1996, elected in the 1992 New Delhi by-election as an Indian National Congress candidate. He was married to Dimple Kapadia in March 1973, eight months before her debut film Bobby was released and had two daughters from the marriage. Their elder daughter Twinkle Khanna is an actress who is married to actor Akshay Kumar, while they also have a younger daughter Rinke Khanna. Meenakshi Lekhi: He is an Indian politician and the current Minister of State for External Affairs and Culture of India from 7 July 2021. She is a Member of Parliament from New Delhi Parliamentary constituency in the 16th and 17th Lok Sabha from the Bharatiya Janata Party. She is also a lawyer in the Supreme Court of India. She won the high-profile New Delhi parliamentary constituency as a BJP candidate in the 2014 elections and was re-elected in 2019. In July 2016, she was appointed as chairperson of the Committee on Privileges of the Lok Sabha in Parliament. On 26 July 2019, Lok Sabha speaker Om Birla appointed Lekhi as a chairperson of parliamentary committee on Public Undertakings[4] and is continuing since then in that position. Besides writing articles in journals, periodicals and newspapers on socio-political issues, she participates in various television shows on matters on national and international importance. Lekhi writes ‘Forthwrite’, a fortnightly column in The Week magazine. With her equal command over English and Hindi, she comes as a good debater in the parliament where she has participated in numerous debates on matters of national importance in the Lok Sabha, such as debates on “intolerance” in India and the Triple Talaq Bill. She has also distinguished herself as an active participant in the various parliamentary processes and was awarded with the “Best Debut Women Parliamentarian” award by Lokmat in 2017.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-constituency-of-titans/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Nagpur: The Congress Bastion]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/nagpur-the-congress-bastion/ Post-independence, Nagpur continued its allegiance to the Congress, with the party dominating the electoral scene for years but saffron party is using all its might and succeeded to dent their votes from last two general polls. Nagpur Lok Sabha seat is one of the 48 Lok Sabha (parliamentary) constituencies of Maharashtra state in western India. This constituency is spread over Nagpur city and some part of Nagpur district. Nagpur Lok Sabha constituency is not just about the conventional political dynamics; it harbors a few quirky and unusual facets that add a unique flavor to its character. In essence, Nagpur Lok Sabha constituency transcends the mundane with its quirky blend of political prominence, fruity heritage, spiritual gatherings, historical oddities, climatic surprises, cultural amalgamation, and linguistic diversity. It’s a microcosm where the weird and the wonderful coexist, adding layers of fascination to its identity. Nagpur Lok Sabha constituency has seen its share of interesting parliamentarians over the years. Here are some facts about a few notable ones: Anasuyabai Kale: She was the first an Indian politician to get elected to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India, from Nagpur as a member of the Indian National Congress in 1952. She was re-elected as a member of the 2nd Lok Sabha in 1957. Prior to her election to the Lok Sabha, Kale had been a member of the Assembly of the Central Provinces and Berar, to which she was nominated in 1928. She also served in 1937 as Deputy Speaker of the Central Provinces Legislative Assembly. In 1948, she was president of the All India Women’s Conference. She was a descendant of The Diwan of Aundh state. She married into the cadet branch of Kale of Waghere, Nashik. She was educated at Hujur Paga High School and Fergusson College in Poona and then at Baroda College, Baroda. She was married to Purushottam Balakrishna Kale. She had three sons and two daughters. After winning Lok Sabha election from Nagpur in 1957, she died mid-term two years later. Jambuwantrao Dhote: Known for his independent political stance, Jambuwantrao Dhote was a Member of Parliament from Nagpur in 1971 and 1980 from Indian National Congress. He was Member of Parliament from Nagpur (Lok Sabha constituency) in 1971 to 5th Lok Sabha, defeating his Congress rival. When Indira Gandhi split Congress in January 1978, he joined her Congress(I) party. He was elected for second time from Nagpur in 1980 to 7th Lok Sabha as a Congress candidate. He was a vocal advocate for farmers’ rights and was known for his straightforward approach to issues affecting the common people. Apart from Politics, Datta Meghe has established a chain of CBSE Schools, Medical Colleges, Engineering Colleges, Hospitals, Banks, Spinning mills, IT firms in urban & especially rural areas to provide the best of facilities at extremely affordable rates. Dhote left Congress soon, and founded Vidharbha Janta Congress (VJC) Party on 9 September 2002. He was elected to Maharashtra Assembly 5 times. He was elected from Yavatmal in 1962 and 1967 elections as a Forward Bloc candidate, and in 1978 as Congress member. He died on 18 February 2017 due to a heart attack in Yavatmal. He can be remembered as the only ‘mass leader’ of Vidarbha to date. Vilas Muttemwar: A seasoned politician from the Congress party, Vilas Muttemwar served multiple terms as the Member of Parliament from Nagpur. He held portfolios like Minister of State for New and Renewable Energy and Minister of State for Finance. His contributions include efforts towards rural development and economic policies. In 2009 general elections, he received 3,15,148 votes against Banwarilal Purohit, who has managed to receive 2,90,749 votes. Muttemwar served as a member of the Lok Sabha representing the Nagpur Lok Sabha constituency several times. He is the only politician from Nagpur constituency who had been constantly elected as the Parliamentarian for seven times. He is the most revered and respected politician of his times. He served as the Minister of State in the Department of Rural Areas and Employment, Ministry of Rural Development and Minister of State in the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs under Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao between 1995 and 1996 and as Minister of State (Independent Charge) in the Ministry of Non-Conventional Energy Sources under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh from 23 May 2004 till 22 May 2009. Banwarilal Purohit: Before becoming the Governor of Tamil Nadu, Banwarilal Purohit was a Member of Parliament from Nagpur in 1984 and 1989. He has a long political career and has been associated with various parties over the years, including the Congress and the BJP. His tenure as an MP was marked by his involvement in issues related to education and social welfare. Purohit is an Indian politician who is serving as 29th Governor of Punjab, India and Administrator of Chandigarh from September 2021. He was the former Governor of Tamil Nadu from 2017 to 2021, and former Governor of Assam from 2016 to 2017. He is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party. He was a Member of Parliament from the Nagpur (Lok Sabha constituency) three times, twice as an Indian National Congress member, once as a BJP member. Datta Meghe: A prominent educationist and politician, Datta Meghe represented Nagpur in the Lok Sabha in 1991. He was known for his contributions to the field of education and healthcare, having established various educational institutions and hospitals in the region. Meghe is currently a leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party and former & senior member of Indian National Congress. He was elected to Lok Sabha as a member of Congress Party in Maharashtra state. He was a Member of the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Indian Parliament, representing Maharashtra, from April 2002 – 2008. Earlier he was Member of Legislative Council of Maharashtra from April 1978 to June 1991 for three times and also during 2001-April 2002. Nitin Gadkari: A prominent figure in Indian politics, Nitin Gadkari represented Nagpur in the Lok Sabha. Gadkari first time contested from Nagpur in 2014 and emerged victorious against Congress’ Vilas Muttemwar. In this election, Gadkari garnered 587,767 votes and Muttemwar received 3,02,919 votes. He again claimed victory in 2019 by defeating Nana Falgunrao Patole by a margin of 2,16,009 votes. Interestingly, Gadkari garnered a whopping 660,221 votes. For 2024, Gadkari is again contesting from the same constituency raising the hopes of the saffron party to claim the victory third time in a row. That will be a record for a non-Congress party into the bastion of the grand old party. Gadkari is a seasoned politician, who has held key ministerial positions, including Minister for Road Transport & Highways, Shipping, and Water Resources, River Development & Ganga Rejuvenation. Known for his focus on infrastructure development, he’s credited with initiatives like the Bharatmala project and Sagarmala project. He is an Indian politician from Maharashtra, who is the current Minister for Road Transport & Highways in the Government of India. He is also the longest serving Minister for Road Transport & Highways currently running his tenure for over nine years. Gadkari earlier served as the President of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) from 2009 to 2013. He is also known for his work as the Public Works Department Minister of the State of Maharashtra, where, under his leadership, a series of roads, highways and flyovers across the state were constructed. He currently represents the Nagpur constituency in the Lok Sabha and is a lawyer by occupation. He previously also served as a Minister in various departments which includes Water resources and River development, Shipping, Rural Development and MSME. During the cabinet reshuffle on 7 July 2021, the portfolio for the Ministry of MSME which was under him was reassigned to Narayan Rane, another BJP MP from Maharashtra as a part of cabinet expansion. He is often referred to as the “Expressway Man of India” by the media due to his initiation of the Mumbai-Pune Expressway and contributions to the development of expressways and other road infrastructure. The World Economic Forum has recognised him as the “pioneer of public–private partnership (PPP) in the road sector in India”. Under his tenure as Minister of Road and Transport, Indian highway network grew by 59% within 9 years. These parliamentarians have left their mark on Nagpur’s political landscape through their contributions to governance, policy-making, and public service, making them interesting figures in the constituency’s political history. Highlights of the Constituency The historical political landscape of Nagpur Lok Sabha constituency reflects a dynamic interplay of various political parties, leaders, and socio-economic factors. Here’s an overview: Pre-Independence Era: Before independence, Nagpur was a significant political center in Central India. It was part of the Central Provinces and Berar, a region under British colonial rule. The political landscape during this period was shaped by movements for self-governance, with leaders like Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Gopal Krishna Gokhale making their mark. Post-Independence: After independence, Nagpur Lok Sabha constituency emerged as a crucial political battleground. Initially, the Indian National Congress dominated the political scene, reflecting the broader national trend. Leaders like Dhananjayrao Gadgil, Nandatai Waghaye, and Vasantrao Naik were prominent figures from Nagpur who played significant roles in Congress politics. Emergence of Opposition: Over time, opposition parties gained ground in Nagpur. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its earlier avatar, the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, started making inroads. Leaders like Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Nitin Gadkari emerged as influential BJP figures in Nagpur and contributed to the party’s growth in the region. Regional Parties: Alongside national parties, regional parties and movements also influenced Nagpur’s political landscape. The Vidarbha region, including Nagpur, saw movements advocating for separate statehood or greater autonomy. This led to the emergence of regional parties and leaders who championed regional issues. Coalition Politics: The political landscape in Nagpur, like elsewhere in India, also witnessed coalition politics. Parties formed alliances or coalitions to maximize their electoral prospects. These alliances sometimes reshaped the traditional Congress versus Opposition narrative. Shifts in Power: The political landscape of Nagpur Lok Sabha constituency experienced shifts in power dynamics. While the Congress held sway for significant periods, the emergence of strong opposition parties like the BJP led to competitive electoral contests. Key Issues: Political discourse in Nagpur often revolved around issues like regional development, industrial growth, agriculture, infrastructure, and identity politics. Leaders and parties tailored their agendas to address these issues, influencing voter sentiments. Current Scenario: In recent years, the BJP has gained dominance in Nagpur Lok Sabha constituency. Leaders like Nitin Gadkari, who has a strong base in Nagpur, have played instrumental roles in the BJP’s electoral success in the region. Overall, the historical political landscape of Nagpur Lok Sabha constituency reflects a complex interplay of national and regional dynamics, party ideologies, leadership, and socio-economic factors, shaping the course of electoral politics over time.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/nagpur-the-congress-bastion/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Ephemeral Governments]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/ephemeral-governments/ The short-lived governments at the Centre in the history of India reflect the complex dynamics of its democracy, characterized by diverse political parties, competing interests, and constant realignments of power. The first elections to the Lok Sabha took place during 1951–52 and since then there were many incidences where the government at Centre failed to complete its tenure of 5 years. The shortest government tenure at the Centre in India refers to the duration a particular government remains in power at the federal level. This phenomenon often occurs due to various political, socio-economic, or constitutional factors. In the chronicles of India’s political history, there exist chapters marked by brevity, where governments rise and fall in the blink of an eye, leaving behind a trail of political intrigue and uncertainty. These short-lived tenures at the Centre, though fleeting, offer profound insights into the intricacies of Indian democracy, coalition dynamics, and the challenges of governance in a diverse and pluralistic society. The phenomenon of short-lived governments in India is not merely a footnote in its political chronicle but a reflection of deeper structural issues and systemic vulnerabilities. Coalition politics, while emblematic of India’s democratic ethos, often amplifies the fragility of governments, making them susceptible to the whims of smaller regional parties and individual ambitions. The absence of a clear parliamentary majority exacerbates this vulnerability, turning every policy decision into a delicate balancing act fraught with the risk of collapse. Let’s delve into the list of some of the shortest governments in India’s history and explore the reasons behind their brief tenures. Chaudhary Charan Singh Government (1979): His government holds the record for being the shortest tenure at the Centre, lasting merely 24 days from July 28 to August 28, 1979. It was a coalition government formed after the fall of the Morarji Desai-led Janata Party government. The government’s brief tenure was primarily due to the lack of a stable majority in the Lok Sabha. Charan Singh failed to gather enough support from various political factions, leading to his resignation. He is widely regarded as the “Champion of farmers” after his life has been dedicated to advocating for the wellbeing and rights of farmers. He was awarded Bharat Ratna, highest civilian award of Republic of India, for his contributions to agriculture sector especially in Uttar Pradesh. The Janata Party won the Lok Sabha elections in 1977, its MPs authorised the elder guiding lights of the movement, Jayaprakash Narayan and Acharya Kripalani to choose candidate for the post of Prime Minister. Morarji Desai was chosen and he named Singh Home Minister. Singh was asked to resign in June 1978 following disagreements with Desai, but was brought back to the cabinet as Deputy Prime Minister in January 1979. In 1979, the Janata government began to unravel over the issue of the dual loyalties of some members to Janata and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)—the Hindu nationalist, paramilitary organisation. Singh, who as the Union home minister during the previous year had ordered the Gandhis’ arrests, took advantage of this and started courting Indira Gandhi’s Congress (I) party. After a significant exodus from the Janata party to Singh’s faction, Morarji Desai resigned as prime minister in July 1979. Singh was appointed prime minister, by President Reddy, after Gandhi and Sanjay Gandhi promised Singh that Congress (I) would support his government from outside on certain conditions. Singh was sworn in as Prime Minister on 28 July 1979, with outside support from Indira Gandhi’s Congress (I) party and with Yeshwantrao Chavan of the Congress (Socialist) party as his Deputy Prime Minister. Chandra Shekhar Government (1990-1991): Chandra Shekhar’s government lasted for 226 days from November 10, 1990, to June 21, 1991. It was a minority government formed after the collapse of the National Front coalition government led by V.P. Singh. The government faced significant challenges due to internal dissensions and lacked adequate support from major political parties. Eventually, it fell when the Congress Party withdrew its support. He was also known as Jananayak, and served as the 8th Prime Minister of India. He headed a minority government of a breakaway faction of the Janata Dal with outside support from the Indian National Congress. He was the first Indian Prime Minister who had never held any prior government office. Shekhar was prime minister for seven months, the second shortest period after that of Charan Singh. Subramanian Swamy was instrumental in forming this government with the support of Congress. He also handled the portfolios of Defence and Home Affairs during this period. However, his government could not introduce a full budget because on 6 March 1991 Congress withdrew support during its formulation. As a result, Chandra Shekhar resigned the office of the prime minister after 15 days on 21 June. I.K. Gujral Government (1997-1998): The government led by I.K. Gujral lasted for 324 days from April 21, 1997, to March 19, 1998. It was formed after the collapse of the United Front government led by H.D. Deve Gowda. Gujral’s tenure was marked by political instability, with his government relying on the external support of the Congress Party. However, the withdrawal of support by the Congress Party led to the fall of his government. He became prime minister as the consensus candidate between others that included Lalu Prasad Yadav, Mulayam Singh Yadav; his government was supported by the INC from outside. In the early weeks of his tenure, the Central Bureau of Investigation asked for permission from the Governor of Bihar, A. R. Kidwai, to prosecute the state Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav in a corruption case related to the Fodder Scam, a move that Kidwai sanctioned. Even legal scholars said that Yadav could not escape prosecution. Subsequently, the demand for the resignation of Yadav was raised both from within and outside the United Front. United Front and Telugu Desam Party leader Chandrababu Naidu and Communist Party of India (Marxist) General Secretary Harkishen Singh Surjeet called for action against Yadav and for the resignation of other RJD members; while the same was said by JD members Sharad Yadav, H. D. Deve Gowda and Ram Vilas Paswan who called for the dismissal of accused RJD members Kanti Singh, Raghuvansh Prasad Singh and Captain Jai Narain Nishad. Though INC chairperson Sitaram Kesri offered minor calls for Yadav’s resignation, Yadav then offered Gujral support to run from any Lok Sabha constituency in Bihar to get his support. Gujral, however, was silent on the matter, but later controversially transferred the CBI director Joginder Singh, who was investigating the case against Yadav, and replaced him with R. C. Sharma, who said Gujral would directly control the CBI and that the pace of investigating many sensational cases “will definitely slacken now.” However, Yadav was still expelled from the party by JD leader Sharad Yadav, before forming his own Rashtriya Janata Dal in 1997. V.P. Singh Government (1989-1990): V.P. Singh’s government lasted for 343 days from December 2, 1989, to November 10, 1990. It came into power after the general elections in 1989, riding on the wave of anti-corruption sentiments with the promise of implementing the Mandal Commission recommendations. However, Singh’s decision to implement reservations for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in government jobs and educational institutions led to widespread protests and political unrest. The withdrawal of support by the BJP over the Mandal issue and subsequent loss of majority support in the Lok Sabha resulted in the fall of his government. Deve Gowda Government (1996-1997): H.D. Deve Gowda’s government lasted for 324 days from June 1, 1996, to April 21, 1997. It was formed after the collapse of the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led BJP government. Deve Gowda’s tenure was marked by challenges in managing the diverse coalition of regional parties comprising the United Front. The government faced criticism for its inability to address economic reforms adequately and maintain stability. Internal disagreements and power struggles within the coalition, coupled with external pressures, eventually led to the fall of his government. Atal Bihari Vajpayee Government (1996): Vajpayee’s government in 1996 lasted for only 13 days, from May 16 to May 28, 1996. It was formed after the general elections resulted in a hung parliament. Despite being the single largest party, the BJP-led coalition government failed to secure a majority and resigned before facing a vote of confidence. The lack of adeq zuate support from other parties led to the downfall of the government. During a BJP conference in Mumbai in November 1995, BJP President Advani declared that Vajpayee would be the party’s prime ministerial candidate in the forthcoming elections. Vajpayee himself was reported to be unhappy with the announcement, responding by saying that the party needed to win the election first. The BJP became the single largest party in Parliament in the 1996 general election, helped by religious polarisation across the country as a result of the demolition of the Babri Masjid. Indian president Shankar Dayal Sharma invited Vajpayee to form the government. Vajpayee was sworn in as the 10th prime minister of India, but the BJP failed to muster a majority among members of the Lok Sabha. Vajpayee resigned in less than two weeks, when it became clear that he did not have enough support to form a government. Vajpayee was an Indian politician and poet who served three terms as the 10th Prime Minister of India, first for a term of 13 days in 1996, then for a period of 13 months from 1998 to 1999, followed by a full term from 1999 to 2004. He was the first non-Indian National Congress prime minister to serve a full term in the office. Vajpayee was one of the co-founders and a senior leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party. He was a member of the RSS, a Hindu nationalist volunteer organisation. He was also a Hindi poet and a writer. Inder Kumar Gujral Government (1997-1998): Gujral’s government lasted for 332 days from April 21, 1997, to March 19, 1998. It was formed after the collapse of the H.D. Deve Gowda-led United Front government. Gujral’s tenure was marked by coalition politics and external support from the Congress Party. However, the withdrawal of support by the Congress Party eventually led to the fall of his government. Gujral became prime minister as the consensus candidate between others that included Lalu Prasad Yadav, Mulayam Singh Yadav; his government was supported by the INC from outside. In the early weeks of his tenure, the Central Bureau of Investigation asked for permission from the Governor of Bihar, A. R. Kidwai, to prosecute the state Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav in a corruption case related to the Fodder Scam, a move that Kidwai sanctioned. Even legal scholars said that Yadav could not escape prosecution. Subsequently, the demand for the resignation of Yadav was raised both from within and outside the United Front. United Front and Telugu Desam Party leader Chandrababu Naidu and Communist Party of India (Marxist) General Secretary Harkishen Singh Surjeet called for action against Yadav and for the resignation of other RJD members; while the same was said by JD members Sharad Yadav, H. D. Deve Gowda and Ram Vilas Paswan who called for the dismissal of accused RJD members Kanti Singh, Raghuvansh Prasad Singh and Captain Jai Narain Nishad. Though INC chairperson Sitaram Kesri offered minor calls for Yadav’s resignation, Yadav then offered Gujral support to run from any Lok Sabha constituency in Bihar to get his support. Gujral, however, was silent on the matter, but later controversially transferred the CBI director Joginder Singh, who was investigating the case against Yadav, and replaced him with R. C. Sharma, who said Gujral would directly control the CBI and that the pace of investigating many sensational cases “will definitely slacken now.” However, Yadav was still expelled from the party by JD leader Sharad Yadav, before forming his own Rashtriya Janata Dal in 1997. These short duration governments can be attributed to various factors, including political instability, coalition dynamics, lack of majority support in the parliament, and the inability to fulfill promises or manage crises effectively. Additionally, the complexities of India’s multi-party democracy often lead to frequent changes in government, especially when alliances are fragile or based on opportunistic arrangements. These brief tenures underscore the challenges of governance in a diverse and pluralistic democracy like India, where coalition politics often dictate the stability and longevity of governments at the Centre.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/ephemeral-governments/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Rich Legacy of Gandhinagar]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/rich-legacy-of-gandhinagar/ Established in 1967, this prestigious parliamentary seat has witnessed the rise and fall of political titans, shaping the course of the state's and the nation's history. The Gandhinagar Lok Sabha constituency, nestled in the heart of Gujarat, is a testament to India's rich democratic heritage. Established in 1967, this prestigious parliamentary seat has witnessed the rise and fall of political titans, shaping the course of the state's and the nation's history. As the nation gears up for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, Gandhinagar finds itself at the epicenter of political discourse, drawing attention to its diverse electorate and the fierce battles that have defined its legacy. This is a constituency comprising 7 assembly segments Gandhinagar North, Kalol, Sanand, Ghatlodia, Vejalpur, Naranpura, and Sabarmati. It's an urban-dominated constituency with 79% urban electorate and 21% rural electorate. The Gandhinagar Lok Sabha constituency boasts a diverse voter base, encompassing urban professionals, government employees, and the rural population. Beyond its political significance, the city is renowned for its cultural festivals, verdant spaces, and architectural marvels like the Akshardham temple. From Congress to BJP's Citadel In its early years, the Gandhinagar Lok Sabha seat was a stronghold of the Indian National Congress (INC). Somchandbhai Solanki, the inaugural Member of Parliament (MP) from this constituency, served as a beacon of Congress' influence from 1967 to 1977. However, the political landscape shifted in 1977 when a non-congress MP Purushottam Ganesh Mavalankar was elected on the ticket of the Janta Party. Again, in 1980, Amrit Mohanal Patel from Congress and GI Patel from Congress in 1984 succeeded in winning the seat but this was the last time Congress attained this seat. After that, the seat became the citadel of the BJP in 1989 when Shankersinh Vaghela, a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), emerged victorious, marking the beginning of a new era. Since that pivotal moment, the BJP has maintained an unwavering grip on the Gandhinagar constituency, winning ten consecutive elections from 1989 to 2019. This unbroken streak is a testament to the party's deep-rooted connection with the electorate and its ability to resonate with the aspirations of the diverse populace. In 1996, Vajpayee contested from both Gandhinagar and Lucknow. After winning from both seats, Vajpayee chose to retain the Lucknow seat. Following this, in the by-election held for the Gandhinagar seat, the Congress fielded Bollywood superstar Rajesh Khanna against BJP's Vijay Patel but lost. In 1998, the Congress fielded P.K. Datta, a former Director General of Police from Gujarat, against Advani. In 1999, the Congress fielded Sheshan against Advani, who was serving as the Chief Election Commissioner and was known for his tough stance. Sheshan lost but put up a strong fight. Major Winners The Gandhinagar Lok Sabha seat has been graced by some of India's most influential political figures, leaving an indelible mark on the nation's history. Lal Krishna Advani, a stalwart of the BJP, won the constituency six times, from 1991 to 2014, barring 1996, when the late Atal Bihari Vajpayee, another BJP luminary and former Prime Minister, contested and emerged victorious. Advani's six-term tenure solidifies Gandhinagar's significance in the BJP's political narrative, while Vajpayee's victory further underscores the seat's importance. Additionally, the constituency has been represented by notable figures like Shankersinh Vaghela, who later became the Chief Minister of Gujarat, and Amit Shah, the current Union Home Minister and a formidable force in Indian politics. Chief Minister Bhupendra Patel, who represents the Ghatlodia Assembly segment within Gandhinagar, was among the campaigners for Shah. Diverse Electorate: A Reflection of India's Plurality Gandhinagar's electorate is a microcosm of India's rich cultural tapestry, comprising individuals from various religious, caste, and socio-economic backgrounds. According to the 2019 data, the constituency boasts a total of 19,45,772 voters, with a staggering 86% residing in urban areas and 14% in rural regions. The religious composition of the constituency is Hindu dominant, with Hindus constituting 92.86% of the population, followed by Muslims (4.1%), Jains (2.21%), Christians (0.58%), Sikhs (0.19%), and Buddhists (0.06%). Additionally, Gandhinagar is home to a significant Scheduled Caste (SC) population of 8.3% and a Scheduled Tribe (ST) population of 1.4%. (As per 2019 ) This diversity in the electorate presents a unique challenge for political parties, requiring them to craft inclusive and nuanced strategies that resonate with the aspirations of various segments of the population. Congress' Fading Foothold Despite its early dominance in Gandhinagar, the Congress party has struggled to regain its foothold in recent times. In 2014, LK Advani's victory was resounding, with a total of 773,539 votes in his favor. His Indian National Congress (INC) counterpart, Kiritbhai Ishvarbhai Patel, trailed significantly behind, underscoring the BJP's dominance in the constituency. Fast forward to 2019, in the Lok Sabha elections, the party's candidate, Chatursingh Javanji Chavda, garnered only 26.6% of the votes, while Amit Shah secured a resounding victory with 69.58% of the vote share. He won by a huge margin of over 5.5 lakh votes. This setback for the Congress highlights the party's waning influence in a once-stronghold, as the BJP's grip on the constituency has only strengthened over the years. The BJP's ability to connect with the diverse electorate, coupled with its development-focused agenda and the charisma of its leaders, has contributed to its sustained dominance in Gandhinagar. Emerging Challengers The Gandhinagar Lok Sabha seat holds immense importance for the BJP, serving as a symbolic bastion of its political might in Gujarat. The party's unbroken winning streak since 1989 has solidified its dominance in the state, and the constituency has become a source of pride for the BJP's cadres. Moreover, the seat's diverse voter base, comprising both urban and rural populations, presents an opportunity for the party to showcase its inclusive agenda and broad appeal. By retaining Gandhinagar, the BJP not only reinforces its commitment to the people of Gujarat but also sends a strong message about its unwavering political prowess. However, the BJP's dominance is not without challenges. The Congress, buoyed by its historical presence in the state, may seize the opportunity to reclaim its lost ground by fielding a strong candidate with deep local roots. Additionally, the entry of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) into Gujarat's political arena could potentially disrupt the traditional power dynamics, adding an intriguing dimension to the electoral contest. However, Amit Shah is more popular as compared to his predecessor. As the Home Minister, he is engaged in several duties, but even after that, he manages to attend the event every month. Women from his family visit the constituency frequently to know the conditions and the problems of the residents. Challenges and Opportunities As the nation gears up for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the Gandhinagar constituency will once again take center stage. The BJP, buoyed by its past successes and the incumbent Amit Shah's popularity, is expected to mount a formidable campaign. However, complacency could prove costly, as the Congress and other emerging political forces may seize the opportunity to challenge the BJP's dominance. This time the Congress fielded its All India Congress Committee (AICC) secretary Sonal Patel who contested in the Gujarat Assembly 2022 election from Naranpura but lost. For the Congress and the AAP, the road ahead is arduous, but not insurmountable. By presenting a compelling vision for development, addressing the concerns of the diverse electorate, and capitalizing on any potential dissatisfaction or anti-incumbency sentiments, these parties may yet reclaim a foothold in Gandhinagar. As per data from the Election Commission of India, in the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections, Gandhinagar had a total of 1,945,772 voters. Among them, 1,004,291 were male, 941,434 were female, and 47 identified as third gender. Additionally, there were 8,637 postal votes and 623 service voters (584 men and 39 women). In the previous election of 2014, Gandhinagar had 1,733,972 voters. Of these, 900,744 were male, 833,210 were female, and 18 belonged to the 'others' category. There were also 8,358 postal votes and 895 service voters (723 men and 172 women). In the Lok Sabha elections held in Gandhinagar, 14,214 individuals opted for the "None of the Above" (NOTA) option on their ballots in 2019, constituting 1.11% of the total voters. Similarly, in 2014, 12,777 voters, accounting for 1.12% of the total, chose the NOTA option in the same constituency. Gandhinagar Voter Turnout During the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections, 12,84,090 valid votes were cast, marking a turnout of 65.99%. In comparison, the 2014 elections saw 11,35,495 valid votes, with a turnout of 65.49% in this constituency." As the nation eagerly awaits the results of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, In the high-stakes political battleground of Gandhinagar, a fierce contest has unfolded between the Congress party's spirited challenge and the formidable incumbent, Amit Shah of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). With voting concluded on May 7th, the nation now finds itself in a state of bated breath, anxiously awaiting the results set to be announced on June 4th. Political pundits and analysts have painted a daunting picture for the Congress, suggesting that toppling Shah, the current Union Home Minister, from his stronghold in Gandhinagar will be an uphill battle. Shah's towering reputation, coupled with the BJP's deep-rooted connection with the constituency's diverse electorate, has solidified his position as the frontrunner. However, the Congress party has left no stone unturned in its pursuit to reclaim lost ground, mounting a spirited campaign that has resonated with sections of the populace. As the clock ticks down to the announcement of results, the air is thick with anticipation and speculation, with both parties leaving no room for complacency. Regardless of the eventual outcome, the Gandhinagar contest has once again underscored the vibrancy of India's democratic fabric, where no seat is taken for granted, and every vote carries the weight of a nation's aspirations. It is a testament to the enduring spirit of political discourse, where ideologies clash, strategies are debated, and the will of the people reigns supreme. In the days leading up to the results, both parties will undoubtedly be on tenterhooks, with their fortunes hanging in the balance. Yet, in the grand tapestry of India's democracy, the Gandhinagar constituency has etched its name as a crucible of political transformation, where the winds of change can shift at any moment, and where the future of the nation is shaped, one vote at a time.  ]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/rich-legacy-of-gandhinagar/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[WHEN TITANS LOSE THE ELECTORAL BATTLE]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/when-titans-lose-the-electoral-battle/ In the rich history of Indian democracy, there have been instances where the seemingly invincible pillars of political prowess faced unexpected defeats in Lok Sabha elections. These moments, akin to seismic shifts in the political landscape, not only redefine power dynamics but also underscore the vibrancy and unpredictability inherent in the democratic process. These instances of political titans facing unexpected defeats in Lok Sabha elections serve as poignant reminders of the fluidity and unpredictability inherent in democratic processes. They underscore the fundamental principle that electoral outcomes are shaped not only by the charisma and legacy of leaders but also by the dynamic interplay of local factors, voter sentiments, and shifting political alliances. In the vibrant mosaic of Indian democracy, where power ebbs and flows with the tide of public opinion, even the mightiest among political giants are not immune to the winds of change. History of elections in India is as eventful as it is colourful. Given below is a list of the ten most shocking results in the history of Lok Sabha elections. Ambedkar loses in Bombay City (North)– 1951-52 Ambedkar, the most important man behind the Indian Constitution, the undisputed leader of the Scheduled Castes. He stood for election from Bombay (North) in the first Lok Sabha election in ’51-52 and lost. Not only did he lose, he stood fourth in the race. The seat was taken by Vithal Balkrishna Gandhi of the Congress. On 27 September, 1951, Ambedkar resigned from Nehru's cabinet ministry after Hindu code bill was defeated in parliament. He contested in the Bombay North first Indian General Election of 1952, but lost to his former assistant and Congress Party candidate Narayan Sadoba Kajrolkar. Ambedkar became a member of Rajya Sabha, probably an appointed member. He tried to enter Lok Sabha again in the by-election of 1954 from Bhandara, but he placed third (the Congress Party won). By the time of the second general election in 1957, Ambedkar had died. It is a strange phenomenon of India’s democracy that one of the country’s most distinguished sons could not win a popular election Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar is one of the tallest personalities from India’s freedom struggle. He was 22 years younger than MK Gandhi, and was born into a Dalit family on April 14, 1891. He earned two doctorates in economics, from Columbia University, USA, and London School of Economics. He studied law at Gray’s Inn and became Bar-at-Law, ie a barrister. At his time he was probably the most academically qualified Indian living in England. He was chairman of the Drafting Committee, and is rightly called one of the chief architects of India’s constitution. This is one of the finest such documents in the world. The Election Commission of India itself was born one day before the Republic of India. The EC had to educate the people about this novel experiment called democracy and elections. The first general elections to Lok Sabha and provincial assemblies were held between October 1951 and February 1952, and was then “the biggest experiment in democracy in history”, according to Sukumar Sen, India’s first chief election commissioner. However, in that noise and din of the first parliamentary election we did see an anomalous outcome. That was the defeat of Dr Ambedkar himself. He stood from Bombay North Central constituency from the Scheduled Caste Federation party (which later become the Republican Party of India). He faced a quadrangular fight, with a relatively unknown Congress candidate, Narayan Sadoba Kajrolkar, and candidates from Communist Party and the Hindu Mahasabha. The only party that supported Ambedkar was the Socialists under Ashok Mehta. But SA Dange of the CPI campaigned bitterly against Ambedkar, thus causing a bitter rift between Communists and Dalits, some of which is felt to this day. Kajrolkar himself had been an assistant to Ambedkar, and was also from the backward classes. Such was the force of the Nehru wave that Kajrolkar won by 15,000 votes, and Ambdekar came fourth in that race. It is a strange phenomenon of India’s democracy, that one of its most distinguished sons, highly accomplished academically, a scholar and fearless leader and champion of the rights of the downtrodden, could not win a popular election. In fact Dr Ambedkar lost again, when he stood for a seat from Bhandara, in a bye election in 1954. Since he died in December 1956, it was too late for him to have contested India’s second parliamentary elections of 1957. He, of course, entered Parliament as member of the Rajya Sabha. Raj Narain defeats Indira Gandhi– 1977 The Lok Sabha election of 1977 brought the country’s first non-Congress government to power. Indira Gandhi’s popularity after the 1971 war was dealt big blows by the students’ movement in Gujarat and Jayaprakash Narayan’s call for Total Revolution. When in 1975, Allahabad High Court set aside her election in 1971 on grounds of electoral malpractice, Indira responded by imposing the Emergency. In the election held after the Emergency was lifted, the people handed her a crushing defeat, and Morarji Desai became Prime Minister. Raj Narain is unarguably the most famous giant-killer, so to speak, in the history of Indian politics, and his defeat of Indira Gandhi in 1977 Lok Sabha polls from Rae Bareli constituency is perhaps the most well-known election result in the history of democratic India. As is well known, it was Raj Narain who had filed a petition in the Allahabad High Court which eventually led to a situation where the prime minister could not vote in the proceedings of the Lok Sabha. In the massive anti-Indira wave in 1977, Raj Narain completed his victory over Indira by inflicting an electoral defeat on her after a legal one in 1975. Minoo Masani loses in Rajkot– 1971 Foremost leader of the Swatantra party and one of the strongest voices against the socialism of the times, Minoo Masani had to face defeat in the electoral arena in 1971. He was defeated by over 60, 000 votes by Ghanshyambhai Oza of the Congress. Minocher Rustom "Minoo" Masani, born on 20 November 1905, was an Indian politician, a leading figure of the erstwhile Swatantra Party. He was a three-time Member of Parliament, representing Gujarat's Rajkot constituency in the second, third and fourth Lok Sabha. He won a bye election from Rajkot as a Swatantra party candidate. He represented Rajkot until 1971. He was one of the few politicians who opposed the nationalisation of banks by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. Swatantra's party was India's single-largest opposition party in Parliament and Masani being its leader in Loksabha, initiated debate on finance bills and forced the Congress government to work rigorously. A collection of his speeches were published as Congress Misrule and Swatantra Alternative. In 1971 general elections Swatantra party did not perform well and he resigned the position of the party president. After 1971 he kept writing and editing his magazine Freedom First. This put him against the Congress Government when the government issued a censorship order on the magazine. He fought the order in court and won. Narasimha Rao loses in 1984 The BJP won only two seats in 1984. In one of those seats, its candidate defeated someone who would go on to be the prime minister in seven year’s time. Narasimha Rao lost the Hanamkonda seat at a time when a deluge of sympathy for the Congress had swept across the country. The seat was won by Chandupatla Janga Reddy. The only other seat the BJP won in this election was Mehsana in Gujarat where its candidate A.K Patel emerged victorious. BJP’s Chendupatla Janga Reddy, won the seat by 54,198 votes and garnered 263,762 votes while Rao received 209,564 votes in 1984. Rao, was an Indian lawyer, statesman and politician who served as the 9th prime minister of India from 1991 to 1996. He was the first person from South India and second person from non-Hindi speaking background to be the prime minister. He is especially known for introducing various liberal reforms to India's economy by recruiting Manmohan Singh as the finance minister to rescue the state from going towards bankruptcy during the economic crisis of 1991. Future prime ministers, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh, continued the economic reform policies pioneered by Rao's government. His achievements include steering India through the 1991 economic crisis, completing a tenure with a minority government, establishing diplomatic relations with Israel, starting India's Look East policy, rekindling India's nuclear programme, defeating the 1994 United Nations resolution against India, effectively handling and crushing insurgency in Punjab, tough policy against terrorism in Kashmir, and opening partial diplomatic relations with Taiwan. In 2024, he was posthumously awarded the Bharat Ratna, India's highest civilian award by the Indian government. Somnath Chatterjee loses Jadavpur– 1984 In 1984, the stalwart of the Communist party, Somnath Chatterjee lost in Jadavpur to a leader of the Bengal unit of the Congress– Mamata Banerjee. That would not be the only time Mamata would defeat the Communists in Bengal. Congress contested from Mamata Banerjee and garnered 331,618 votes, which were 50.87% of total votes in the constituency. On the other hand, CPI (M) contestant Chatterjee received 311,958 votes which are 47.85% of the total votes in 1984. The victory margin was very narrow and created headlines when Chatterjee was lost to Mamata Banerjee. Chatterjee was a member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) from 1968 to 2008. He became a Member of the Lok Sabha in 1971 when he was elected the first time as CPM (Marxist Communist) candidate from Burdwan (Lok Sabha constituency).[6] Subsequently, he was re-elected nine times, except once when he lost to Banerjee in the Jadavpur Lok Sabha constituency in 1984. From 1989 until 2004 he was the leader of his party in the Lok Sabha. He was elected for the tenth time in 2004 as a member of the 14th Lok Sabha from Bolpur Lok Sabha constituency, which is considered to be a CPI(M) stronghold. Following the 2004 election, he was appointed the pro tem speaker and subsequently on 4 June 2004 he was unanimously elected as the Speaker of the 14th Lok Sabha. Vajpayee loses Gwalior– 1984 Many non-Congress stalwarts were swept away in 1984. This included Atal Bihari Vajpayee. He was defeated in Gwalior by a margin of close to two lakh votes by Madhavrao Scindia. Congress’ contestant from Gwalior Madhav Rao Scindia received 307,735 votes while Vajpayee received less than half votes at 132,141 in 1984. Vajpayee was Prime Minister of India in 1996 and from 1998 till 2004. He was the leader of Bhartiya Janata Party from 1989 to 2004. He was elected ten times to Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian parliament. He also served as a member of Rajya Sabha, the upper house for two terms. Vajpayee was elected to the Indian parliament for the first time in 1957 representing Balrampur. He was further elected to the Lok Sabha nine times from 1967 to 2004 with the only exception of 1984. CK Jaffer Sharief loses in Bangalore (North)– 2004 Congress stalwart and former Union Railways Minister lost to HT Sangliana, who was contesting only his first election in 2004. BJP’s Dr. H. T. Sangliana won 473,502 votes in the 2004 general election from Bangalore North constituency and defeated Sharief, who received 4,43,144 votes. Sharief was one of the senior most Indian National Congress leaders. He was the Railways Minister of the Government of India from 1991 until 1995. He started his career in the Indian National Congress under Nijalingappa. After a split in the Congress, he took the side of Indira Gandhi. In 1980 as Railways minister, he was instrumental in gauge conversion of railways in the state, where all or most of the different gauges of tracks were converted to broad gauges, and thereby saving Railways a lot of money. He was also instrumental in getting the Wheel and Axle Plant in Bangalore. In 2012, Sharief was cleared by the Supreme Court of charges relating to expenditure on a trip to London for medical treatment. Sharief had taken several ministry officials with him, which the court found was not inappropriate. Corruption charges were leveled against him during his tenure as Railway Minister. Deve Gowda loses in Kanakpura– 2004 Former prime minister Deve Gowda was in a shock in 2004 when Tejashwini See Ramesh of the Congress defeated him in Kanakpura by over a lakh votes. In 2004, Janata Dal (Secular) contestant H. D. Devegowda received 581,709 votes and Congress contestant D. K. Shivakumar garnered 5,29,133 votes. He was an Indian politician who served as the 11th prime minister of India from 1 June 1996 to 21 April 1997. He was previously the 14th Chief Minister of Karnataka from 1994 to 1996. He presently is a Member of Parliament in the Rajya Sabha representing Karnataka. He is the national president of the Janata Dal (Secular) party. Born in a farming family, he joined the Indian National Congress party in 1953, and remained a member until 1962. He was imprisoned during the Emergency. He became President of the state unit of Janata Dal in 1994, and was considered to be a driving force in the party's victory in Karnataka. He served as the 8th Chief Minister of Karnataka from 1994 to 1996. In the 1996 general elections, no party won enough seats to form a government. When the United Front, a coalition of regional parties, formed the central government with the support of the Congress, Deve Gowda was unexpectedly chosen to head the government and was elected Prime Minister. During his tenure as prime minister, he also served as Home Minister for some time. His prime ministerial tenure lasted for less than a year. After his prime ministerial tenure, he was elected to the 12th (1998), 14th (2004), 15th, and 16th Lok Sabha, as Member of Parliament for the Hassan Lok Sabha constituency. He lost Lok Sabha elections in 2019 from Tumkuru but has been elected to Rajya Sabha since. BK Handique loses Jorhat– 2014 Six-time MP from the Congress, Bijoy Krishna Handique was in for a shock in 2014 when Kamakhya Prasad Tasa of the BJP defeated him by a margin of 102,420 votes. Handique was an Indian politician who was a member of the 15th Lok Sabha of India. He represented the Jorhat constituency of Assam and was a member of the Indian National Congress (INC) political party. He was the only son of Krishna Kanta Handique, a renowned Indologist. Handique was a senior Member of Parliament from the North Eastern Region and represented the Jorhat Lok Sabha, Assam for six consecutive terms since 1991 to 2009. He also served as a Rajya Sabha member from 1980 to 1986. He had been elected to the Assam State Assembly in 1972 from the Jorhat constituency. Arun Jaitley defeated in Amritsar– 2014 In an election marked by the Modi wave, it was his close aide, Arun Jaitley, who was the only one amongst the senior leaders of the party to not win a Lok Sabha seat. Congress’ contestant Captain Amarinder Singh gained 4,82,876 votes in 2017 Amritsar Lok Sabha polls while shockingly BJP’s contestant and veteran leader Arun Jaitley garnered 3,80,106 votes. A member of the Bharatiya Janata Party, Jaitley served as the Minister of Finance and Corporate Affairs of the Government of India from 2014 to 2019. Jaitley previously held the cabinet portfolios of Finance, Defence, Corporate Affairs, Commerce and Industry, and Law and Justice in the Vajpayee government and Narendra Modi government. From 2009 to 2014, he served as the Leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha. He was a Senior Advocate of the Supreme Court of India. He was chosen as the Leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha on 3 June 2009 by L.K. Advani. As the leader of opposition in Rajya Sabha, he participated in the debates on the Women's Reservation Bill in the Rajya Sabha and also supported Anna Hazare in his 2011 Indian anti-corruption movement for the Jan Lokpal Bill. He successfully introduced the 84th amendment to the Constitution of India in 2002, freezing parliamentary seats until 2026, and the ninety-first amendment to the Constitution of India in 2004, penalising defections. However, being in the party since 1980, he never contested any direct election until 2014. He was the BJP candidate for the Amritsar seat in the Lok Sabha (replacing Navjot Singh Sidhu) for the 2014 general election, but lost to the Indian National Congress candidate Amarinder Singh. He was elected as a Rajya Sabha member from Gujarat. He was re-elected to the Rajya Sabha from Uttar Pradesh in March 2018.  ]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/when-titans-lose-the-electoral-battle/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Elections in the spiritual capital]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/elections-in-the-spiritual-capital/ Varanasi, one of the oldest inhabited cities globally, is a crucial Lok Sabha constituency. Post India’s independence, the constituency was a stronghold of Congress, and now is turning into a BJP bastion. Varanasi, also known as Banaras and Kashi, holds immense religious and cultural significance in Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism. It is one of the oldest inhabited cities globally and a crucial Lok Sabha constituency. Currently represented by Prime Minister Narendra Modi of the BJP, Varanasi has been a stronghold for the party. The Lok Sabha constituency comprises five assembly constituencies - Rohaniya, Varanasi North, Varanasi South, Varanasi Cantt, and Sevapuri. Varanasi has a population of approximately 37 lakh according to the 2011 census. According to mythological tales, Varanasi was established around 5,000 years ago, and it finds mentions in various Hindu scriptures like the Skanda Purana, Ramayana, Mahabharata, and the Rigveda. In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, As a parliamentary constituency, Varanasi has both contemporary political importance and deep historical roots. Let’s deep dive to know its electoral history today: Historical Significance: Varanasi is one of the constituencies in 80-seat Uttar Pradesh. As per the estimates of 2011 census, out of total 22,51,773 population 34.54% is rural and 65.46% is urban population. The Scheduled castes (SC) and Scheduled tribes (ST) ratio is 10.13 and 0.74, respectively out of total population. As per the voter list of 2017, there are 1775890 electorates and 1718 polling stations in this constituency. Voter turnout in the 2014 Parliamentary election was 58.35% where as it was 42.61% in 2009 Parliamentary Election. The BJP, the BSP, the INC and the SP got 56.37%, 5.88%, 7.34% and 4.39% votes respectively in 2014-parliamentary election while 30.52%, 27.94%, 9.98% and 18.61% in 2009-parliamentary election respectively. Narendra Modi (BJP) is the present Lok Sabha MP of Varanasi Parliamentary Constituency - Lok Sabha. Congress won the seat for seven times and while BJP emerged out victorious for six time while Janata Party claimed the seat only once. Raghunath Singh: He was an Indian politician Indian National Congress leader and was the first Member of Parliament from Varanasi. He belonged to a village Khewali, Lok Sabha from Varanasi, being elected in 1952, 1957 and 1962. He was the Chairman of Hindustan Zinc Limited in 1968. He was the Chairman of Shipping Corporation of India in 1977. He was born in Khewali, Varanasi and died on 26 April 1992 in Varanasi, India. Satyanarayan Singh: He was an Indian politician and served as the Member of Parliament for Varanasi, in Uttar Pradesh, from 1967 to 1971, and was a member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) political party. He was born in Khajurahvan, Jaunpur district in UP. His father was Aditya Narayan Singh. He received his early education in Deoband (UP) but soon quit his education to become a full-time politician. Raja Ram Shastri: Shastri was an Indian educationist who was elected in the 1971 Indian general election as a Member of Parliament (MP) from Varanasi during the 5th Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India. He was a professor and subsequently Vice-Chancellor of the Kashi Vidyapeeth from 1964 - 1971. He was the grandson of Rai Bahadur Thakur Jaiswal. He served as a member of first National Commission on Labour and received Padma Vibhushan in 1991, the second highest civilian honor of India. He died in New Delhi on 21 August 1991, aged 87 Chandra Shekhar: He contested from Janata Party and won the Varanasi Lok Sabha constituency in 1977 elections. He was the only MP from Janata Party. Kamalapati Tripathi: He was an Indian politician, writer, journalist, and freedom fighter. He was a senior Indian National Congress leader from Varanasi constituency. He served as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh (1969–1970) as well as Union Minister for Railways. He was the only executive president of Indian National Congress, serving from 1983 to 1986. Shyam Lal Yadav: He was born on 1 May 1927 and was an Indian politician. He was the Deputy Chairman of the Rajya Sabha and was Member of Parliament in the 8th Lok Sabha. Yadav represented the Varanasi constituency of Uttar Pradesh and was a member of the Indian National Congress (INC) political party Anil Kumar Shastri: He is an Indian politician and a senior leader of the Indian National Congress. He is known for his outspoken views. Presently, he is Chairman of the Hindi Department in All India Congress Committee. He was elected to the ninth Lok Sabha from Varanasi in 1989 as member of Janata Dal and was a Minister in the Ministry of Finance, Govt. of India. Anil Shastri was born in Lucknow to Lal Bahadur Shastri, a former Prime Minister of India and Lalita Shastri. He also served as the union minister in the ministry of finance. He is an alumnus of St. Columba’s School, Delhi and St. Stephen’s College, Delhi. He completed his Advanced Management Programme at Ashridge Business School, now part of Hult International Business School. Shrish Chandra Dikshit: He was an Indian Politician and Member of Parliament in the 10th Lok Sabha. Dikshit represented the Varanasi constituency of Uttar Pradesh and was a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party political party. He died in April 2014. In 1984, Dikshit became a member of VHP. Due to his association with VHP and involvement with the Ram Janmabhoomi movement, in 1990 he was arrested and detained. Shankar Prasad Jaiswal: He was an Indian politician and was Member of Parliament for three consecutive terms in the 11th, 12th & 13th Lok Sabhas. Jaiswal represented the Varanasi constituency of Uttar Pradesh and was a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party political party. Although he was elected for three straight terms, he remained in office for a total of eight years only (from 1996 to 2004). Prior to becoming MP, he was also a member of Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly (1969–1974) and held charge of whip in Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly (1969–1970). During his political career, Jaiswal also held several party positions in the Bharatiya Janata Party. Jaiswal was born in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh in 1932. His highest attained educational qualification is Matriculation degree. Before entering politics, he was a social worker. He died in 2016. Rajesh Kumar Mishra: He is a politician from Varanasi, India. He served as a member of the 14th Lok Sabha from Varanasi as a member of INC. He was also a candidate for 2022 Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly election in the seat of Varansi Cantonment. He joined BJP in 2024. He was born on 7 July 1950, in Deoria, Uttar Pradesh, and married Madhu Mishra in 1983. Dr. Murli Manohar Joshi: He is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of which he was the President between 1991 and 1993. Joshi is the former Member of Parliament from Kanpur Lok Sabha constituency. He is one of the senior most leaders of the BJP and one of the founding members. Joshi later became the Union Human Resources & Development Minister in the National Democratic Alliance government. Joshi was awarded Padma Vibhushan, the second-highest civilian award, in 2017 by the Government of India. Joshi has been a member of RSS since his college days. Joshi was a three-term M.P. from Allahabad before he was defeated in the Lok Sabha elections of May 2004. He won election to the 15th Lok Sabha from Varanasi as a BJP candidate. He also served as the home minister for 13 days government in 1996. Joshi was appointed as Chairman of the Manifesto Preparation Board of the BJP in 2009. He was honoured as “Proud Past Alumni” of Allahabad University by Allahabad University Alumni Association. He was a sitting MP from Varanasi and he vacated that seat for Narendra Modi in 2014 Lok Sabha Elections. He later contested from Kanpur and won from the constituency by a margin of 2.23 lac votes. Narendra Modi: Narendra Damodardas Modi is an Indian politician, who has served as the 14th prime minister of India since May 2014. Modi was the chief minister of Gujarat from 2001 to 2014 and is the Member of Parliament (MP) for Varanasi. He is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a right wing Hindu nationalist paramilitary volunteer organisation. He is the longest-serving prime minister from outside the Indian National Congress. In the 2014 Indian general election, Modi led the BJP to a parliamentary majority, the first for a party since 1984. Modi was a candidate for the Lok Sabha constituencies Varanasi and Vadodara. He won in both constituencies, defeating Aam Aadmi Party leader Arvind Kejriwal in Varanasi by 371,784 votes and Madhusudan Mistry of the Congress in Vadodara by 570,128 votes. India’s president appointed Modi, who was unanimously elected leader of the BJP, Prime Minister of India. To comply with the law prohibiting MPs from representing more than one constituency, he vacated the Vadodara seat. When Modi was contesting, voter turnout in the 2014 Parliamentary election was 58.35% where as it was 42.61% in 2009 Parliamentary election. Modi garnered 56.37% total votes in Varanasi while Congress candidate opponent Ajay Rai opponent received 7.3% votes in 2014-parliamentary election. However, AAP Chief Arvind Kejriwal also fought against Modi same year and managed to gain 20.3% votes. In 2019, Modi bagged 63.62% votes while his opponent Congress candidate Shalini Yadav received 18.40% votes.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/elections-in-the-spiritual-capital/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Rise & Fall of Dynastic Politics in Amethi]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/rise-fall-of-dynastic-politics-in-amethi/ This Parliamentary constituency is the cradle of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty's political journey. According to some, it has transformed the nation's political landscape. Amethi's connection with the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty took root in 1967 when Vidya Dhar Bajpai, representing the Indian National Congress (INC), became the first Member of Parliament from the constituency. This marked the beginning of a political lineage that would span generations and leave an indelible imprint on the region. The baton was passed to Sanjay Gandhi, the younger son of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who contested from Amethi in 1977 but faced defeat. However, in 1980, Sanjay emerged victorious, securing his first Lok Sabha election from the seat. Tragedy struck months later when he died in a plane crash, paving the way for his elder brother Rajiv Gandhi to win the Amethi constituency in a by-poll. Rajiv Gandhi went on to clinch Amethi for three consecutive terms, from 1981 to 1991. His tenure witnessed a significant influx of infrastructure projects and the establishment of key institutions, such as the Rajiv Gandhi Institute of Petroleum Technology, which propelled Amethi's development. These initiatives solidified the Nehru-Gandhi family's deep-rooted bond with the constituency. After Rajiv Gandhi's assassination in 1991, the political legacy in Amethi was carried forward by Satish Sharma, a loyal aide to the Gandhi family. Sharma won the seat in the 1991 by-poll and again in the 1996 general elections, ensuring the Congress' grip on the constituency remained firm. In 1999, Sonia Gandhi, Rajiv's widow, made her electoral debut from Amethi, securing a resounding victory for the party. She later shifted her political base to the neighboring Rae Bareli constituency in 2004, paving the way for her son, Rahul Gandhi, to make his electoral debut from Amethi. Rahul Gandhi went on to win the seat three times consecutively in 2004, 2009, and 2014, solidifying the family's hold over the region. For nearly four decades, Amethi remained a faithful bastion for the Congress party, with voters consistently rallying behind the Nehru-Gandhi family or their loyalists. The region witnessed a slew of developmental initiatives and infrastructure projects during this period, further cementing the bond between the dynasty and the constituency. However, this long-standing dominance was challenged in 2019 when Smriti Irani, the BJP's formidable candidate, achieved a historic victory by defeating Rahul Gandhi, marking a seismic shift in Amethi's political landscape. This detailed account highlights the deep-rooted connection between Amethi and the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty, spanning multiple generations and encompassing both electoral triumphs and personal tragedies. It underscores the significance of the BJP's breakthrough win in 2019, which shattered the perception of Amethi as an impregnable Congress fortress after decades of unwavering loyalty to the dynastic lineage. Congress’ Dominance: The Congress party has enjoyed a stronghold in the Amethi constituency of Uttar Pradesh, winning the seat 11 times in the 14 Lok Sabha elections held till date. The first Congress candidate to emerge victorious from Amethi was V D Bajpai in 1967 and 1971. In 1977, the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's younger son Sanjay Gandhi contested the seat for the first time but suffered a defeat. However, in 1980, Sanjay won his first Lok Sabha election from the constituency. After Sanjay's untimely demise, his elder brother Rajiv Gandhi won the seat in a bypoll. Rajiv Gandhi went on to clinch the Amethi constituency for three consecutive terms, securing a record 84.18% vote share in the 1981 bypoll, the highest ever for the Congress in Amethi. Following Rajiv's assassination in 1991, Satish Sharma, a loyalist of the Gandhi family, took over the seat, winning it in the 1991 bypoll and the 1996 Lok Sabha elections. Making her electoral debut in the 1999 polls from Amethi, Sonia Gandhi emerged victorious. She later switched to the neighboring Rae Bareli constituency in 2004, leaving the Amethi seat for her son Rahul Gandhi's electoral debut. Rahul Gandhi then won the Amethi seat three times, in 2004, 2009, and 2014, before facing a shocking defeat. The Congress party's dominance in Amethi can be attributed to the strong emotional connect of the Gandhi family with the region. The family's legacy and the charisma of its prominent leaders played a crucial role in swaying the voters' sentiments. However, in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP's Smriti Irani dealt a stunning blow to the Congress party by defeating Rahul Gandhi in Amethi, a seat considered a Gandhi bastion for decades. The Congress party's setback in Amethi was symbolic of the changing political dynamics in the country, where the traditional vote banks were no longer seen as impregnable fortresses. The defeat signaled a shift in the electorate's preferences and a growing disillusionment with the Congress party's leadership and governance. Despite the loss in Amethi, the Congress party remains a formidable force in Indian politics, with a rich history and a pan-India presence. However, the party faces the daunting task of regaining the trust of the masses and revamping its strategies to counter the rising tide of the BJP and other regional parties. The electoral battle in Amethi has not only been a contest between political rivals but also a clash of ideologies, narratives, and the allure of dynastic politics versus the promise of development and change. As the country gears up for future elections, the Congress party will need to introspect and adapt to the evolving political landscape, while the BJP will aim to consolidate its gains and expand its footprint across the nation. The BJP's Breakthrough: The 2019 Lok Sabha elections ushered in a seismic shift in Amethi's political landscape, as Smriti Irani, the BJP's formidable candidate, achieved what was once considered unthinkable – defeating Rahul Gandhi, the scion of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty, by a staggering margin of 55,120 votes. This victory not only shattered the perception of Amethi as an impregnable Congress fortress but also signaled a profound shift in the region's political dynamics. Irani's triumph was a testament to the BJP's unwavering determination to expand its footprint across the country, challenging even the most entrenched political bastions. Her relentless campaigning and connection with the local populace resonated deeply, striking a chord with voters who yearned for change and development. Irani's grassroots approach, her accessibility, and her commitment to addressing the pressing concerns of the people resonated with the electorate, who had grown disillusioned with the perceived neglect and unfulfilled promises of the Congress party. The BJP's victory in Amethi was also a reflection of the larger national narrative that had taken hold – a desire for strong and decisive leadership, coupled with a focus on development and governance. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's charismatic leadership and his party's emphasis on economic progress, infrastructure development, and social welfare schemes struck a chord with voters across the country, including in traditional Congress strongholds like Amethi. Irani's victory was not merely a personal triumph; it was a resounding endorsement of the BJP's ideological narrative and its ability to connect with the aspirations of the people. The party's aggressive campaigning, backed by a well-oiled organizational machinery and a cohesive messaging strategy, proved to be a formidable force in Amethi, where the Congress had long taken its support for granted. The aftermath of the 2019 elections saw the Congress party grappling with introspection and soul-searching. The loss of Amethi, a seat that had been a symbol of the party's dynastic legacy, was a bitter pill to swallow. It exposed the vulnerabilities of the party's traditional vote banks and the growing disconnect between the Gandhi family's perceived charisma and the changing aspirations of the electorate. For the BJP, the victory in Amethi was a crowning achievement, a clear indication of its rising popularity and its ability to transcend traditional boundaries. It reinforced the party's belief in its ideological principles and its commitment to delivering on its promises of development and governance. The triumph also served as a springboard for the party to further consolidate its position and expand its footprint in other regions where it had historically struggled to gain a foothold. The 2019 upheaval in Amethi was not merely a political battle; it was a paradigm shift, a realignment of political forces that challenged long-held assumptions and shook the very foundations of the Congress party's dominance. It ushered in a new era of political dynamics, where the electorate's aspirations and the promise of change took precedence over traditional loyalties and dynastic legacies. The High-Stakes Contest The Congress party has fielded its new candidate, 63-year-old Kishori Lal Sharma, a close Gandhi family aide going back to the time of Rajiv Gandhi, against the incumbent Cabinet Minister Smriti Irani in Amethi. However, the past rivalry between Irani and Rahul Gandhi has intensified tensions, leading Gandhi to not contest from Amethi this time. Despite Gandhi's absence, this election is considered a high-profile battle, as the Congress aims to reclaim its lost glory in the constituency, while the BJP strives to solidify its newfound dominance in the region. The heated war of words and political posturing from both sides have further escalated the stakes in this electoral contest. Smriti Irani's Relentless Attack: Smriti Irani, the incumbent MP and Union Minister, has been relentlessly attacking Rahul Gandhi, accusing him of neglecting Amethi's development during the 15 years he represented the constituency, even when the Congress was in power at the Centre. In an exclusive interview, Irani stated, "He (Rahul Gandhi) left Amethi in 2019 in search of a safer seat, which was Wayanad. He proclaimed his nomination in Wayanad as a member of their family." She further remarked, "Logo ko rang badalte dekhta tha, lekin parivaar badalte pehli baar dekh rahi hoon" (I had seen people changing colors, but this is the first time I have witnessed someone changing their family). Irani continued her scathing attack, saying, "I think today is also a wake-up call for the people of Wayanad because Rahul Gandhi cleverly did not declare his true intentions to the voters there. They have not only abandoned the Amethi seat but have also demonstrated to voters that their words cannot be trusted." Congress Fightback On the other side, the Congress party is determined to reclaim its former stronghold and has fielded Kishori Lal Sharma as its candidate from Amethi. However, Rahul Gandhi's decision not to contest from the constituency this time drew sharp criticism from Irani. The battle for Amethi has taken a personal turn, with both parties engaged in a heated war of words, making it a high-stakes contest for the upcoming general elections. A Historical Perspective: Vote Share Analysis In terms of vote share, the Congress has been dominant in Amethi, securing more than 50% of the votes in eight polls. The party's worst performance was in 1998 when it secured just 31.1% of the votes polled. Amethi's first Lok Sabha poll in 1967 was also the tightest contest in terms of votes polled, with just 2.07 percentage points separating the Congress winner from the runner-up Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), the BJP's erstwhile avatar. It was also the lowest winning vote share secured by the Congress. In 1977, the first time the Congress lost the Amethi seat, it won just 34.47% of the vote, well behind the Janata Party's 60.47%. In its other losses in 1998 and 2019, the contest was much closer, with 3.98 percentage points and 5.87 percentage points, respectively, separating the Congress from the winning BJP. Conclusion: The Essence of Democracy As India gears up for the 2024 general elections, the battle for Amethi stands as a testament to the vibrancy of the nation's democracy. This historic constituency, once a Congress bastion, has become a battleground where political fortunes will be forged and legacies etched. The significance of Amethi extends beyond its boundaries, serving as a symbolic struggle for the soul of Indian democracy. For the Congress, regaining control would reaffirm its connection with the people, while for the BJP, retaining it would solidify its position as a formidable force. Ultimately, the true protagonists are the people of Amethi themselves. Their voices carry the weight of aspirations and disillusionment. As campaigns blaze through the region, voters will scrutinize platforms and weigh commitments on development, employment, and amenities.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/rise-fall-of-dynastic-politics-in-amethi/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[The Epic Clash Between Sonia Gandhi and Sushma Swaraj]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-epic-clash-between-sonia-gandhi-and-sushma-swaraj/ In the high-stakes arena of Indian politics, few rivalries burned as intensely as the one between Sonia Gandhi and Sushma Swaraj. These two towering figures, representing the Indian National Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) respectively, engaged in a prolonged battle that transcended party lines and captivated the nation. Their conflict was deeply personal, fueled by allegations of divided loyalties, nationalist fervor, and clashing ambitions. This is the story of an unforgettable saga that left an indelible mark on India's political landscape. The 1999 Bellary Election: Where it All Began The year was 1999, and the stage was set for a dramatic showdown in the Bellary constituency of Karnataka. Sonia Gandhi, the formidable leader of the Congress, decided to contest the Lok Sabha elections from not one, but two constituencies - Bellary and her family's stronghold of Amethi in Uttar Pradesh. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) nominated Sushma Swaraj, their powerful speaker and the embodiment of the "ideal Indian woman," as a direct challenger to Sonia Gandhi in the Bellary constituency. The nomination process was shrouded in secrecy, with both leaders making last-minute rushes to file their papers. In a closely guarded secret, Sushma Swaraj flew into Bellary from Hyderabad on a special plane to submit her nomination documents. Similarly, Sonia Gandhi hurried to Ballari from Delhi, through Bengaluru along the way. Sonia Gandhi was accompanied by prominent party leaders like Ghulam Nabi Azad and S.M. Krishna, while Swaraj, whose candidacy was suggested by Ramakrishna Hegde, was joined by H.N. Ananth Kumar, the then Civil Aviation Minister, and M. Venkaiah Naidu, the BJP's General Secretary for Karnataka. The "Indian Daughter" vs the "Foreign Daughter-in-Law" From the outset, the battle lines were drawn between the "Indian daughter" and the "foreign daughter-in-law." With her big bindi, sindoor, and traditional attire, Sushma Swaraj portrayed herself as the perfect nationalistic contrast to Sonia Gandhi, whom the BJP derided as the "Italian-born" widow of former Prime Minister Late Rajiv Gandhi. In the 1999 Lok Sabha elections, Sushma Swaraj contested against Sonia Gandhi in the Bellary constituency of Karnataka. Despite facing defeat in the electoral contest, Swaraj famously remarked, "I lost the battle but won the war." a statement that encapsulated her resilient spirit and unwavering determination in the face of setbacks. The rivalry quickly escalated, transcending political differences and taking on personal undertones. Sushma may have lost the Bellary election, but she claimed a moral victory by helping the BJP breach the Congress stronghold in the region in 2004, When G. Karunakara Reddy, a member of the saffron party, won the Bellary Lok Sabha seat. The 2004 Prime Ministerial Controversy Swaraj faced defeat in Bellary in 1999, but the battle was revived in 2004, when the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) emerged victorious and won that year's general elections. Congress Party loyalists rallied behind Sonia Gandhi, urging her to take up the ministership. However, Sushma Swaraj's response was nothing short of explosive. In a highly emotional outburst, she vowed to live her entire life like a Hindu widow if the "foreigner" Sonia Gandhi became India's Prime Minister. Sushma threatened to shave her head, wear white, sleep on the floor, and and only eat chickpeas, claiming it would "hurt her sensibilities" if a non-native led the country after the sacrifices made during the freedom struggle.Instead, a foreigner, referring to Sonia Gandhi who was born in Italy, was selected. according to a News18 report. Sonia Gandhi ultimately nominated economist Manmohan Singh for the prime ministerial position, but the controversy had already ignited a firestorm of debate around questions of nationality, identity, and gender roles in public life. In later years, when questioned about her statement, Sushma Swaraj maintained an unapologetic stance, affirming that she would stand by her decision even if Sonia Gandhi were to assume the role of Prime Minister. If after 60 years of independence, we coronate another foreigner for the top job then it would have meant that 100 crore people were incapable... It would be hurting the sensibility of people. This was my purpose of fighting the Bellary elections and it was a mission for me. In Bellary, I lost the battle, but won the war," Sushma Swaraj was quoted by Economic Times. The War of Words Escalates The rivalry between Sonia Gandhi and Sushma Swaraj reached new heights as they engaged in a heated exchange marked by sharp remarks and personal jabs. .A notable incident occurred in August 2015 during a session of Parliament, where both Sonia and her son Rahul Gandhi were present. Sushma Swaraj, in a moment of pointed sarcasm, asked Rahul to "ask Mumma" about the fugitives who had fled India during the Congress rule. Sonia retaliated, calling Sushma an "expert" in theatrics. A Gradual Thawing of Tensions In 2011, a shift in the dynamic of the long-standing rivalry between Sonia Gandhi and Sushma Swaraj was noticeable. A moment of reconciliation emerged when Gandhi, during a Commonwealth lecture on women, lauded Swaraj as a “woman of substance.” This rare compliment marked the beginning of a period of relative stability in their parliamentary interactions. However, despite this newfound equilibrium, an undercurrent of tension persisted, subtly reminding of their contentious past. The intense rivalry finally came to an end with Sushma Swaraj's tragic demise in August 2019. Sonia Gandhi was deeply saddened by the loss, writing to Sushma's family, "I feel her loss greatly." In a poignant moment, Sonia was seen hugging Sushma's daughter Bansuri when she visited their home to pay her last respects. Following the passing of Sushma Swaraj in August 2019, Sonia Gandhi extended her condolences to Swaraj's family in a heartfelt letter, expressing, "I feel her loss greatly." During her visit to pay her respects, Sonia Gandhi was observed embracing Sushma Swaraj's daughter, Bansuri, in a poignant display of solidarity and support.  A Rivalry for the Ages The Sonia-Sushma saga was one of the most bitter personal and political feuds in Indian politics. Their conflict may have arisen from opposing ideologies, but it was fueled by allegations of divided loyalties, nationalistic insults, and clashes of individual ambition and ego. While their rivalry is over, it will be remembered as a clash between two of India's most powerful female leaders who each represented very different visions of Indian womanhood. Their confrontation energized their respective supporters and came to symbolize the fault lines in Indian society over issues of identity, nationality, and gender roles in public life. The rivalry between Sonia and Sushma mirrored the broader ideological clashes that have molded India's political landscape. It was a testament to the passion and intensity that can ignite when deeply held beliefs collide. Though time may have tempered the confrontation, its resonance persists, underscoring the enduring influence of personal convictions in politics..]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-epic-clash-between-sonia-gandhi-and-sushma-swaraj/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Social and Religious Reforms Journey of Transformed India]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/social-and-religious-reforms-journey-of-transformed-india/ Introduction : In the bustling streets of 19th-century India, a quiet revolution was taking shape. Amidst the rigid social structures and deeply rooted religious practices that had long defined the subcontinent, a new generation of reformers emerged, determined to challenge the status quo and usher in a new era of progress. These social and religious reform movements, spearheaded by visionary leaders, would go on to reshape the very fabric of Indian society, leaving an indelible mark on the country's trajectory. The Winds of Change The backdrop for this transformative era was a nation in flux. The colonial presence had introduced a host of modern ideas, from democracy and liberty to social and economic equality. These foreign concepts collided with the long-standing traditions and beliefs that had shaped Indian society for centuries, creating a palpable tension that could no longer be ignored. At the forefront of this transformation stood figures like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, and Dayanand Saraswati – pioneers who recognized the urgent need for change. Driven by a deep well of intellect and moral conviction, they embarked on a crusade to reform the ills that had long plagued the Indian landscape. The Reformist Movements:  The Brahmo Samaj One of the most influential reformist movements of the time was the Brahmo Samaj, founded by Raja Ram Mohan Roy in 1828. Rejecting the rigid dogma and ritualistic practices of traditional Hinduism, the Brahmo Samaj championed the worship of a single, eternal God, and advocated for a more rational and inclusive approach to spirituality. "Our aim is to free people from the shackles of superstition and bring them closer to the divine through meaningful contemplation and dialogue," Roy proclaimed, rallying a growing following of educated elites and social progressives. The Prarthana Samaj Alongside the Brahmo Samaj, other reformist organizations, such as the Prarthana Samaj in Bombay, joined the chorus for change. Led by figures like R.C. Bhandarkar and Justice Mahadev Govind Ranade, these groups targeted deeply entrenched social ills, from the caste system and child marriage to the lack of education for women and the oppression of the underprivileged. "We cannot hope to move forward as a nation if we continue to ignore the suffering of our fellow citizens," Ranade declared passionately. "It is our duty to challenge the injustices that have been normalized for far too long." The Revivalist Movements The reformist movements' impact was not limited to the social sphere alone. They also sought to revive and reinterpret India's rich cultural and religious heritage, drawing inspiration from the country's ancient texts and philosophies. The Arya Samaj, founded by Swami Dayanand Saraswati, championed a return to the "Vedic" roots of Hinduism, while the Deoband movement in northern India advocated for a more puritanical and socially conscious form of Islam. These revivalist movements, while distinct in their approaches, shared a common goal: to reclaim the true essence of their respective faiths and use it as a force for positive change. "We must not be shackled by the weight of tradition," Dayanand Saraswati argued. "Instead, we must embrace the timeless wisdom of our ancestors and apply it to the challenges of the modern world." From Social Reform to National Awakening The impact of these social and religious reform movements was far-reaching, transcending the realms of spirituality and social welfare. They laid the groundwork for a new era of enlightenment and national consciousness, inspiring a generation of thinkers, writers, and activists to challenge the status quo and imagine a brighter future for India. One such individual was Rabindranath Tagore, the renowned poet and philosopher who emerged from the Brahmo Samaj tradition. Tagore's multifaceted contributions, from his literary masterpieces to his pioneering educational initiatives, reflected the reformist spirit that had taken hold of the nation. "We must not be content with merely fixing the symptoms of our societal ills," Tagore asserted. "We must dig deeper, to the very roots of our collective consciousness, and cultivate a new vision for our shared destiny." The reverberations of these reform movements were felt across the length and breadth of India, inspiring a wave of grassroots activism and political awakening. As the 19th century drew to a close, a new generation of nationalists, fueled by the embers of social and religious reform, began to coalesce, setting the stage for the country's pivotal struggle for independence. The Legacy of Reform In the years that followed, the legacies of the Brahmo Samaj, Prarthana Samaj, Arya Samaj, and other reform movements would continue to shape the trajectory of Indian society, influencing the fields of education, women's rights, and the fight against caste-based discrimination. Their impact, though often overlooked in the grand narratives of history, remains a testament to the power of ideas to transform a nation. As we reflect on this transformative era, it becomes evident that the social and religious reform movements of 19th-century India were not mere historical footnotes, but rather the harbingers of a new dawn – a dawn that would usher in a more equitable, enlightened, and empowered India. Their legacy continues to inspire us, reminding us that progress is not merely a destination, but a constant journey of introspection, courage, and unwavering commitment to the ideals of justice, harmony, and human dignity.  The promoter of Social Justice Mahadev Govind Ranade: A Holistic Approach to Reform Among the prominent figures at the forefront of this social and religious transformation was Mahadev Govind Ranade. As the founder of the Widow Remarriage Association and the Deccan Education Society, Ranade dedicated his life to challenging the unjust practices that had long oppressed the most vulnerable members of Indian society. Ranade's core belief was that religious reform and social reform were inextricably linked. "If religious ideas remain rigid," he argued, "there can be no true progress in the social, economic, and political spheres." This conviction drove him to establish the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha, a platform for public discourse on a wide range of pressing issues. Ranade's tireless efforts to champion the rights of widows and promote women's education were not merely driven by a sense of moral obligation, but by a deep-rooted conviction that the emancipation of India hinged on the empowerment of its people, regardless of caste or gender. Through his work, he laid the groundwork for a more equitable and inclusive society, paving the way for future generations of social reformers. Jyotiba Phule: Challenging the Citadel of Brahminical Supremacy While the reformist movements of the Brahmo Samaj and Prarthana Samaj sought to transform Indian society from within the existing religious framework, Jyotiba Phule took a more radical approach. In 1873, he founded the Satyashodhak Samaj (Truth Seekers' Society), a powerful movement that directly challenged the dominance of the Brahmin caste and the oppressive social structures they upheld. Phule's seminal works, "Sarvajanik Satyadharma" and "Gulamgiri," became rallying cries for the masses, inspiring a new sense of identity and self-worth among the marginalized communities. Rejecting the traditional symbols of Rama and the Brahminical order, Phule championed the figure of Rajah Bali as a counterpoint, representing the inherent dignity and autonomy of the oppressed. Through the Satyashodhak Samaj, Phule relentlessly advocated for the abolition of the caste system and the expansion of educational opportunities for women and the lower castes. His unwavering commitment to social justice and his ability to galvanize the grassroots made him a formidable force, paving the way for a more egalitarian and inclusive vision of Indian society. Reviving the Past, Shaping the Future  The Arya Samaj: While the reformist movements sought to challenge the societal ills of the time, the Arya Samaj took a different approach – one that aimed to revive the ancient wisdom of the Vedas and reinterpret them for the modern era. Established by Swami Dayanand Saraswati in 1875, the Arya Samaj movement was a reaction to the growing Western influence in India, but its impact went far beyond a simple reaffirmation of tradition. At the core of the Arya Samaj's philosophy was the belief in one supreme God, the infallibility of the Vedas, and the importance of individual spiritual development. Swami Dayanand's teachings emphasized the need for a return to the purity of the Vedic era, but he also recognized the value of Western education and technological advancement. This fusion of ancient wisdom and modern progress was embodied in the Dayanand Anglo-Vedic (DAV) schools, which sought to impart a holistic education that combined the best of both worlds. The Arya Samaj's influence extended well beyond the realm of religion. By instilling a sense of self-respect and confidence in the Hindu community, it helped to undermine the myth of Western superiority and paved the way for a renewed pride in India's cultural heritage. The Shuddhi movement, aimed at reconverting people to Hinduism, further solidified the Arya Samaj's position as a force to be reckoned with, though it also contributed to the increasing communalization of social life. The Ramakrishna Movement In contrast to the Arya Samaj's focus on Vedic revivalism, the Ramakrishna Movement, inspired by the teachings of the mystic Ramakrishna Paramhansa, emphasized the universal message of Vedanta and the importance of service to humanity. Swami Vivekananda, the movement's most prominent proponent, built upon Ramakrishna's vision to establish the Ramakrishna Mission in 1897, dedicated to both spiritual and social transformation. Vivekananda's vision was one of a harmonious synthesis between the realms of the sacred and the secular. He believed that the "service of jiva (living beings) is the worship of Shiva," and that true spirituality could only be manifested through a commitment to the betterment of all. The Ramakrishna Mission, under Vivekananda's leadership, undertook extensive educational and philanthropic work, providing a model of how ancient wisdom and modern humanitarianism could be seamlessly woven together. The Ramakrishna Movement's impact transcended the borders of India, as Vivekananda's charismatic presence and powerful message resonated globally. His representation of India at the 1893 Parliament of Religions in Chicago was a watershed moment, showcasing the richness and diversity of the country's spiritual traditions to the world.  The Legacies that Endure As we reflect on the tapestry of social and religious reform movements that transformed 19th-century India, it becomes clear that these visionary leaders, though often overlooked in the grand narratives of history, have left an indelible mark on the nation's trajectory. From the rationalist ideals of the Brahmo Samaj to the revolutionary spirit of the Satyashodhak Samaj, each movement contributed to the awakening of India's collective consciousness, paving the way for a more equitable, enlightened, and empowered future. The legacies of these reform movements continue to reverberate through the pages of history, inspiring successive generations of thinkers, activists, and change-makers. Their unwavering commitment to social justice, women's empowerment, and the preservation of cultural identity remains a testament to the power of ideas to shape the course of a nation. As we navigate the challenges of the modern era, the lessons and insights gleaned from these historical figures serve as a guiding light, reminding us that true progress is not merely a destination, but a constant journey of introspection, courage, and a relentless pursuit of a more just and harmonious world.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/social-and-religious-reforms-journey-of-transformed-india/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Remembering Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj on His Death Anniversary]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/india/remembering-chhatrapati-shivaji-maharaj-on-his-death-anniversary/ Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, a towering figure in Indian history, breathed his last on April 3, 1680, succumbing to severe fever and dysentery. His demise marked the end of an illustrious era in the annals of the Maratha Empire. Born on February 19, 1630, Shivaji Maharaj hailed from the Bhonsle Maratha clan in present-day Maharashtra. Renowned for his indomitable spirit, Shivaji Maharaj led the establishment of the Maratha Empire through his exceptional warfare strategies, administrative prowess, and heroic exploits. His leadership was characterized by a deep sense of compassion for the downtrodden and a fierce determination to protect his people from foreign invaders. How Shivaji became Chhatrapati Shivaji? Shivaji initiated a campaign to establish Hindavi Swarajya (self-rule for Hindu people) by rebelling against the Bijapur Sultanate and seizing numerous forts in the Deccan region. He waged wars against the Deccan Sultanates, the Mughal Empire, and the emerging English East India Company, which was active in the ports of western India. Shivaji seized his initial fort in 1645 and ultimately founded a stable kingdom with Raigad as the capital, backed by influential Maratha warrior clans. His forces mainly consisted of agile peasant pastoralists. Although Shivaji was the nominal leader of the Maratha empire for many years, he wasn't formally the king until his coronation occurred. Finally, in 1674, Shivaji was anointed as Chhatrapati. On his death anniversary, we pay homage to Shivaji Maharaj's enduring legacy, which continues to inspire generations. This occasion prompts reflection on his invaluable contributions to Indian history, his unwavering commitment to social justice, and his visionary governance. Through his exemplary leadership, Shivaji Maharaj instilled a sense of pride and reverence in the hearts of millions, leaving behind a treasure trove of wisdom and inspiration for all. Here are some of his most inspiring quotes:
  1. “Even from enemies, a man can learn. The better a man becomes, the fewer his enemies.”
  2. “The strongest of enemies can be defeated with your conviction, determination and passion.”
  3. "Freedom is a boon, which everyone has the right to receive.”
  4. "It is better to be a lion for a day than a sheep all your life."
  5. "A man becomes great when he plants a tree, knowing that he will never sit in its shade."
]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/india/remembering-chhatrapati-shivaji-maharaj-on-his-death-anniversary/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Small screen to ‘Smart TV’]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/small-screen-to-smart-tv/ The small tube in your drawing room has undergone enormous transformation over the last several decades and has transformed the entertainment industry. A dive into the progression of television in India. Television in India has a rich and vibrant history, marked by significant milestones and transformations. From its modest beginnings in the late 1950s to the digital age of streaming services, television has evolved into a ubiquitous medium of entertainment, information, and cultural expression. The journey of television in India encompasses technological advancements, regulatory changes, and socio-cultural influences that have shaped its development over the years. With a diverse array of channels, genres, and content formats, television continues to play a pivotal role in shaping public discourse, reflecting societal values, and fostering national unity in the diverse and dynamic Indian landscape. The history of television in India reflects a journey of technological advancements, regulatory changes, and shifts in consumer preferences, ultimately shaping it into one of the world's largest and most vibrant television markets. Here's an overview: Early Years: The first TV transmitter in India was installed in the Electronics and Telecommunications engineering department of the Jabalpur Engineering College, on 24 October 1951. In 1952, the government's Scientific Advisory Committee for Broadcasting recommended the creation of a pilot station to showcase television's potential to viewers. A television demonstration was held in Bombay from 10 to 12 October 1954. In 1955, an officer of All India Radio went to the United States to study telecommunications. The trip would give stamina to AIR's first experimental television station. Terrestrial television in India officially started with the experimental telecast starting in Delhi on 15 September 1959 with a small transmitter and a makeshift studio. Daily transmission began in 1965 as a part of Akashvani (formerly All India Radio AIR). Television service was later extended to Mumbai (formerly Bombay) and Amritsar in 1972. Up until 1975, only seven Indian cities had television services.[8] Satellite Instructional Television Experiment (SITE) was an important step taken by India to use television for development. The programmes were mainly produced by Doordarshan (DD) which was then a part of the AIR. Expansion and Color Television: The telecast happened twice a day, in the mornings and evenings. Other than information related to agriculture, health and family planning were the other important topics dealt with in these programmes. Entertainment was also included in the form of dance, music, drama, folk and rural art forms. Television services were separated from radio in 1976. The national telecast was introduced in 1982. In the same year, colour television was introduced in the Indian market. Indian small-screen programming began in the early 1980s. During this time, there was only one national channel, the government-owned Doordarshan. The Ramayana and Mahabharata, both based on the Indian epics of the same names, were the first major television series produced. They notched up a world record in viewership numbers. By the late 1980s, more people began to own television. Though there was a single channel, television programming had reached saturation. Hence the government opened up another channel which had part national programming and part regional. This channel was known as DD Metro (formerly DD 2). Both channels were broadcast terrestrially. Liberalization and Cable Television: In 1997, Prasar Bharati, a statutory autonomous body was established. Doordarshan along with the AIR were converted into government corporations under Prasar Bharati. The Prasar Bharati Corporation was established to serve as the public service broadcaster of the country which would achieve its objectives through AIR and Doordashan. This was a step towards greater autonomy for Doordarshan and AIR. However, Prasar Bharati has not succeeded in shielding Doordarshan from government control. The transponders of the American satellites PAS-1 and PAS-4 helped in the transmission and telecast of DD. An international channel called DD International was started in 1995 and it telecasts programs for 19 hours a day to foreign countries-via PAS-4 to Europe, Asia and Africa, and via PAS-1 to North America. The 1980s was the era of DD with shows like Hum Log (1984–1985), Wagle Ki Duniya (1988), Buniyaad (1986–1987) and comedy shows like Yeh Jo Hai Zindagi (1984), other than the widely popular dramas like Ramayan (1987–1988) and Mahabharat (1989–1990) glued millions to Doordarshan and later on Chandrakanta(1994–1996). Hindi film songs based programs like Chitrahaar, Rangoli, Superhit Muqabla and crime thrillers like Karamchand, Byomkesh Bakshi. The central government (Congress Govt) launched a series of economic and social reforms in 1991 under Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao. Under the new policies, the government allowed private and foreign broadcasters to engage in limited operations in India. This process has been pursued consistently by all subsequent federal administrations. Foreign broadcasters like the CNN, the BBC and Disney Star and private domestic broadcasters such as ZEEL, ETV Network, Sun TV and Asianet started satellite broadcasts. Starting with 41 sets in 1962 and one channel, by 1995, television in India had covered more than 70 million homes giving a viewing population of more than 400 million individuals through more than 100 channels. Terrestrial television: Starting in December 1991, Disney Star introduced four major television channels into the Indian broadcasting space that had so far been monopolized by the Indian government-owned Doordarshan: MTV, STAR Plus, Star Movies, BBC News and Prime Sports. In October 1992, India saw the launch of Zee TV, the first privately owned Indian channel to broadcast over cable followed by Asia Television Network (ATN). A few years later CNN, Discovery Channel and National Geographic Channel made their foray into India. Later, Star TV Network expanded its bouquet with the introduction of STAR World, Star Sports, ESPN, Channel V and STAR Gold. With the launch of the Tamil Sun TV in 1993, South India saw the birth of its first private television channel. With a network comprising more than 20 channels in various South Indian languages, Sun TV network recently launched a DTH service and its channels are now available in several countries outside India. Following Sun TV, several television channels sprung up in the south. Among these are the Tamil channel Raj TV (1993) and the Malayalam channel Asianet launched in 1993 from Asianet Communications, which was later acquired by Disney Star. Asianet cable network and Asianet broadband were from Asianet Communication Ltd. These three networks and their channels today take up most of the broadcasting space in South India. In 1994, industrialist N. P. V. Ramasamy Udayar launched a Tamil channel called GEC (Golden Eagle Communication), which was later acquired by Vijay Mallya and renamed as Vijay TV. In Telugu, Telugu daily newspaper Eenadu started its television division called ETV Network in 1995 and later diversified into other Indian languages. The same year, another Telugu channel called Gemini TV was launched which was later acquired by the Sun TV Network in 1998. Throughout the 1990s, along with a multitude of Hindi-language channels, several regional and English language channels flourished all over India. By 2001, international channels HBO and the History Channel started providing service. In 1995–2003, other international channels such as Cartoon Network, Nickelodeon, VH1 and Toon Disney entered the market. Starting in 2003, there has been an explosion of news channels in various languages; the most notable among them are NDTV, CNN-News18, Times Now and Aaj Tak. Satellite Television Boom: The 2000s witnessed a proliferation of satellite television channels catering to various interests, including news, entertainment, sports, and regional content. International players like Sony, MTV, and Cartoon Network entered the Indian market, further diversifying the television landscape. Reality shows, soap operas, and game shows became immensely popular during this period. In India, the broadcast of free-to-air television is governed through a state-owned Prasar Bharati corporation, with the Doordarshan group of channels being the only broadcaster. As such, cable television is the primary source of TV programming in India. Digitalization and High-Definition Television: As per the TAM Annual Universe Update – 2015, India had over 167 million households (out of 234 million) with televisions, of which over 161 million have access to Cable TV or Satellite TV, including 84 million households which are DTH subscribers. Digital TV households have grown by 32% since 2013 due to migration from terrestrial and analogue broadcasts. TV-owning households have been growing at between 8–10%. Digital TV penetration is at 64% as of September 2014. India now has over 850 TV channels (2018) covering all the main languages spoken in the nation and whereby 197 million households own televisions. The growth in digital broadcast has been due to the introduction of a multi-phase digitization policy by the Government of India. An ordinance was introduced by the Govt. of India regarding the mandatory digitization of Cable Services. According to this amendment made in section 9 of the Cable Television Networks (Regulation) Amendment Ordinance, 1995, the I&B ministry is in the process of making Digia tal Addressable System mandatory. As per the policy, viewers would be able to access digital services only through a set-top box (STB) Streaming Services and OTT Platforms: There are at least five basic types of television in India: broadcast or "over-the-air" television, unencrypted satellite or "free-to-air", Direct-to-Home (DTH), cable television, IPTV and OTT. Over-the-air terrestrial and free-to-air TV (such as DD Free Dish) is free with no monthly payments while Cable, DTH, and IPTV require a subscription that varies depending on how many channels a subscriber chooses to pay for and how much the provider is charging for the packages. Channels are usually sold in groups or a la carte. All television service providers are required by law to provide a la carte selection of channels. India is the second largest pay-TV market in the world in terms of subscribers after China and has more than doubled from 32% in 2001 to 66% in 2018. As of 2016, over 1600 TV satellite television channels are broadcast in India. This includes channels from the state-owned Doordarshan, Disney India owned Star, Sony owned Sony Entertainment Television, Zee TV, Sun TV Network and Asianet. Direct To Home service is provided by Airtel Digital TV, DD Free Dish, DishTV, Sun Direct, Tata Play and Videocon D2H. Dish TV was the first one to come up in Indian Market, others came only years later. Analog switchover: The Ministry of Information and Broadcasting issued a notification on 11 November 2011, setting 31 March 2015 as the deadline for complete shift from analogue to digital systems. In December 2011, Parliament passed The Cable Television Networks (Regulation) Amendment Act to digitize the cable television sector by 2014. Chennai, Delhi, Kolkata, and Mumbai had to switch by 31 October 2012. The second phase of 38 cities, including Bangalore, Chandigarh, Nagpur, Patna, and Pune, was to switch by 31 March 2013. The remaining urban areas were to be digitised by 30 November 2014 and the rest of the country by 31 March 2015. IPTV and OTT Platforms: Internet Protocol Television (IPTV) and Over-the-Top (OTT) platforms gained popularity in India in the 2010s, allowing viewers to access television content over the internet. IPTV delivers television services through broadband networks, while OTT platforms offer on-demand streaming of movies, TV shows, and original content over the internet. The COVID-19 pandemic also accelerated the adoption of digital platforms for entertainment consumption, further shaping the future of television in India. CAS or conditional access system is a digital mode of transmitting TV channels through a set-top box (STB). The transmission signals are encrypted and viewers need to buy a set-top box to receive and decrypt the signal. The STB is required to watch only pay channels. Transition to 4K and Beyond: With advancements in display technology, including Ultra High Definition (UHD) and 4K resolution, television manufacturers and broadcasters are exploring new possibilities for enhancing the viewing experience. The transition to higher resolutions, along with innovations in HDR (High Dynamic Range) and immersive audio formats, is poised to redefine the future of television in India.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/small-screen-to-smart-tv/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[MOST ELECTED PARLIAMENTARIANS]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/most-elected-parliamentarians/ Parliamentarians serve as the backbone of India's democracy, wielding immense significance in shaping the nation's governance, legislation, and representation. Through their roles as Members of Parliament (MPs) in the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha, these elected representatives play multifaceted roles that are vital for the functioning of Indian democracy. First and foremost, parliamentarians are entrusted with the responsibility of enacting laws that govern the country. As lawmakers, they participate in the process of drafting, debating, and passing legislation, ensuring that laws are formulated to address the evolving needs and challenges of society. Through their contributions to parliamentary debates and committee discussions, MPs offer diverse perspectives, insights, and expertise that enrich the legislative process. This legislative function is crucial for maintaining the rule of law, promoting social justice, and fostering economic development. Moreover, parliamentarians play a crucial role in holding the government accountable to the people. Through mechanisms such as question hours, zero-hour discussions, and parliamentary committees, MPs scrutinize the actions and policies of the executive branch, ensuring transparency, accountability, and good governance. By raising questions, seeking clarifications, and demanding accountability from government officials, parliamentarians act as watchdogs, safeguarding the interests of citizens and ensuring that public resources are utilized efficiently and effectively. Today, we are providing a list of the parliamentarians in the country who had served the maximum terms and played a significant role in the democracy of the country: Indrajit Gupta – 11 Terms The longest serving member Indrajit Gupta was the longest serving Member of Parliament from the Lok Sabha. He belonged to the Communist Party of India and won the seat a record 11 times from 1960 until 2001 barring the 1977 election. He represented Calcutta South West, Alipur, Basirhat and Midnapur constituencies in West Bengal. He also became the Union Home Minister under H D Deve Gowda and I K Gujral. He died as MP, setting the record for the longest-serving member of the Indian Parliament's Lower House. Gupta was elected to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of Parliament of India, for the first time in 1960, in a by-election. Thereafter, except for a short period from 1977 to 1980, he was a member till his death. In later years, as a result of his being the oldest member of the Lok Sabha he served as pro tem Speaker in 1996, 1998 and 1999. The office of pro tem Speaker is a ceremonial one mainly to conduct the swearing in of the newly elected members. Gupta served on a number of parliamentary committees with distinction. He was chairman of the parliamentary standing committee on defence during 1995–1996 and was chairman of the committee on subordinate legislation from 1999 till his death. He was a member of the rules committee during 1990–1991, general purposes committee during 1985–1989 and from 1998 onwards; committee on defence from 1998–2000, committee on petitions during 1986–1987, business advisory committee from 1986–1987 and in 1989, library committee during 1990–1991 and the committee to review Lok Sabha Secretariat rules in 1990. Atal Bihari Vajpayee – 10 Terms Atal Bihari Vajpayee served as the prime minister for three terms. He won the Lok Sabha seat 10 times as a member of the Bhartiya Jan Sangh, which merged with the Janata party and later the Bhartiya Janata Party. He represented Balrampur (1957-71), Gwalior (1971-77) and New Delhi (1977-84) before he was elected from Lucknow for five consecutive terms from 1991 to 2009. Vajpayee's ten terms as a Member of Parliament (MP) epitomize a legacy of dedication, leadership, and statesmanship. From his debut in 1957 to his retirement in 2004, Vajpayee left an indelible mark on Indian politics through his eloquence, integrity, and commitment to public service. As an MP, he tirelessly represented the people, contributed to legislative deliberations, and played a pivotal role in shaping the nation's destiny. His parliamentary journey stands as a shining example of principled politics and unwavering dedication to the welfare of the nation and its citizens. He was an Indian politician and poet who served three terms as the 10th Prime Minister of India, first for a term of 13 days in 1996, then for a period of 13 months from 1998 to 1999, followed by a full term from 1999 to 2004. Somnath Chatterjee – 10 Terms A lawyer by profession, Somnath Chatterjee was elected to the Lok Sabha 10 times as a member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist). He was the 14th Speaker of the Lok Sabha during the Manmohan Singh-led UPA-I. The communist doyen represented Bardhaman, Jadhavpur and Bolpur constituencies from 1971 to 2009. The CPI(M) expelled him from the party following a no-confidence motion against the UPA government on the Indo-US nuclear deal. Chatterjee retired from politics after completing his term in 2009 and Bolpur became a Scheduled Caste reserved constituency. Chatterjee embodied communist ideology throughout his ten consecutive terms as a Member of Parliament, representing the Jadavpur constituency with unwavering dedication. Rising to prominence as the Speaker of the Lok Sabha from 2004 to 2009, he earned acclaim for his impartiality and commitment to parliamentary decorum, transcending partisan divides. Chatterjee's legal acumen and principled stance were evident during the tumultuous trust vote of 2008, where he chose to prioritize the sanctity of his constitutional role over party allegiance, leading to his expulsion from the Communist Party of India (Marxist). His enduring legacy rests on his unwavering commitment to parliamentary democracy, his legacy serves as a beacon for future generations, emphasizing the primacy of institutional integrity and principled leadership in sustaining democratic values. P M Sayeed – 10 Terms The Congress leader P M Sayeed was elected to the Lok Sabha every single time for 10 consecutive terms from 1967 until 2004. He represented the Lakshadweep constituency since its formation in 1967. He was the Union Power minister in the UPA government in 2005 when he passed away from a cardiac arrest. A member of the Indian National Congress, Sayeed served as a Member of Parliament for ten terms, representing the Lakshadweep constituency. His political career was marked by a commitment to serving the interests of the people of Lakshadweep and advocating for their development and welfare. Sayeed's tenure saw significant advancements in infrastructure, education, and healthcare in the region, as he worked tirelessly to address the unique challenges faced by its residents. As a seasoned parliamentarian, he actively participated in legislative debates and committees, using his expertise to shape policies and initiatives aimed at empowering marginalized communities. Sayeed's legacy endures through his enduring impact on the socio-economic landscape of Lakshadweep and his steadfast dedication to public service, making him a revered figure in Indian politics. Kamal Nath – 9 Terms Kamal Nath, the present chief minister of Madhya Pradesh, is a nine-time member of the Lok Sabha from the Chhindwara constituency in Madhya Pradesh. He was first elected to the 7th Lok Sabha in 1980 as a member of the Indian National Congress. His political career spans decades, characterized by his unwavering commitment to championing the interests of his constituents and advocating for the socio-economic development of his region. Nath's tenure as a parliamentarian was marked by his active involvement in legislative affairs, where he contributed significantly to shaping policies and initiatives aimed at fostering inclusive growth and addressing the needs of the people. Beyond his parliamentary duties, Nath has held various ministerial portfolios at both the state and central levels, demonstrating his versatility and leadership prowess. With his deep-rooted connection to the grassroots and his astute political acumen, Kamal Nath continues to be a formidable force in Indian politics, leaving a lasting impact on the communities he serves. George Fernandes – 9 Terms George Fernandes was a journalist and statesman who was elected to the Lok Sabha nine times. The socialist Fernandes has held key portfolios in the Union government including defence, railways and industry. He was also a founder of the Samata party. Born in Mangaluru in Karnataka, he was first elected to the Lok Sabha from the Mumbai South constituency in 1967 on a Samyukta Socialist Party ticket. For the 1977 elections, he went to Muzaffarpur in Bihar, where he became MP for three terms. He also represented Bihar's Nalanda. He was an MP from various constituencies across Bihar and Karnataka. His political journey was characterized by his fervent advocacy for the rights of workers, farmers, and marginalized communities. Fernandes played a pivotal role in organizing labor movements and spearheading protests against injustice and oppression. His tenure as an MP was marked by his fearless stance against authoritarianism and his relentless pursuit of democratic values. Beyond his parliamentary duties, Fernandes held several key ministerial portfolios, including Defense Minister, where he earned acclaim for his integrity and dedication to modernizing India's defense forces. George Fernandes's legacy as a champion of the marginalized and a fearless defender of democracy continues to inspire generations, cementing his place as one of the most influential leaders in Indian political history. Giridhar Gamang – 9 Terms Giridhar Gamang is a former chief minister of Odisha and a nine-time member of the Lok Sabha from Koraput constituency in Odisha. He was a member of the Indian National Congress. Representing the Koraput constituency of Odisha, Gamang's political career spanned decades, marked by his unwavering dedication to serving the interests of his constituents. His deep-rooted connection to the people of Koraput and his tireless efforts towards their development endeared him to voters across generations. Gamang's parliamentary tenure was characterized by his active participation in legislative affairs, where he advocated for policies aimed at uplifting tribal communities, promoting rural development, and addressing socio-economic disparities. Beyond his parliamentary duties, Gamang held several ministerial positions, including Chief Minister of Odisha, where he implemented initiatives to improve governance and infrastructure in the state. His enduring legacy as a champion of the marginalized and a dedicated public servant continues to inspire, leaving an indelible mark on the political landscape of Odisha. Khagapati Pradhani – 9 Terms Khagapati Pradhani was a member of the Indian National Congress who was elected to the Lok Sabha nine times from the Nowrangpur constituency in Odisha. A stalwart of the political landscape in the region, Pradhani's career was defined by his unwavering commitment to the welfare of his constituents and his tireless efforts towards their socio-economic upliftment. His deep understanding of the local issues and his empathetic approach endeared him to the people of his constituency, who consistently reposed their trust in him at the ballot box. Pradhani's parliamentary tenure was marked by his active engagement in legislative matters, where he advocated for policies aimed at addressing the needs of the rural populace, promoting infrastructure development, and advancing the cause of social justice. Beyond his parliamentary duties, Pradhani played a pivotal role in shaping the political landscape of Odisha, earning respect for his integrity, humility, and dedication to public service. Madhavrao Scindia – 9 Terms A descendant of the erstwhile Scindia dynasty Madhavrao Scindia worked with the Congress and became a member of Parliament nine times. He also held the portfolios of Railways, Tourism, Civil Aviation and Human Resource Development under various governments. He was an MP from Guna constituency of Madhya Pradesh. Renowned for his charisma, intellect, and tireless dedication to public service, Scindia earned the unwavering trust and admiration of his constituents. His parliamentary career was marked by a relentless pursuit of development initiatives, infrastructure projects, and policies aimed at improving the lives of the people of Guna and beyond. Beyond his legislative duties, Scindia held several ministerial portfolios, including that of Railways and Civil Aviation, where he left a lasting impact through his visionary reforms and modernization efforts. His tragic demise in a plane crash in 2001 cut short a promising political career, leaving a void in Indian politics and an enduring legacy of service, leadership, and commitment to the welfare of the people. Ram Vilas Paswan – 8 Terms Current Union Minister Ram Vilas Paswan has become an MP eight times. The Dalit leader began his political journey as a socialist and was associated with Jaya Prakash Narayanan. As a Janata Party candidate in Hajipur, he set a world record by securing 89.30 per cent of polled votes in the 1977 Lok Sabha election. During the VP Singh government, Paswan became Labour Minister. Under Deve Gowda and I K Gujral, he served as Railway Minister. He then held the communication and coal portfolios during the NDA government until 2002. In 2000, Paswan formed the Lok Janshakti Party. He even supported the UPA government in 2004. Paswan has a record of serving under five different prime ministers and serving ministries in all the ruling alliances since 1996. He is currently the minister of consumer affairs food and public distribution.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/most-elected-parliamentarians/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[The Legacy of Lok Sabha Speakers]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-legacy-of-lok-sabha-speakers/ As custodians of parliamentary decorum and guardians of democratic principles, the legacy of Lok Sabha Speakers resonates through the chronicles of Indian democracy, serving as a testament to the enduring strength and resilience of the nation's democratic institutions. As custodians of parliamentary decorum and guardians of democratic principles, the legacy of Lok Sabha Speakers resonates through the chronicles of Indian democracy, serving as a testament to the enduring strength and resilience of the nation's democratic institutions. The Speakers of the Lok Sabha in India hold a position of paramount importance within the nation's parliamentary framework. Charged with overseeing the proceedings of the lower house of Parliament, they wield significant authority and responsibility in ensuring the smooth functioning of the legislative process. Throughout the rich tapestry of India's democratic history, these individuals have served as custodians of parliamentary decorum, bastions of democratic values, and architects of consensus-building in the tumultuous arena of Indian politics. The speaker of the Lok Sabha is the presiding officer and the highest authority of the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India. The speaker is elected generally in the first meeting of the Lok Sabha following general elections. Serving for a term of five years, the speaker is chosen from sitting members of the Lok Sabha. The independent India has witnessed 17 Lok Sabha Speakers, including second innings of two speakers, till date. As Lok Sabha election are round the corner and the house is possibly going to have a new speaker, today, we are going to provide you the insights about the history of the Lower House’s speakers since independence: The First Speaker Ganesh Vasudev Mavalankar (1952-1956): The journey of the Speakership in the Lok Sabha commenced with Ganesh Vasudev Mavalankar, who assumed office in 1952. Mavalankar, an illustrious leader of the Indian National Congress, set the stage for subsequent speakers by establishing the norms of impartiality, fairness, and dignity in the conduct of parliamentary affairs. Born on November 27, 1888, in Baroda (now Vadodara) in present-day Gujarat, Mavalankar hailed from a family deeply entrenched in the Indian nationalist movement. Inspired by the ideals of Mahatma Gandhi and the Indian National Congress, he emerged as a prominent political leader during the struggle for independence. Mavalankar's journey into the realm of parliamentary politics began with his election to the Central Legislative Assembly in 1934, where he distinguished himself as a formidable advocate for social justice and democratic reforms. However, it was in the aftermath of India's independence in 1947 that Mavalankar's leadership truly came to the fore. With the establishment of the Constituent Assembly tasked with drafting the Constitution of India, he was entrusted with the crucial responsibility of chairing the Assembly's Steering Committee. His astute guidance and diplomatic acumen played a pivotal role in navigating the complex negotiations and consensus-building processes that shaped the foundational document of independent India. In 1952, with the dawn of India's parliamentary democracy, Mavalankar assumed the historic role of the Speaker of the Lok Sabha, the lower house of Parliament. As the custodian of parliamentary proceedings, he set the tone for the institution's functioning, upholding the principles of impartiality, fairness, and democratic governance. Mavalankar's tenure as Speaker was characterized by his firm adherence to parliamentary norms, his unwavering commitment to the rule of law, and his steadfast defense of the rights and privileges of members of Parliament. Since then, a succession of eminent leaders has held the mantle of the Speakership, each leaving an indelible mark on the annals of Indian parliamentary history. M. A. Ayyangar (1956-1957): Madabusi Ananthasayanam Ayyangar, a distinguished lawyer and politician, served as Speaker of the Lok Sabha for a brief period. He was known for his erudition and astute understanding of parliamentary procedures. Hukam Singh (1957-1962): Hukam Singh, a seasoned politician from Punjab, served as Speaker during a crucial phase of India's parliamentary evolution. He was respected for his firmness, fairness, and commitment to upholding the dignity of the Speakership. Neelam Sanjiva Reddy (1962-1967): Neelam Sanjiva Reddy, a towering figure in Indian politics, served as Speaker before later becoming the President of India. He was known for his statesmanship, integrity, and ability to foster consensus among members of Parliament. Sardar Hukam Singh (1967-1969): Sardar Hukam Singh returned to the Speakership for a second term, bringing his experience and leadership to bear during a period of political turbulence and transition. Gurdial Singh Dhillon (1969-1971): Gurdial Singh Dhillon, a prominent leader from Punjab, presided over the Lok Sabha during a challenging period marked by internal strife and external threats. He was known for his calm demeanor and dedication to parliamentary norms. Bali Ram Bhagat (1976-1977): Bali Ram Bhagat, a seasoned politician from the Indian National Congress, held the Speakership during a brief period of parliamentary revival following the Emergency. He was known for his commitment to upholding democratic values and parliamentary traditions. Neelam Sanjiva Reddy (1977-1979): Returning to the position of Speaker after serving as President, Neelam Sanjiva Reddy continued to uphold the dignity and integrity of the Speakership, earning admiration from all quarters. K. S. Hegde (1979-1980): Kariya Siddappa Hegde, a veteran parliamentarian from Karnataka, served as Speaker during a critical juncture in Indian politics. He was known for his impartiality, integrity, and commitment to upholding parliamentary democracy. Balram Jakhar (1980-1989): Balram Jakhar, one of the longest-serving Speakers of the Lok Sabha, was a towering figure in Indian politics. Hailing from Rajasthan, he was known for his advocacy of agricultural issues and his dedication to the welfare of farmers. Rabi Ray (1989-1991): Ray's political career gained momentum when he joined the Socialist Party and later became associated with the Janata Party. He was elected to the Lok Sabha multiple times, representing the Puri constituency in Odisha. Ray's tenure as Speaker of the Lok Sabha marked a significant chapter in India's parliamentary history. Shivraj Patil (1991-1996): Born on October 12, 1935, in Akola, Maharashtra, Patil was a member of the Indian National Congress. As Speaker, Patil presided over the Lok Sabha during a period of significant legislative activity and political transition, demonstrating firmness, impartiality, and a deep understanding of parliamentary procedures. His tenure as Speaker was marked by his commitment to upholding the dignity and integrity of the institution, ensuring constructive debates, and fostering consensus among members of Parliament. P. A. Sangma (1996-1998): Purno Agitok Sangma, popularly known as P. A. Sangma, served as the Speaker of the Lok Sabha from 1996 to 1998. Born on September 1, 1947, in the state of Meghalaya, Sangma was a prominent political leader known for his advocacy of tribal rights and regional development. He was a founding member of the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and held various ministerial positions in the central government. As Speaker, Sangma brought a unique perspective to the role, being the first tribal leader to hold the position. His tenure was marked by his efforts to uphold parliamentary norms, ensure the smooth functioning of legislative proceedings, and represent the diverse interests of the Indian populace. G. M. C. Balayogi (1998-2002): Ganti Mohana Chandra Balayogi, often referred to as G. M. C. Balayogi, served as the Speaker of the Lok Sabha from 1998 to 2002. Born on January 1, 1951, in Andhra Pradesh, Balayogi was a member of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and a prominent leader from the southern state. Prior to his tenure as Speaker, he held various positions in the TDP and served as a Member of Parliament. Manohar Joshi (2002-2004): Born on December 2, 1937, in Ratnagiri, Joshi is a member of the Shiv Sena party. He began his political career in the 1960s and held various ministerial positions in the Maharashtra state government before being elected to the Lok Sabha. As Speaker, Joshi brought his experience and leadership skills to the role, ensuring the smooth functioning of parliamentary proceedings and upholding the dignity of the institution. Somnath Chatterjee (2004-2009): Born on July 25, 1929, in Assam, Chatterjee was associated with the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)). Chatterjee's tenure as Speaker was marked by his deep knowledge of parliamentary procedures, his impartiality, and his firm adherence to democratic principles. He played a crucial role in maintaining the dignity and integrity of the Lok Sabha, ensuring constructive debates, and fostering consensus among members of Parliament. Meira Kumar (2009-2014): She made history as the first woman to hold this prestigious position in India. Born on March 31, 1945, in Bihar, Meira Kumar came from a distinguished political family; her father, Jagjivan Ram, was a prominent leader in the Indian National Congress. Before assuming the Speakership, Kumar had a distinguished career as a diplomat and a Member of Parliament. Her historic tenure as Speaker paved the way for greater gender diversity and representation in Indian politics. Sumitra Mahajan (2014-2019): Born on April 12, 1943, in Maharashtra, Mahajan was a prominent leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and a seasoned parliamentarian. She began her political career in the 1980s and held various ministerial positions before assuming the Speakership. Known for her simplicity, humility, and firmness, Mahajan brought a sense of dignity and decorum to the Lok Sabha proceedings. She earned a nickname of "Tai" (elder sister) among her colleagues and admirers. Om Birla (2019-present): He is the incumbent Speaker of the Lok Sabha since 2019 and a prominent political figure from Rajasthan, India. Born on November 23, 1962, in Kota, Birla is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and has been actively involved in politics from a young age. Before assuming the Speakership, Birla served as a Member of Parliament from the Kota-Bundi constituency in Rajasthan. Known for his grassroots connect, organizational skills, and dedication to public service, Birla has earned the trust and respect of his constituents and colleagues alike. Powers and Functions The Speaker of the Lok Sabha conducts the business in house, and decides whether a bill is a money bill or not. They maintain discipline and decorum in the house and can punish a member for unruly behaviour with respect to law after suspending them. They also permit the moving of various kinds of motions and resolutions such as a motion of no confidence, motion of adjournment, motion of censure and calling attention notice as per the rules. The Speaker decides on the agenda to be taken up for discussion during the meeting. The date of election of the Speaker is fixed by the President. Further, all comments and speeches made by members of the House are addressed to the Speaker. The Speaker also presides over the joint sitting of both houses of the Parliament of India. The counterpart of the Speaker in the Rajya Sabha (Council of the States) is its Chairperson; the Vice-President of India is the ex-officio chairperson of the Rajya Sabha. On the order of precedence, the Speaker of Lok Sabha ranks sixth, along with the Chief Justice of India. The Speaker is answerable to the House. Both the Speaker and Deputy Speaker may be removed by a resolution passed by the majority of the members. Lok Sabha Speaker can be elected by President on a nomination basis. All bills passed requires the speaker's signature to go to the Rajya Sabha for its consideration. The Speaker also has a casting vote in the event of a tie. It is customary for the Presiding Officer to exercise the casting vote in such a manner as to maintain the status quo.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-legacy-of-lok-sabha-speakers/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[The Glittering Tale of Indian Gold]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-glittering-tale-of-indian-gold/ The story of gold in India is a rich and multifaceted narrative that spans millennia. It reflects the interplay of tradition, culture, and economics, weaving together a tale of enduring fascination and resilience. The story of India’s gold obsession is one that has been told, retold, and told again. An obsession, a treasure, and a symbol of prosperity and purity, the age-old relationship between man and metal is etched in the filigree of gold. This is the story of how Gold became an essential ingredient in almost every Indian's investment portfolio. Ancient India In the depths of antiquity, India stood at the forefront of gold consumption. As far back as 3000 BCE, gold-adorned temples, cascaded in the form of intricately crafted jewellery, and became a medium of exchange in bustling marketplaces, a symbol of prosperity. However, it wasn’t until the Gupta era (circa 4th–6th century CE) that gold began to glimmer as an investment tool. The introduction of the coinage system brought ‘mohurs’ and ‘dinars’ to the forefront. And these coins weren't just pieces of gold; they were a currency of power, status, and opulence. Hoarding these golden marvels became a favourite pastime of kings, nobles, and the well-heeled. As history sauntered on, and coinage became common-speak, the concept of gold investing underwent a transformation. During the Mughal dynasty (16th–18th century CE), gold became a financial secret weapon! By introducing ‘zabt’ through the land revenue systems, and by levying trade taxes, the empire leveraged its golden ties to Iran and the Ottoman Empire, transforming gold investment into a dazzling dance of bullion markets, mint organisations, and fiscal measures. British Raj Fast forward to the 19th century, when the British Raj held sway over the Indian subcontinent. Gold investing took a more formal turn, making its way into the world of banking. Legacy institutions like the State Bank of India (then Imperial Bank of India), issued Gold Deposit Certificates, allowing individuals to deposit their gold with banks, ensuring both safety of the asset and value appreciation. Gold had donned a three-piece suit and walked with panache into the banking sector! Meanwhile, there was a new player on the stage—the United States and its beguiling Gold Standards. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the US embraced the gold standard, pegging the value of the US dollar to a set amount of gold. And across the oceans that divided them, India couldn't help but be mesmerised by this dance of stability and confidence. The influence of the US gold standards reverberated, affecting the Indian currency and exchange rates, and igniting a spark of curiosity among Indian investors. Independent India’s gold had a destiny of her own. From strict restrictions to conditional transparency, the journey is one for the history books. But for the sake of simplicity, let’s divide the journey into five phases that bring us to where we stand today - at 800 tonnes of annual gold imports and as the second-largest consumer of gold in the world! Post Independence India’s tryst with gold began with strict restrictions. The Foreign Exchange Regulation Act (FERA) of 1947 played the role of a no-nonsense bouncer, tightly controlling foreign exchange and gold imports/exports. And just when things couldn't get more exciting, India bid farewell to the gold-backed "proportional reserve system" in 1956, embracing the trendy "minimum reserve system" instead. The Karat Saga Just as the government was ready to throw a karat-themed party, the Gold Control Act stormed into the picture in 1968. Its mission? Taming the wild devaluation of the Indian rupee caused by excessive gold imports. Suddenly, the party had a strict bling code, limited to a 14-karat gathering. The 90s Wonder Welcome to the age of liberalisation, privatisation, and globalisation, where India unleashed the golden genie from its lamp! The Gold Control Act took a backseat in 1990, opening the floodgates for free gold imports. The Non-Resident Indian scheme and Special Import License scheme in the '90s brought NRI dreams of gold back to the motherland. As if that wasn't enough, the government introduced the Gold Deposit Scheme (GDS) in 1999, allowing gold lovers and hoarders to earn interest on their beloved yellow metal. Idle gold finally found its purpose! Banks Into Business Convenience took centre stage in the world of gold. Banks jumped on the gold bandwagon, selling those precious gold coins by 2002. And believe it or not, your friendly neighbourhood post office became a one-stop shop for gold coins in 2008! It seemed like gold was popping up everywhere, making convenience its middle name. But the real showstopper was the entrance of Gold Exchange Traded Funds (ETFs) in 2007, digitising gold and offering flexibility, quality assurance, and stress-free storage. Gold even weathered the storm of the 2008 global financial crisis, proving that it was the ultimate hedge against uncertainty. And by 2010, India witnessed a gold demand explosion, reaching a staggering 1001.7 tonnes! Gold had truly struck gold! Present Like any good story, there had to be a downturn. Enter the ‘intervention’. With the risk of inflation looming over their heads, higher gold import duties were levied, increasing from 2% to 10% in a span of a year! And to take care of the other downside caused by the import duties, they introduced the 80:20 rule for importers. It was a cliffhanger moment, leaving gold enthusiasts on the edge of their seats, wondering what next! Marked by a shift in the government's approach, transparency took the golden spotlight. The 80:20 rule was lifted, allowing golden prosperity to be within the reach of the masses. The triumphant return of the GDS gave gold enthusiasts a chance to earn interest on their beloved bullion. And let's not forget the launch of the Indian Gold Coin (IGC), a shining symbol of national pride. Today, gold continues to hold a special place in the hearts and portfolios of Indians. With more goldsmiths than ATMs, and a veritable buffet of gold investment schemes, from Sovereign Gold Bonds to Futures, ETFs and fractional investments, India is poised to start her own golden export expedition. Interesting Facts Weird and quirky facts showcase the diverse ways in which gold is incorporated into various aspects of Indian culture, from beauty rituals to culinary delights and investment schemes. Golden Teeth: Wealthy individuals in ancient India sometimes had a penchant for extravagant displays of wealth, including adorning themselves with gold. There are accounts of people having their teeth replaced with gold crowns purely for ostentatious reasons. This practice may have been more common among royalty or the affluent elite who wanted to flaunt their riches in a rather unusual manner. Gold and Alchemy: Ancient Indian texts contain references to alchemy and the quest to transform base metals into gold. While this may not seem funny on the surface, the earnest pursuit of alchemy and the belief in the philosopher's stone—a mythical substance that could transmute metals—could be seen as a quixotic endeavor with a touch of humor in hindsight. Gold Vending Machines: In recent years, India has seen the emergence of gold vending machines in select locations. These machines allow customers to purchase small gold bars or coins with cash or credit cards, akin to buying a snack from a vending machine. It's a quirky and convenient way to access gold on the go. Gold-Plated Food: In certain high-end restaurants and events, particularly during extravagant weddings and celebrations, it's not uncommon to find dishes garnished with edible gold leaf or gold flakes. From desserts to main courses, gold-plated food adds a touch of opulence and novelty to the dining experience. Indian sweets, known as "mithai," hold a special place in the country's culinary traditions. Some sweet shops offer specialty sweets coated with edible gold leaf or dusted with edible gold powder. These gold-coated sweets are often reserved for festive occasions or as gifts for special celebrations. Gold Investment Schemes: In India, there have been instances of unconventional gold investment schemes that promise high returns or other perks. These schemes may involve purchasing gold jewelry or coins through installment payments or participating in gold-saving programs offered by jewelry retailers. While some of these schemes may be legitimate, others have been associated with controversies and scams.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-glittering-tale-of-indian-gold/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[From Ballot Papers to EVMs and NOTA]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/from-ballot-papers-to-evms-and-nota/ From the simplicity of ballot paper to the efficiency of Electronic Voting Machines and the empowerment of expressing dissent through NOTA, India's electoral system has undergone a remarkable journey. India's electoral system has undergone a significant transformation over the years, reflecting the nation's commitment to democratic principles and the incorporation of technology to enhance the electoral process. From the traditional use of ballot papers to the introduction of Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) and the advent of the 'None of the Above' (NOTA) option, this essay explores the evolution of India's electoral system and the impact of these advancements. First time use of Ballot Papers Now, even with all these powers in the first election of 1951-52, it was quite a tough task for the ECI because as a country we were just getting on our feet. The transport system was poor and the literacy rate was just around 16%. Moreover, it was first time that elections were being conducted at such a huge scale. Yet the ECI did a tremendous job. There were ballot papers handed over to the voters. Each voter would walk into a room. There would be separate boxes for each candidate and the voter would drop the ballot paper into the box of his or her choice. ECI provided for electoral booths within 3 miles of people’s residences. There was a booth made for just 9 voters. There was a 44.5% turnout on election day. People were so impressed with the way the elections were conducted that some people wanted to vote for the Chief election commissioner in the next elections. The first election was so impressive that the Government of Sudan invited Sukumar Sen, the then election commissioner to guide them during their elections. Since then, India became the largest democracy in the world. This might have had something to do with the ever growing population. Every election, the numbers of voters, parties and candidates have just gone up. The Era of Ballot Papers: In the early years after gaining independence in 1947, India primarily relied on the manual voting system using paper ballots. The process involved voters physically marking their choice on a paper ballot, which was then manually counted. While this method served its purpose, it was susceptible to various challenges such as electoral fraud, booth capturing, and the time-consuming counting process. However, it wasn’t a cakewalk all along. The years between 1970 and 1991 were troublesome. Election violence had become quite the norm. Instances of murder, looting, kidnapping and rape were rampant in several places. Voter bribery and black money became widespread. Areas like UP and Bihar was notorious in this regard, so much so that a term like “peaceful booth capturing” came into existence. These shortcomings cast doubts on the ECIs ability. But then came T.N. Seshan in 1990, under whose leadership the ECI decided to put its foot down against corruption. He took some measures to counter corruption: Naming and shaming using media In 1987, the ECI clashed with the then Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi over his insistence of advancement of presidential polls. It disqualified MP Cabinet Minister for incorrect election expenditure details. These actions restored the faith of the public in the elections. Indelible Ink As the literacy rate of India improved voting age was brought down from 21 to 18 in 1988. Eventually, to counter impersonation, voters’ fingers were marked with the iconic indelible ink. The Economic Intelligence Unit while measuring our democracy index gave India’s electoral process a score of 9.17 on 10. This success is mostly owed to the Election Commission of India. Yet, the electoral procedure is plagued by issues of voter bribing, defection and political candidates with criminal backgrounds. These issues have to be either addressed by the ECI or the political parties. The sooner these are addressed, the better. Even though the EC officers, government officials and security employees work incredibly hard to conduct elections, the most important element of the show still remains the enthusiasm of the people. Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs): The turning point in India's electoral history came in the 1980s with the introduction of Electronic Voting Machines. EVMs revolutionized the voting process by providing a more secure, efficient, and accurate means of recording and counting votes. The advantages of EVMs included a reduced likelihood of invalid votes, faster counting, and increased transparency in the electoral process. The EVMs, which were first used in a limited capacity in the state of Kerala in 1982, gradually became the standard across the country. The Impact of EVMs: The adoption of EVMs significantly enhanced the credibility of India's electoral system. It curtailed malpractices associated with manual counting, reduced the scope for errors, and expedited the announcement of election results. Despite their benefits, EVMs have faced scrutiny and criticism, with concerns raised about tampering and hacking. To address these concerns, the Election Commission of India (ECI) introduced measures such as Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT), allowing voters to verify their choices. Over the years, EVM technology has continued to evolve. The ECI has introduced upgraded versions with additional features, including advanced security measures, improved user interface, and enhanced durability. These technological advancements aim to further fortify the integrity of the electoral process and maintain public trust. The Election Commission has evolved a lot in the last 75 years from the period of ballot boxes to the era of electronic voting machines with democracy being the beating heart of this electoral machinery. Since its inception on January 25, 1950, the Commission has conducted 17 general elections, numerous assembly polls and elections to the offices of presidents and vice presidents. The Election Commission ofIndia (ECI), headquartered at Nirvachan Sadan in Delhi, is now gearing up to hold the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, whose schedule is likely to be announced in March. A lot has changed from the first general elections conducted in India after Independence in 1951-52 to the 2019 Lok Sabha polls. The country, its electorate and technology have evolved a lot and so has the ECI. Former chief election commissioner S Y Quraishi said the Indian election, given the sheer scale and magnitude of preparations over the years, is now considered "a gold standard". Sukumar Sen, an ICS officer who served as the chief secretary of West Bengal, was appointed as the first Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) of India. He assumed charge on March 21, 1950, nearly two months after the ECI was set up. Both the first and the second general elections in 1957 were conducted with him at the helm of electoral affairs. Quraishi, who was the 17th CEC, described Sen as an "unsung hero" of India's electoral journey. Not much has been documented about his life, legacy and the seminal role he played in setting the tone for Indian elections, Quraishi said. While independent India held its first elections in 1951-52 with steel ballot boxes for 489 seats to the House of the People, electronic voting machines (EVMs) conceived in the late 70s, were first used in an assembly poll in 1998 and expanded to a chunk of parliamentary constituencies in 1999. According to the ECI website, more than a million EVMs were used in all 543 parliamentary constituencies in the country in the 2004 general elections. In these 75 years, the Election Commission, starting from the maiden election that was dubbed the 'great experiment', has overcome many challenges -- demographic, geographic and logistical -- with innovative thinking to make the electoral process easier and more accessible for voters. It brought the 'symbol system' in the 1952-52 polls during which 27,527 booths across the country were reserved for women. In the following decades, the ECI brought facilities such as ramps and wheelchairs for persons with disability, Braille voter slips, EVMs with Braille signage, the reintroduction of electoral photo identity cards and using digitized photos in line with its maxim -- "Leaving no voter behind". The ECI has leveraged digital technology to develop various mobile applications such as 'cVigil', besides aiming to make the election process more transparent, accountable and inclusive. However, there has been criticism from a few quarters in the past few years, especially during elections, over issues linked with the functioning of EVMs at some polling stations. Quraishi, who authored 'An Undocumented Wonder: The Making of the Great Indian Election', said the poll panel should be "more open and defend themselves if there is any criticism and call a press conference to respond to criticisms." Praising the colossal work performed by the ECI in the conduct of elections, he lamented that "marginal issues" or some issue reported with a few EVMs often became central, which subsumes the larger picture of the execution of this mammoth exercise. Occasionally, the ECI faced logistical issues in some constituencies due to a very large number of candidates. But every time it has responded to such challenges and ensured the due electoral process through innovative solutions. Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT) was introduced to improve transparency and verifiability in the poll process after the Conduct of Election Rules, 1961, were amended and notified in August 2013. The option of 'None of the Above' Introduction of NOTA (None of the Above): Another pivotal moment in India's electoral evolution was the introduction of the 'None of the Above' (NOTA) option. Implemented in 2014, NOTA provides voters with the choice to express dissatisfaction with all the candidates in a particular constituency. This addition underscored the commitment to ensuring voters' freedom of expression and their right to reject unsuitable candidates. While the maiden polls had 173 million electors, the size of the electorate grew to 911.9 million in the 2019 general elections which saw a record turnout of 67.4 per cent. Former CEC Nasim Zaidi, in a foreword in 'Election Atlas of India' published in 2017, writes that the ECI "enjoys trust and confidence of people of the country for delivering regular, periodic, credible and acceptable elections every time and on time since 1952. Conclusion: From the simplicity of marking X on a paper ballot to the efficiency of Electronic Voting Machines and the empowerment of expressing dissent through NOTA, India's electoral system has undergone a remarkable journey. The evolution reflects the nation's commitment to democratic principles, transparency, and the integration of technology to enhance the democratic process. As technology continues to advance, it is likely that India's electoral system will further evolve, ensuring that the democratic spirit remains at the forefront of the nation's governance.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/from-ballot-papers-to-evms-and-nota/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Landscape of Indian Political Parties]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/landscape-of-indian-political-parties/ The history of Indian political parties reflects the country's complex social, economic, and cultural fabric, with each party playing a significant role in shaping the nation's destiny. It was only a matter of time before we saw the formation of the political parties in the country. Few notable individuals like Mahatma Gandhi, Subash Chandra Bose, and B. R. Ambedkar gave a new meaning to the Indian political system. The Indian political system was established during British rule in the early 1920s-30s. Our freedom fighters decided to take it up themselves and free the country from the shackles of the British Raj. This movement gave birth to the rise of political parties in India. Any political party, for that matter, has its own duties and responsibilities to do for society. They are the pillars of any democratic country and are elected by the citizens of that country. When they want to be elected, they need to work for the benefit of society. They should be willing to serve people. The political parties reflect on the fundamental divisions that constantly happen in the community. The main function of a political party is to contest the election, bring new policies and programmes, start new laws, the party that has won the election forms the ruling party and they share the opinions of the public. No democratic country in the world can survive without a political party. Their roles and duties are paramount for the smooth functioning of a nation. The elected representatives are mainly responsible for ensuring that the needs of their people are met. A political party in a democratic can form the party and abide by the country’s laws. They do not have any limitations. China has a one-party system, which may not suit any democratic country. The United States of America has a two-party system, and so does the United Kingdom. However, India has several parties that can be a good thing in one way for a multicultural and diverse nation like ours. Most Popular Parties The history of political parties in India is rich and diverse, reflecting the country's complex socio-political landscape. The evolution of political parties in India can be traced back to the pre-independence era, with various movements and ideologies shaping the foundation of the Indian political system. Here is an overview of the history of political parties in India: Indian National Congress (INC): The Indian National Congress was established when 72 representatives from all over the country met at Bombay in 1885. Prominent delegates included Dadabhai Naoroji, Surendranath Banerjee, Badruddin Tyabji, Pherozeshah Mehta, W. C. Bonnerjee, S. Ramaswami Mudaliar, S. Subramania Iyer, and Romesh Chunder Dutt. The Englishman Allan Octavian Hume, a former British civil servant, was one of the founding members of the Indian National Congress. It was the first modern nationalist movement to emerge in the British Empire in Asia and Africa. From the late 19th century, and especially after 1920, under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, the Congress became the principal leader of the Indian independence movement. Congress is one of the two major political parties in India, alongside the Bharatiya Janata Party. It is a "big tent" party whose platform is generally considered to lie in the centre of Indian politics. The Party held its first session in 1885 in Bombay where W.C. Bonnerjee presided over it. After Indian independence in 1947, Congress emerged as a catch-all and secular party, dominating Indian politics for the next 50 years. In the 17 general elections since independence, it has won an outright majority on seven occasions and has led the ruling coalition a further three times, heading the central government for more than 54 years. There have been six Prime Ministers from the Congress party, the first being Jawaharlal Nehru (1947–1964), and the most recent being Manmohan Singh (2004–2014). In 1969, the party suffered a major split, with a faction led by Indira Gandhi leaving the Party to form the Congress (R), with the remainder becoming the Congress (O). The Congress (R) became the dominant faction, winning the 1971 general election by a huge margin. Another split in the party occurred in 1979, leading to the creation of the Congress (I), which was recognized as the Congress by the Electoral Commission in 1981. Under Rajiv Gandhi's leadership, the party won a massive victory in the 1984 general elections, nevertheless losing the election held in 1989 to the National Front. The Congress then returned to power under P. V. Narasimha Rao, who moved the party towards an economically liberal agenda, a sharp break from previous leaders. However, it lost the 1996 general election and was replaced in government by the National Front (then the BJP). After a record eight years out of office, the Congress-led coalition known as the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) under Manmohan Singh formed a government the 2004 general elections. Subsequently, the UPA again formed the government after winning the 2009 general elections, and Singh became the first Prime Minister since Indira Gandhi in 1971 to be re-elected after completing a full five-year term. However, in the 2014 general election, the Congress suffered a heavy defeat, winning only 44 seats of the 543-member Lok Sabha (the lower house of the Parliament of India). In the 2019 general election, the party again suffered defeat, winning only 52 seats in the Lok Sabha. Communist Party of India (CPI): The Communist Party of India (CPI) is one of the oldest communist parties in India. The CPI was founded in modern-day Kanpur on 26 December 1925. Currently, it has two members in Lok Sabha and two members in Rajya Sabha. In addition, it has 22 MLAs across four states and one MLC in Bihar. It has the current ECI status of a state party in Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Manipur. CPI was heavily involved in resistance to British colonisation, the fight against the caste system and for land reform.[10] Between 1921 and 1933, many Communist leaders were arrested and imprisoned. In 1934, the British colonial administration banned the Communist Party and its affiliated trade union and peasant organisations, making membership a criminal offence. The Communist Party continued its activities clandestinely, despite the repression. Between 1946 and 1951, it structured the peasant revolt in Telangana and organised guerrilla warfare against the feudal lords. CPI was the main opposition party in India during 1950's to 1960's. CPI was part of the ruling United Front government from 1996 to 1998 and had two ministers under Devegowda and Gujral Ministry. Left Front gave outside support to VP Singh government(1989–90) and UPA government(2004–2009). The Left Front governed West Bengal for 34 years (1977–2011) and Tripura for 25 years (1993–2018). As of December 2023, the CPI is a part of the state government in Kerala led by LDF. CPI have four Cabinet Ministers and a Deputy Speaker in Kerala. In Tamil Nadu, it is in power with SPA coalition led by DMK. In Telangana, it is in alliance with the INC. CPI, along with the Left Front, is part of the INDIA alliance formed to defeat the incumbent BJP-led right-wing NDA government in 2024 General elections. Janata Party: The Janata Party was a political party in India. It was founded as an amalgam of Indian political parties opposed to the Emergency that was imposed between 1975 and 1977 by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi of the Indian National Congress. In the 1977 general election, the party defeated the Congress and Janata leader Morarji Desai became the first non-Congress prime minister in independent modern India's history. Raj Narain, a socialist leader, had filed a legal writ alleging electoral malpractice against Indira Gandhi in 1971. On 12 June 1975, Allahabad High Court found her guilty of using corrupt electoral practices in her 1971 election victory over Narain in the Rae Bareli constituency. She was barred from contesting any election for the next six years. Economic problems, corruption and the conviction of Gandhi led to widespread protests against the Congress (R) government, which responded by imposing a State of Emergency. The rationale was that of preserving national security. However, the government introduced press censorship, postponed elections and banned strikes and rallies. When the State of Emergency was lifted and new elections called in 1977, opposition political parties such as the Congress (O), Bharatiya Jana Sangh, Bharatiya Lok Dal as well as defectors from the Indian National Congress joined to form the Janata party, which won a sweeping majority in the Indian Parliament. Narain defeated Gandhi at Rae Bareli in those elections. The new Janata-led government reversed many Emergency-era decrees and opened official investigations into Emergency-era abuses. Although several major foreign policy and economic reforms were attempted, continuous in-fighting and ideological differences made the Janata government unable to effectively address national problems. By mid-1979, Prime Minister Morarji Desai was forced to resign and his successor Chaudhary Charan Singh failed to sustain a parliamentary majority as alliance partners withdrew support. Popular disenchantment with the political in-fighting and ineffective government led to the resurgence of Gandhi and her new Congress (I) party, which won the general election called in 1980. After Jaiprakash Bandhu now Navneet Chaturvedi is the president of Janata Party since November 2021. The Janata Party eventually split into various factions, including the Janata Dal and the BJP. Janata Dal (JD): It was formed in 1988 after the disintegration of the Janata Party. Leaders like V.P. Singh and Lalu Prasad Yadav were associated with the Janata Dal. Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP): The RSS was founded in 1925 as a socio-cultural organization. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was formed in 1980, emerging from the Janata Party. The RSS and BJP are associated with the ideology of Hindutva, focusing on cultural and nationalist themes. India’s ruling party currently tends to gather momentum and is often the most popular party in the country. Today, the BJP party of the Bharatiya Janata Party is the most popular party in India. Since 2014, it has been the ruling political party in India under the incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The BJP is aligned with right-wing politics and has close ideological and organisational links to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) volunteer paramilitary organisation. Its policies adhere to Hindutva, a Hindu nationalist ideology. As of January 2024, it is the country's biggest political party in terms of representation in the Parliament of India as well as state legislatures. The party's origins lie in the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, which was founded in 1951 by Indian politician Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, after he left Hindu Mahasabha to form a party as the political wing of RSS. After the Emergency of 1975–1977, the Jana Sangh merged with several other political parties to form the Janata Party; it defeated the then-incumbent Indian National Congress in the 1977 general election. After three years in power, the Janata Party dissolved in 1980, with the members of the erstwhile Jana Sangh reconvening to form the modern-day BJP. Although initially unsuccessful—winning only two seats in the 1984 general election, it grew in strength on the back of the movement around Ram Janmabhoomi in Uttar Pradesh. Following victories in several state elections and better performances in national elections, the BJP became the largest political party in the Parliament in 1996; however, it lacked a majority in the lower house of Parliament, and its government, under its then-leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee, lasted for only 13 days. After the 1998 general election, the BJP-led coalition known as the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) under prime minister Vajpayee formed a government that lasted for a year. Following fresh elections, the NDA government—again headed by Vajpayee—lasted for a full term in office; this was the first non-Congress government to do so. In the 2004 general election, the NDA suffered an unexpected defeat, and for the next ten years, the BJP was the principal opposition party. Narendra Modi, then the chief minister of Gujarat, led the party to a landslide victory in the 2014 general election. Modi has since led the NDA government as Indian prime minister, including being re-elected in the 2019 general election. As of December 2023, the alliance governs 17 Indian states and union territories. The official ideology of the BJP is integral humanism, first formulated by Deendayal Upadhyaya in 1965. The party advocates social conservatism and a foreign policy centred on nationalist principles. During its first period in national government, the BJP avoided its Hindu nationalist priorities, and focused on a largely liberal economic policy that prioritised globalisation and economic growth over social welfare. Since returning to government in 2014, the BJP government has enacted several priorities of the RSS, including criminalising the practice of triple talaq, and revoking Article 370 of the Indian constitution, which granted autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir, and also abrogating its statehood. India has experienced nationwide democratic backsliding under the BJP's rule since 2014. Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), national political party in India. It was formed in 1984. The BSP states that it represents the people at the lowest levels of the Hindu social system—those officially designated as members of the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and Other Backward Classes—as well as other religious and social minorities. The core support group of the BSP consists primarily of the Dalits (Scheduled Castes, formerly called untouchables). The party espouses no specific ideology, other than its opposition to and outspoken criticism of the inequalities of the caste system, and its main tenets are focused on respecting and upholding the constitutional rights of the lower members of Indian society. Aam Aadmi Party (AAP): Formation: The Aam Aadmi Party was formed in 2012 with a focus on anti-corruption and good governance. AAP is currently the governing party in the Indian state of Punjab and the union territory of Delhi. On 10 April 2023, AAP was officially granted the status of National party by ECI. The party's election symbol is a broom. The party is currently part of the coalition I.N.D.I.A Alliance. Regional and State Parties: DMK and AIADMK: Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) are prominent parties in Tamil Nadu. Trinamool Congress: Formed in 1998, the Trinamool Congress has been a major force in West Bengal. Telugu Desam Party (TDP): Founded in 1982, the TDP has been a key player in Andhra Pradesh politics. Samajwadi Party The Samajwadi Party is a socialist political party founded in 1992 party. It was founded by formerly Janata Dal politicians Mulayam Singh Yadav and Beni Prasad Verma and is headquartered in New Delhi. The Samajwadi Party is currently led by former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Akhilesh Yadav. He was chosen as the President for the first time in an Emergency meeting in 2017. He was chosen for second time in 2017 at Agra Convention of Samajwadi Party. He was chosen for the third time at the party's national convention held in September 2022 at Lucknow. The party was created just months before the Babri Masjid demolition, the party rose to power by playing secular politics.The support of it's key voters, other backward classes and Muslims helped the party become a major political force in Uttar Pradesh. The political landscape in India is dynamic, with parties evolving, merging, and splitting based on changing political dynamics. Various parties representing regional, caste, and community interests contribute to the diversity of India's political fabric. The history of political parties in India reflects the country's commitment to democratic ideals and the constant negotiation of diverse interests within the political sphere.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/landscape-of-indian-political-parties/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Trailblazing Women in Indian Political Arena]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/trailblazing-women-in-indian-political-arena/ Indian political history is marked by the remarkable contributions of numerous women who have played pivotal roles in shaping the nation's destiny. Indira Gandhi: The first woman Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi, served multiple terms and played a significant role in shaping the country's political landscape. Her leadership during critical periods, including the Bangladesh Liberation War, contributed to her enduring influence. She served as the third Prime Minister of India from 1966 to 1977 and again from 1980 until her assassination in 1984. She was India's first and, to date, only female prime minister. She was the daughter of Jawaharlal Nehru, the first prime minister of India, and the mother of Rajiv Gandhi, who succeeded her in office as the country's sixth prime minister. Henry Kissinger described her as an "Iron Lady", a nickname that became associated with her tough personality since her lifetime. Lal Bahadur Shastri, who had succeeded Nehru as prime minister upon his death in 1964, appointed her minister of information and broadcasting in his government; the same year she was elected to the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Indian Parliament. She led the Congress to victory in two subsequent elections, starting with the 1967 general election, in which she was first elected to the lower house of the Indian parliament, the Lok Sabha. In 1971, the Congress Party headed by Gandhi managed to secure its first landslide victory since her father's sweep in 1962, focusing on issues such as poverty. But following the nationwide Emergency implemented by her, she faced massive anti-incumbency and lost the 1977 general election, the first time for the Congress party to do so. Citing separatist tendencies and in response to a call for revolution, Gandhi instituted a state of emergency from 1975 to 1977, during which basic civil liberties were suspended and the press was censored. Widespread atrocities were carried out during that period. Gandhi faced the growing Sikh separatism throughout her third premiership; in response, she ordered Operation Blue Star, which involved military action in the Golden Temple and resulted in bloodshed with hundreds of Sikhs killed. On 31 October 1984, Gandhi was assassinated by her bodyguards, both of whom were Sikh nationalists seeking retribution for the events at the temple. Sonia Gandhi: Sonia Gandhi, the former President of the Indian National Congress, has been a powerful figure in Indian politics. Despite not holding a formal government position, her role as a political strategist and party leader has been instrumental. She is the longest-serving president of the Indian National Congress, a social democratic political party, which has governed India for most of its post-independence history. She took over as the party leader in 1998, seven years after the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, her husband and a former Prime Minister of India, and remained in office until 2017 after serving for twenty-two years. She returned to the post in 2019 and remained the President for another three years. Born in Italy, Gandhi was raised in a Roman Catholic family. She met Rajiv Gandhi at Cambridge, England, and later married him in 1968. She then moved to India and started living with her mother-in-law, the then-Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi, at the latter's New Delhi residence. Sonia Gandhi, however, kept away from the public sphere, even during the years of her husband's premiership. Following her husband's assassination, Gandhi was invited by Congress leaders to lead the party, but she declined. She agreed to join politics in 1997 after much pleading from the party; the following year, she was nominated for party president. Gandhi presided over the advisory councils credited for the formation and subsequent implementation of such rights-based development and welfare schemes as the Right to Information, Food Security Bill, and MGNREGA, as she drew criticism related to the National Herald case. Her foreign birth has also been a subject of much debate and controversy. Jayalalithaa Jayaram: Jayalalithaa, popularly known as Amma, was a dominant force in Tamil Nadu politics. She was an Indian politician and actress who served as Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu for more than fourteen years over six terms between 1991 and 2016. From 1 January 1988 to 5 December 2016, she was the 5th and longest-serving general secretary of the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK). Jayalalithaa rose to prominence as a leading film actress in the mid-1960s. Later, she joined the AIADMK, the party MGR founded. Her political rise was rapid; within a few years she became AIADMK propaganda secretary and was elected to the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of India's Parliament. After M.G.R.'s death in 1987, Jayalalithaa proclaimed herself as his political heir and, having fought off the faction headed by M.G.R.'s widow, V. N. Janaki Ramachandran, emerged as the sole leader of the AIADMK. In 1991, Jayalalithaa became chief minister for the first time and Tamil Nadu's youngest. Jayalalithaa indulged in public displays of wealth, culminating in a lavish wedding for her foster son V. N. Sudhakaran (Sasikala's elder sister son) on 7 September 1995. In the 1996 election, the AIADMK was nearly wiped out at the hustings; Jayalalithaa herself lost her seat. The AIADMK returned to power in 2001, although Jayalalithaa was personally disbarred from contesting due to the corruption cases. Within a few months of her taking oath as chief minister, in September 2001, she was disqualified from holding office and forced to cede the chair to minister O. Panneerselvam. Upon her acquittal six months later, Jayalalithaa returned as chief minister to complete her term. Another period (2006–11) in the opposition followed, before Jayalalithaa was sworn in as chief minister for the fourth time after the AIADMK swept the 2011 assembly election. Three years into her tenure, she was convicted in a disproportionate-assets case, rendering her disqualified to hold office. She returned as chief minister after being acquitted in May 2015. In the 2016 assembly election, she became the first Tamil Nadu chief minister since M.G.R in 1984 to be voted back into office. That September, she fell severely ill and, following 75 days of hospitalisation, died on 5 December 2016 due to cardiac arrest and became the first female chief minister in India to die in office. Mayawati: Mayawati, a prominent leader in Uttar Pradesh, has been a key figure in Indian politics. As the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh multiple times, she has championed the cause of social justice and empowerment. She served as the 18th Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh from 1995 to 1995, 1997 to 1997, 2002 to 2003 and from 2007 to 2012. She is the national president of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), which focuses on a platform of social change for Bahujans, more commonly known as Other Backward Castes, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes as well as religious minorities since 2003. She had also served as a Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha from 2012 to 2017 from Uttar Pradesh. In 1993, Kanshi Ram formed a coalition with the Samajwadi Party and Mayawati became the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh in 1995. She was the first female Scheduled Caste chief minister in India. In 1997 and in 2002 she was chief minister with outside support from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the second time only for a year up to 26 August 2003 due to BJP withdrawing support. Mamata Banerjee: The current Chief Minister of West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee, has been a formidable leader. Her role in leading the Trinamool Congress and her influence in West Bengal politics make her a powerful figure. She is an Indian politician who is serving as the eighth and current chief minister of the Indian state of West Bengal since 20 May 2011, the first woman to hold the office. Having served multiple times as a Union Cabinet Minister, Mamata Banerjee became the Chief Minister of West Bengal for the first time in 2011. She founded the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC or TMC) in 1998 after separating from the Indian National Congress, and became its second chairperson later in 2001. Banerjee previously served twice as Minister of Railways, the first woman to do so. She is also the second female Minister of Coal, and Minister of Human Resource Development, Youth Affairs and Sports, Women and Child Development in the cabinet of the Indian government. She rose to prominence after opposing the erstwhile land acquisition policies for industrialisation of the Communist-led government in West Bengal for Special Economic Zones at the cost of agriculturalists and farmers at Singur. In 2011, Banerjee pulled off a landslide victory for the AITC alliance in West Bengal, defeating the 34-year-old Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front government, the world's longest-serving democratically elected communist-led government, in the process. She served as the member of West Bengal Legislative Assembly from Bhabanipur from 2011 to 2021. She contested the Nandigram assembly seat and lost to the BJP's Suvendu Adhikari in the 2021 West Bengal Assembly elections, though her party won a large majority of seats. She led her party to a landslide victory in the 2021 West Bengal assembly polls. She got elected as member of West Bengal Legislative Assembly again from Bhabanipur constituency in the bypoll. Sushma Swaraj: She was an Indian lawyer and politician, who served as the Minister of External Affairs of India in the first Narendra Modi government from 2014 to 2019. She was the second person to complete a 5-year term as the Minister of External Affairs, after Jawaharlal Nehru. A senior leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Swaraj was the second woman to hold the office of Minister of External Affairs, after Indira Gandhi. She was elected seven times as a Member of Parliament and three times as a Member of the Legislative Assembly. At the age of 25 in 1977, she became the youngest cabinet minister of the Indian state of Haryana. She also served as 5th Chief Minister of Delhi for a short duration in 1998 and became the first female Chief Minister of Delhi. In the 2014 Indian general election, Swaraj won the Vidisha constituency in Madhya Pradesh for a second term, retaining her seat by a margin of over 400,000 votes. She became the Minister of External Affairs in the union cabinet on 26 May 2014. Swaraj succumbed to a cardiac arrest following a heart attack on the night of 6 August 2019. She was awarded the Padma Vibhushan, India's second highest civilian award, posthumously in 2020 in the field of Public Affairs. Nirmala Sitharaman: Nirmala Sitharaman, India's first full-time female Finance Minister, has played a crucial role in economic policymaking. Her influence extends to her role in the defense portfolio as well. She is an Indian economist, politician and a senior leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) serving as the Minister of Finance and Minister of Corporate Affairs of the Government of India since 2019. She is a member of the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Indian Parliament, representing Karnataka since 2016 and previously represented Andhra Pradesh from 2014 to 2016. Sitharaman previously served as the 28th Defence Minister from 2017 to 2019, thereby becoming India's second female defence minister and the second female finance minister after Indira Gandhi, and the first full-time female minister to hold each of those portfolios. She served as junior minister in the Modi ministry between 2014 and 2017, holding successive positions, first for her dual appointment as the Minister of State in the Ministry of Finance and the Minister of State in the Ministry of Corporate Affairs from May to November 2014, and then as the Minister of State (Independent Charge) for the Ministry of Commerce and Industry from May 2014 to September 2017, before being elevated to senior posts within the Union Cabinet. Sitharaman created history as she presented her sixth consecutive budget on February 1, matching the record set by former Prime Minister Morarji Desai. Pratibha Patil: She is an Indian politician and lawyer who served as the 12th president of India from 2007 to 2012. She was the first woman to become the president of India. A member of the Indian National Congress, she previously served as the Governor of Rajasthan from 2004 to 2007, and was a member of the Lok Sabha from 1991 to 1996. In 1962, at the age of 27, she was elected to the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly for the Jalgaon constituency. After that she won in the Muktainagar (formerly Edlabad) constituency on four consecutive occasions between 1967 and 1985, before becoming a Member of Parliament in the Rajya Sabha between 1985 and 1990. In the 1991 elections for the 10th Lok Sabha, she was elected as a Member of Parliament representing the Amravati constituency. A period of retirement from politics followed later in the decade. Patil had held various Cabinet portfolios during her period in the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly and held official positions in both the Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha. In addition, she had been the president of the Maharashtra Pradesh Congress Committee for a few years. Also, she held office as Director of the National Federation of Urban Co-operative Banks and Credit Societies and as a Member of the Governing Council of the National Co-operative Union of India. On 8 November 2004 she was appointed the 17th Governor of Rajasthan, the first woman to hold that office. Sheila Dikshit: Sheila Dikshit served as the Chief Minister of Delhi for three consecutive terms. Her leadership and focus on development initiatives contributed to her influence in Delhi's political landscape. The longest-serving Chief Minister of Delhi, as well as the longest-serving female chief minister of any Indian state, she served for a period of 15 years beginning in 1998. Dikshit led the Indian National Congress party to three consecutive electoral victories in Delhi. Dikshit lost the December 2013 elections of the Delhi Legislative Assembly to the BJP, though Aam Aadmi Party formed a minority government with outside support from the INC, with Arvind Kejriwal as the chief minister.[4] She briefly served as the Governor of Kerala in 2014. She was later declared a chief ministerial candidate for the Indian National Congress in the 2017 Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly election, but withdrew her nomination. She was appointed president of Delhi Pradesh Congress Committee on 10 January 2019 and remained in office until her death in July later that year. Smriti Irani: Smriti Irani, currently serving as the Minister of Women and Child Development, has been a prominent leader in the BJP. Her rise from a television actor to a political figure underscores her influence. She has been Minister of Women and Child Development since 2019, and also Minister of Minority Affairs since 2022 (as the first non-Muslim to hold the position). She previously served as Minister of Human Resource Development (2014 to 2016), Minister of Textiles (2016 to 2021), and Minister of Information and Broadcasting (2017 to 2018). She was the youngest minister (at age 43) in prime minister Narendra Modi's second ministry in 2019. She has been a member of parliament since 2011, serving in the Rajya Sabha from Gujarat from 2011 to 2019 and since 2019 serving as a member of the Lok Sabha from the Amethi constituency in Uttar Pradesh. A prominent leader within the Bharatiya Janata Party, she was the National President of the BJP Mahila Morcha (the party's women's wing) from 2010 to 2013. In the 2019 elections she gained the Amethi constituency by defeating opposition leader Rahul Gandhi, then-president of the Indian National Congress, whose family members had represented the constituency for much of the previous four decades. Irani has a diverse family background, with her paternal family including Punjabi and Maharashtrian heritage while her maternal family has a Bengali heritage, and she speaks several Indian languages including Hindi, Bengali, Marathi, Gujarati, and Punjabi. Vasundhara Raje Scindia: Born into royality, Vasundhara Raje was introduced to politics by her mother and there was no looking back ever since. She has been Rajasthan’s first woman Chief Minister, and credited with turning around its economic fortunes. She is a true-blue feminist and is a role model for the Rajasthani women – her confident personality, regal presence, transformative vision, administrative capability and last but not the least, her bold fashion statement and flamboyant sense of style. Under her leadership, there has been a gradual but sure social change in Rajasthan.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/trailblazing-women-in-indian-political-arena/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Evolution of Election Commission of India]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/evolution-of-election-commission-of-india/ Since India’s independence free and fair elections have been held at regular intervals as per the principles enshrined in the Constitution, Electoral Laws and System. The vote is the most powerful instrument ever devised by man for breaking down injustice and destroying the terrible walls which imprison men because they are different from other men." said former US President Lyndon B. Johnson while defining the beauty of the elections, and votes. When general election in India are round the corner, today we will deep dive into the history of the authority which ensure free and fair election in our country—The Election Commission of India. The Constitution of India has vested in the Election Commission of India the superintendence, direction and control of the entire process for conduct of elections to Parliament and Legislature of every State and to the offices of President and Vice-President of India. History Election Commission of India is a permanent Constitutional Body. The Election Commission was established in accordance with the Constitution on 25th January 1950. The Commission celebrated its Golden Jubilee in 2001. The body administers elections to the Lok Sabha, Rajya Sabha, State Legislative Assemblies, State Legislative Councils and the offices of the President and Vice President of the country. The Election Commission operates under the authority of Constitution per Article 324, and subsequently enacted Representation of the People Act. The commission has the powers under the Constitution, to act in an appropriate manner when the enacted laws make insufficient provisions to deal with a given situation in the conduct of an election. It is a permanent constitutional body. In 1950, the commission originally only had one Chief Election Commissioner. Two additional Commissioners were appointed to the commission for the first time on 16 October 1989 (on the eve of the 1989 General Election), but they had a very short tenure, ending on 1 January 1990. "The Election Commissioner Amendment Act, 1989" was adopted on 1 January 1990 which turned the commission into a multi-member body: a 3-member Commission has been in operation since then and the decisions by the commission are made by a majority vote. The commission is served by its secretariat located in New Delhi. The Election Commissioners are assisted by Deputy Election Commissioners, who are generally IAS officers. They are further assisted by Directors General, Principal Secretaries, and Secretaries and Under Secretaries. At the state level, Election Commission is assisted by the Chief Electoral Officer of the State, who is an IAS officer of Principal Secretary rank. At the district and constituency levels, the District Magistrates (in their capacity as District Election Officers), Electoral Registration Officers and Returning Officers perform election work. Tenure The tenure of election commissioners is not prescribed by Indian Constitution. However, according to the 1991 Election Commission Act, the Chief Election Commissioner or an Election Commissioner shall hold office for a term of six years, or up to the age of 65 years, whichever is earlier, from the date on which he/she assumes his/her office. Originally the commission had only a Chief Election Commissioner. It currently consists of Chief Election Commissioner and two Election Commissioners. For the first time two additional Commissioners were appointed on 16th October 1989 but they had a very short tenure till 1st January 1990. Later, on 1st October 1993 two additional Election Commissioners were appointed. The concept of multi-member Commission has been in operation since then, with decision making power by majority vote. Transaction of Business The Commission transacts its business by holding regular meetings and also by circulation of papers. All Election Commissioners have equal say in the decision making of the Commission. The Commission, from time to time, delegates some of its executive functions to its officers in its Secretariat. The Commission has a separate Secretariat at New Delhi, consisting of about 550 officials, in a hierarchical set up. Five or Six Deputy Election Commissioners and Director Generals who are the senior officers in the Secretariat assist the Commission. They are generally appointed from the national civil service of the country and are selected and appointed by the Commission with tenure. Directors, Principal Secretaries, and Secretaries, Under Secretaries and Deputy Secretary support the Deputy Election Commissioners and Director Generals in turn. There is functional and territorial distribution of work in the Commission. The work is organised in Divisions, Branches and Sections; each of the last mentioned units is in charge of a Section Officer. The main functional divisions are Administration, Electoral Roll, Election Expenditure Management, Information Systems, International Cooperation, Judicial, Media, Planning, Political Parties, Secretariat Co-ordination, and Systematic Voters' Education and Electoral Participation (SVEEP). The territorial work is distributed among separate units responsible for different Zones into which the 36 constituent States and Union Territories of the country are grouped for convenience of management. At the state level, the election work is supervised, subject to overall superintendence, direction and control of the Commission, by the Chief Electoral Officer of the State, who is appointed by the Commission from amongst senior civil servants from a panel of officers proposed by the concerned state government. He is, in most of the States, a full time officer and has a small team of supporting staff. At the district and constituency levels, the District Election Officers, Electoral Registration Officers and Returning Officers, who are assisted by a large number of functionaries, perform election work. They all perform their functions relating to elections in addition to their other responsibilities. During election time, however, they are available to the Commission, more or less, on a full time basis. The gigantic task force for conducting a countrywide general election consists of more than twelve million polling personnel and civil police forces. This huge election machinery is deemed to be on deputation to the Election Commission and is subject to its control, superintendence and discipline during the election period, extending over a period of one and half to two months. Quasi-Judicial Functions The Commission has the power to disqualify a candidate who has failed to lodge an account of his election expenses within the time and in the manner prescribed by law. The Commission has also the power for removing or reducing the period of such disqualification as also other disqualification under the law. International Co-Operation India, as the largest practicing democracy in the world and with over 75 years’ record of holding effective, transparent and credible elections, playing a leading role in promoting participatory democracy and election administration world-wide. Election Commission of India is a founding member and past Chair of the Association of World Election Bodies (A-WEB), a body comprising 119 Election Management Bodies from around the globe as its members; founding member and Chair of the Association of the Asian Election Authorities (AAEA), past chair of the Forum of Election Management Bodies of South Asia (FEMBoSA), member of International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (Intl. IDEA), Stockholm and Commonwealth Electoral Network (CEN) (2010). ECI has always championed the need for international cooperation among democracies, nurtured steady collaborations, learning from each other and sharing experiences and best practices in the areas of Electoral Management and Administration, Electoral Laws and Reforms, Information & Technology with a view to strengthen democracy worldwide. ECI has signed Memorandum of Understandings (MoUs) with 28 Electoral Management Bodies (EMBs) and 3 International Organisations i.e. International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES), International IDEA and United Nations. These MoUs provide institutional framework for collaborative activities like experience sharing, capacity building, technical cooperation and exchange, visits and study missions. Consequent to the decision taken in the Extraordinary Executive Board Meeting of A-WEB held on 2ndSeptember, 2019, the Election Commission of India has established a Regional Centreof A-WEBin New Delhi namely ‘India A–WEB Center’. The Centre is mandated to take up ‘Documentation, Research and Training’ for A-WEB Members for sharing best practices and capacity building among the members of A-WEB in election management. Since 2011, ECI, through its premier training institute IIIDEM, successfully imparted trainings to the 69,362 Election Officials from the 109countries. The Commission has also provided experts and observers for elections to the various countries i.e. Fiji, Cambodia, Thailand, Nepal, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Zimbabwe and Sri Lanka etc. Nepal, Bhutan and Namibia are using the Electronic Voting Machines manufactured in India and the Election Commission of India provided them necessary technical assistance. New Initiatives The Commission has taken several new initiatives in the recent past. Notable among these are, a scheme for use of State owned Electronic Media for broadcast/telecast by Political parties, checking criminalisation of politics, computerisation of electoral rolls, providing electors with Identity Cards, simplifying the procedure for maintenance of accounts and filling of the same by candidates and a variety of measures for strict compliance of Model Code of Conduct, for providing a level playing field to contestants during the elections.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/evolution-of-election-commission-of-india/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[The story of Indian Prime Ministers]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-story-of-indian-prime-ministers/ The prime minister of India is the chief executive of the Government of India. Although the president of India is the constitutional, nominal, and ceremonial head of state, in practice and ordinarily, the executive authority is vested in the prime minister and their chosen Council of Ministers. The prime minister is the leader elected by the party with a majority in the lower house of the Indian parliament, the Lok Sabha, which is the main legislative body in the Republic of India. The prime minister and their cabinet are at all times responsible to the Lok Sabha. The prime minister can be a member of the Lok Sabha or of the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the parliament. The prime minister ranks third in the order of precedence. The prime minister is appointed by the president of India; however, the prime minister has to enjoy the confidence of the majority of Lok Sabha members, who are directly elected every five years, unless a prime minister resigns. The prime minister is the presiding member of the Council of Ministers of the Union government. The prime minister unilaterally controls the selection and dismissal of members of the council; and allocation of posts to members within the government. This council, which is collectively responsible to the Lok Sabha as per Article 75(3), assists the president regarding the operations under the latter's powers; however, by the virtue of Article 74 of the Constitution, such 'aid and advice' tendered by the council is binding. Delving into the history of the independent India, we found that the country has so far witnessed governance of 14 prime ministers that formed 18 governments at the Centre. Jawaharlal Nehru was India's first prime minister, serving as prime minister of the Dominion of India from 15 August 1947 until 26 January 1950, and thereafter of the Republic of India until his death in May 1964. (India conducted its first post-independence general elections in 1952). Earlier, Nehru had served as prime minister of the Interim Government of India during the British Raj from 2 September 1946 until 14 August 1947, his party, the Indian National Congress having won the 1946 Indian provincial elections. Nehru was succeeded by Lal Bahadur Shastri, whose 1 year 7-month term ended in his death in Tashkent, then in the USSR, where he had signed the Tashkent Declaration between India and Pakistan. Indira Gandhi, Nehru's daughter, succeeded Shastri in 1966 to become the country's first female prime minister. Eleven years later, her party the Indian National Congress lost the 1977 Indian general election to the Janata Party, whose leader Morarji Desai became the first non-Congress prime minister. After Desai resigned in 1979, his former associate Charan Singh briefly held office until the Congress won the 1980 Indian general election and Indira Gandhi returned as prime minister. Her second term as prime minister ended five years later on 31 October 1984, when she was assassinated by her bodyguards. Her son Rajiv Gandhi was sworn in as India's youngest premier. Members of Nehru–Gandhi family have been prime minister for approximately 38 years. After a general election loss, Rajiv Gandhi's five-year term ended; his former cabinet colleague, Vishwanath Pratap Singh of the Janata Dal, formed the year-long National Front coalition government in 1989. A sevenmonth interlude under prime minister Chandra Shekhar followed, after which the Congress party returned to power, forming the government under P. V. Narasimha Rao in June 1991, Rajiv Gandhi having been assassinated earlier that year. Rao's five-year term was succeeded by four shortlived governments—Atal Bihari Vajpayee from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) for 13 days in 1996, a year each under United Front prime ministers H. D. Deve Gowda and Inder Kumar Gujral, and Vajpayee again for 13 months in 1998–1999. In 1999, Vajpayee's National Democratic Alliance (NDA) won the general election, the first nonCongress alliance to do so, and he served a full five-year term as prime minister. The Congress, and its United Progressive Alliance won the general elections in 2004 and 2009, Manmohan Singh serving as prime minister between 2004 and 2014. The BJP won the 2014 Indian general election, and its parliamentary leader Narendra Modi formed the first non-Congress single party majority government. Modi has served as prime minister since.
  • Jawaharlal Nehru was the first and the longest-serving prime minister in Indian history.
  • Indira Gandhi was the first a n d only woman to serve as prime minister.
  • Morarji Desai was the first non-Congress prime minister.
  • Atal Bihari Vajpayee was the first non-Congress prime minister to complete a full 5 year term and the only non-Congress prime minister to date to have served on three occasions.
  • Manmohan Singh was the first prime minister from a minority religion.
  • Narendra Modi is the only prime minister to be born in independent India and is the current prime minister
List of the Prime Ministers of India 1.Jawaharlal Nehru (1947–1964) 2.Gulzarilal Nanda (Acting: 1964, 1966) 3.Lal Bahadur Shastri (1964–1966) 4.Gulzarilal Nanda (Acting: 1966) 5.Indira Gandhi (1966–1977) 6.Morarji Desai (1977–1979) 7.Charan Singh (1979–1980) 8.Indira Gandhi (1980–1984) 9.Rajiv Gandhi (1984–1989) 10.Vishwanath Pratap Singh (1989–1990) 11.Chandra Shekhar (1990–1991) 12.P. V. Narasimha Rao (1991–1996) 13.Atal Bihari Vajpayee (1996) 14.H. D. Deve Gowda (1996–1997) 15.I.K. Gujral (1997–1998) 16.Atal Bihari Vajpayee (1998–2004) 17.Manmohan Singh (2004–2014) 18.Narendra Modi (2014–present) INTERESTING FACTS Covering all Indian Prime Ministers with detailed interesting facts for each would be extensive, but here are brief and intriguing facts about each Prime Minister from Jawaharlal Nehru to Narendra Modi: Jawaharlal Nehru (1947–1964): Nehru was an avid reader and prolific writer, penning several books, including the famous "Discovery of India." He was India's longest-serving Prime Minister and played a crucial role in shaping the country's foreign policy. Gulzarilal Nanda (Acting: 1964, 1966): Nanda served as the Acting Prime Minister twice, following the deaths of Jawaharlal Nehru and Lal Bahadur Shastri. Lal Bahadur Shastri (1964–1966): Shastri coined the slogan "Jai Jawan Jai Kisan" ("Hail the Soldier, Hail the Farmer") during the Indo-Pak War of 1965, emphasizing the role of both in the nation's development. Gulzarilal Nanda (Acting: 1966): Nanda served as Acting Prime Minister for a brief period after the demise of Lal Bahadur Shastri. Indira Gandhi (1966– 1977, 1980–1984): Indira Gandhi was the only woman to hold the office of Prime Minister in India. She declared a state of emergency in 1975, suspending civil liberties, and faced criticism for authoritarianism. Morarji Desai (1977– 1979): Desai was known for his austere lifestyle, strict discipline, and advocacy for Gandhian principles. He was the first non-Congress Prime Minister of India. Charan Singh (1979– 1980): Charan Singh was a prominent leader in the Green Revolution, focusing on agricultural reforms. His term as Prime Minister was short-lived, serving for less than two years. Indira Gandhi (1980– 1984): Gandhi's second term witnessed Operation Blue Star, an action against Sikh militants in the Golden Temple, which led to her assassination in 1984. Rajiv Gandhi (1984– 1989): Rajiv Gandhi, a former pilot, was India's youngest Prime Minister at the age of 40. He initiated economic and technological reforms during his tenure. Vishwanath Pratap Singh (1989–1990): V.P. Singh implemented the Mandal Commission recommendations for reservation in government jobs, impacting Indian politics significantly. His government collapsed due to internal differences on economic policies. Chandra Shekhar (1990–1991): Chandra Shekhar was the only Prime Minister to be elected with outside support, without a majority in the Lok Sabha. His term was short-lived, lasting less than a year. P. V. Narasimha Rao (1991–1996): Rao initiated economic reforms, dismantling the License Raj and opening up the Indian economy. He was a polyglot, fluent in multiple languages, including Marathi, Hindi, and Telugu. Atal Bihari Vajpayee (1996): Vajpayee served as Prime Minister for a short duration in 1996, making him the first nonCongress Prime Minister to complete a full term. He was a renowned poet and orator, known for his powerful speeches. H. D. Deve Gowda (1996–1997): Deve Gowda was the first Prime Minister from Karnataka. His term was marked by political instability and the United Front coalition government. I. K. Gujral (1997–1998): Gujral's "Gujral Doctrine" focused on improving relations with India's neighbors, emphasizing non-reciprocal gestures of goodwill. He served as the External Affairs Minister and later as Prime Minister. Atal Bihari Vajpayee (1998–2004): Vajpayee led the government during the 1998 nuclear tests, establishing India as a nuclear weapons state. His government prioritized infrastructure development with projects like the Golden Quadrilateral. Manmohan Singh (2004–2014): Manmohan Singh, an economist, played a pivotal role in economic reforms in the 1990s and served as the Finance Minister. His tenure as Prime Minister saw substantial economic growth but also faced criticism for corruption scandals. Narendra Modi (2014– present): Modi, a former Chief Minister of Gujarat, is known for his dynamic leadership style and emphasis on development. He initiated flagship schemes like Swachh Bharat Abhiyan and Make in India. These facts provide a glimpse into the diverse personalities and contributions of India's Prime Ministers over the years. The Role of Prime Minister The position of the Prime Minister is one of paramount significance in the political landscape of India. As the head of the government, the Prime Minister plays a crucial role in shaping the nation's policies, steering its development, and representing the country on the global stage. This essay explores the role, responsibilities, and significance of the Prime Minister of India in the democratic framework of the nation. Responsibilities: The Prime Minister of India is the leader of the executive branch of the government and is appointed by the President of India. The Prime Minister's role is multifaceted, encompassing various responsibilities that contribute to the governance and administration of the country. Some key roles and responsibilities include: Head of Government: The Prime Minister is the head of the government and holds the highest executive authority. They lead the Council of Ministers and are responsible for formulating and implementing policies. Policy Formulation: The Prime Minister is actively involved in the formulation of policies that guide the nation's development. They work closely with their cabinet colleagues, experts, and advisors to address the diverse challenges faced by the country. Crisis Management: During times of crisis, whether it be economic challenges, natural disasters, or security threats, the Prime Minister takes charge of crisis management. They provide leadership and coordinate efforts to address and overcome such challenges. Legislative Leadership: The Prime Minister plays a crucial role in the legislative process. They guide the government's agenda in the Parliament, ensuring the passage of bills and policies that align with the government's vision. International Representation: As the face of the nation on the global stage, the Prime Minister represents India in international forums. They engage in diplomatic activities, foster bilateral relations, and participate in global discussions on issues of mutual concern. Advisory Role: The Prime Minister advises the President on the appointment of key officials, including members of the cabinet and other highranking positions. In summary, the role of the Prime Minister in India is indispensable for effective governance, policy formulation, representation, and crisis management. The position is designed to provide strong leadership and coordination, ensuring that the government functions smoothly and addresses the diverse challenges facing the nation. REVOLUTIONARY DECISIONS Here's a chronological overview of some significant and transformative decisions made by Indian Prime Ministers: Jawaharlal Nehru: Land Reforms: Nehru's government implemented land reforms aimed at reducing the concentration of landownership, redistributing land to the landless, and abolishing intermediaries. Indira Gandhi: Nationalization of Banks (1969): Indira Gandhi's government nationalized major banks to bring about greater economic control and inclusive growth. Morarji Desai: Diplomatic Recognition of Bangladesh (1971): While not a Prime Minister at the time, Morarji Desai, as the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of External Affairs, played a key role in India's recognition of Bangladesh after the Bangladesh Liberation War. Rajiv Gandhi: He initiated computerization efforts in government offices, laying the groundwork for the modernization of administrative processes with the introduction of computers. V.P. Singh: Implementation of Mandal Commission Recommendations (1990): V.P. Singh's decision to implement the Mandal Commission's recommendations for reservations in government jobs for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) had a profound impact on Indian politics. P.V. Narasimha Rao: Economic Liberalization (1991): Facing a severe economic crisis, Rao initiated significant economic reforms, liberalizing the Indian economy by dismantling the License Raj and opening up to foreign investment. Atal Bihari Vajpayee: Pokhran-II Nuclear Tests (1998): Vajpayee's government conducted a series of nuclear tests at Pokhran, declaring India as a nuclear weapons state. Manmohan Singh: Nuclear Deal with the U.S. (2008): Manmohan Singh's government secured the Indo-U.S. Civil Nuclear Agreement, opening up India's nuclear sector for civilian purposes and easing international restrictions. Narendra Modi: Goods and Services Tax (GST) Implementation (2017): Modi's government implemented the GST, a unified indirect tax system aimed at simplifying taxation and promoting a common market.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-story-of-indian-prime-ministers/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[The Story of Empowering Shakti]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-story-of-empowering-shakti/ The history of empowering women in India is a saga of courage, resilience, and a collective determination to rewrite a narrative where every woman's voice is not just heard but echoes through generations, shaping a future of equality and limitless possibilities. Yatra Naaryantu Poojanthe Tatra Ramanthe Devatha” means where the Woman is venerated there the Gods Rejoice. Women empowerment in India is dependent up to a great extent on numerous different variables that encompass geographical setting (urban/rural), social status (caste and class), educational status, and age factor. In India, for centuries, women have been pushed aside from the race of development in the name of customs, traditions and religion. As a result, they have been denied the opportunities for their social, economic and political development leading to a lower status in society. The independent India has seen tremendous functional changes in the status and position of women in Indian society. The Constitution of India has granted franchise to Indian women. Several committees have made recommendations regarding the employment of women. In the organised sector women were employed more in the public sector than in private sector. Majority of women are in the vast rural and urban unorganised sector. In Independent India women have important political and administrative positions. With political parties fielding 8-9% female candidates in the last decade of Lok Sabha elections, the houses could not have been more female. Their often-cited excuse is a lack of winnability of women, a complete fallacy in the face of counter-evidence. Women's empowerment in India has undergone a profound and dynamic evolution over the centuries, reflecting the nation's cultural, social, and political transformations. Today, we will delve into the historical narrative of women empowerment in India, exploring key milestones, challenges, and the remarkable progress made by women in various spheres on the day when the world is celebrating the International Women's Day. Ancient Period: In ancient India, women held significant roles in society, evident through the Rigvedic hymns praising the concept of "Shakti" or feminine energy. Women actively participated in economic activities, education, and even governance in some regions. However, the subsequent centuries witnessed a gradual decline in women's status, with social norms becoming more restrictive. According to the International Journal of Creative Research Thoughts’ research paper on Women Empowerment In India: Historical Evolution--The Indian society like a number of classical societies was patriarchal. The patriarchal values regulating sexuality, reproduction and social production (meaning total conditions of production) prevailed and were expressed through specific cultural metaphors. Overt rules prohibiting women from specific activities and denying certain rights did exist. But more subtle expression of patriarchy was through symbolism giving messages of inferiority of women through legends highlighting the self-sacrificing, selfeffecting pure image of women and through the ritual practices which day in and day out emphasized the dominant role of a woman as a faithful wife and devout mother. The basic rules for women's behaviour as expressed in the Laws of Manu insist that a woman must constantly worship her husband as a god, even though he is destitute of virtue or a womaniser. The women should be kept in dependency by her husband because by nature they are passionate and disloyal. The ideal women are those who do not strive to break these bonds of control. The salvation and happiness of women revolve around their virtue and chastity as daughters, wives and widows. In India, for centuries, women have been pushed aside from the race of development in the name of customs, traditions and religion. As a result, they have been denied the opportunities for their social, economic and political development leading to a lower status in society. The social customs, religiously sanctioned rituals, the authoritarian structure of the family organisation, the accepted mode of socialization of young girls and the very rigidly defined roles and activities of women have contributed to the social degradation of women in the Indian society. Vedic Age: In the vedic age the women were highly esteemed and they enjoyed equal socio-cultural status. The early Rigveda’s mentioned of women as equals who participated in all the household activities related both to social and economic spheres. No important function could be performed by man alone. Man was considered incomplete without the women in those days. The women had the rights to read and recite the vedas and other sacred as well as secular texts. Several of them played very important roles in the formulation of social policies and code of conduct. Maitrayee, Gargi and Leelavati were not only highly learned women, they were equally well versed in higher mathematic astronomy and the humanities. Women were eulogized in the hymns. Feminine deities like Saraswati, Kali, Lakshmi, Durga are worshipped even today. Woman was regarded as the base of all power or 'shakti'. Many traditions and customs which persist even today bear evidence of such exalted status of women in the past. Medieval Period: The medieval period saw mixed fortunes for women in India. While some royal courts patronized female scholars, artists, and administrators, societal norms often limited women's freedom. Practices like Sati and restrictions on widows further restricted women's rights, reflecting a patriarchal societal structure. In the Bhakti movement - the medieval saints movement, the saints emphasised salvation through devotion to a deity, wherein no intermediary such as a pandit or a purohit was required. The Bhaktas vehemently attacked ritualism and overlordship of the Brahmans, used the vernacular as a language of communication and opened the gates of religion for women. Not surprisingly it is the Bhakti movement which produced women saints like Meerabai and Lalla in the North, Andal and Akka as the Mahadevi in the South and Bahanabai in the West. This movement did not basically challenge the unequal social structure and limited it only to individual salvation, it could not fundamentally affect gender subordination. Colonial Era: The British colonial rule had a complex impact on women's empowerment. On one hand, the British education system provided opportunities for women to access formal education. On the other hand, certain social reforms by Indian leaders sought to address issues like child marriage and promote widow remarriage. From 1885 to 1900 role of Indian women was confined to social reforms. “During this period Pandit Ramabai Rande, Maharani Tapasvani, Swarn Kumari Devi, Franchina Sorabji and lady Harnam Singh worked in the field of women education,important in the condition of Hindu women, prudah, Medical aid and infant care. Towards the close of the century many more ladies took up the cause of women’s education in particular and also contributed to the literature of the land, like in Maharastra Miss BharSamaskar, Godavibai and in Gujrat Miss Patrick Parsi lady who conducted the Stri Mitra Mandal, Mrs. Putli bai and in Bengal, Mrs R.N. Rai,Mrs Gindra Mohini, Mrs Pramila Nag and many others Annie Basent came to India in 1893 from 1903, She started her work of social reform continued up to 1913, She associated herself with Sanatan Dharma Sabha, Bomeros. During this period. She started her crusade against caste system, child marriage and unsociability. She established Hindu college at Banars. She organized movements for the emancipation of women. Mrs. Basent observed that, “India is not ruled for the prospering of the people but rather for the profit of her conquerors and her sons are being treated as the conquered race”. Post-Independence Era: The struggle for independence played a crucial role in shaping the narrative of women's empowerment. Visionary leaders like Mahatma Gandhi recognized the importance of women's participation in the freedom movement, paving the way for their increased involvement in social and political spheres. Post-independence, the Constitution of India guaranteed equal rights for women, and leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru emphasized the importance of gender equality. The latter half of the 20th century witnessed powerful social movements advocating for women's rights. The women's liberation movement gained momentum, demanding equal opportunities, reproductive rights, and an end to gender-based violence. Grassroots organizations and feminist voices played a pivotal role in bringing attention to issues affecting women. Contemporary Scenario: In the 21st century, women in India have made significant strides in various fields. Increased access to education, economic opportunities, and advancements in technology have empowered women to break traditional barriers. Women are now active participants in politics, business, science, and sports, challenging stereotypes and contributing to the nation's development. Majority of women are in the vast rural and urban unorganised sector. According to an estimate by National Commission on Self-Employed Women, 94 per cent of the female work force operates within this highly exploited sector. In the rural unorganized sector, women have a noticeable presence in several segments. They participate extensively in agriculture, animal husbandry, dairying, social and agro-forestry, fisheries, handicrafts, khadi and village industries, handloom weaving and seri-culture. In agriculture, where their participation is substantial, their activities range from sowing to weeding, transplantation and harvesting. In agro-forestry, they are engaged in the collection of minor forest produce and medicinal herbs, as well as in afforestation programmes. Besides land-based occupations, women contribute in no small measure to village industries. The majority of working women are in self-embroider making garments, rolling bidis and incense sticks and in a variety of other activities. Challenges: Despite notable progress, challenges persist. Gender-based violence, unequal access to resources, and workplace discrimination continue to hinder full empowerment. Initiatives like the Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao campaign and the provision of reservations for women in local governance aim to address these challenges. The history of women empowerment in India is a narrative of resilience, progress, and ongoing challenges. While acknowledging the milestones achieved, it is crucial to remain vigilant and committed to creating an inclusive society where women can thrive without constraints. The empowerment of women is not just a historical achievement but an ongoing journey towards equality and justice. The future of women empowerment in India lies in building on past achievements and addressing existing disparities. It involves fostering a society that recognizes and values the contributions of women in all aspects of life. Through continued advocacy, education, and policy reforms, India can move closer to realizing the vision of gender equality and empowering every woman to reach her full potential. In conclusion, the multifaceted nature of women's empowerment in India requires a comprehensive and intersectional approach. Progress in education, employment, health, and legal rights is essential, but cultural shifts, community engagement, and global collaboration are equally crucial. The empowerment of women is an ongoing process, and collective efforts from individuals, communities, governments, and international entities are vital for achieving sustainable and meaningful change.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-story-of-empowering-shakti/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Cultivating Legacy: Cereals of India]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/cultivating-legacy-cereals-of-india/ The journey of millets from Vedic culture to the present times involves a rich history of cultivation, dietary preferences, cultural significance, and a recent resurgence due to their nutritional benefits and sustainability. These are names of some ancient grains that have nourished humanity from prehistoric times. Some of these might seem familiar as they have made a comeback on the Indian plate. In contrast, others are seeing a revival on the global stage even though they have been part of hyperlocal cuisine in remote parts of India and the world. These ancient grains, some dating back to about 5000 years ago, lost out to the more commonly grown industrialised wheat, rice and corn. The healthy ancient grains were eclipsed when at least in India, due to the Green Revolution in the 1940s and 50s, the emphasis was on producing high-yielding strains of grains that could feed the population. However, it is widely acknowledged now that these ancient grains may hold the key to modern-day problems of chronic diseases and global food insecurity due to climate change. Recognising the potential of these ancient grains to address matters of health, environment, low water requirement, resistance to pests and farmer welfare, the United Nations, at the behest of the Government of India, has declared 2023 as the International Year of Millets. As millets have a long history in the Indian subcontinent, and their use can be traced back to ancient times, including the Vedic period. The Vedas, which are the oldest sacred texts of Hinduism, provide some insights into the agricultural practices and dietary habits of the people during that era. Millets were likely an essential part of Vedic culture for several reasons: Agricultural Practices: The Vedas contain references to various crops and agricultural practices. Millets, being hardy and adaptable to different agro-climatic conditions, were likely cultivated during the Vedic period. The Rigveda, one of the oldest Vedic texts, mentions different types of crops and the importance of agriculture. Culinary Uses: Millets would have been used in the preparation of various food items. While the specific culinary practices of the Vedic period are not extensively detailed in the Vedas, it is reasonable to assume that millets were a part of the daily diet, used to make flatbreads, porridges, and other dishes. Symbology and Rituals: The Vedas often use symbolic language and metaphors. Certain grains, including barley and rice, hold symbolic significance in Vedic rituals. While millets may not be explicitly mentioned in the rituals, the overall importance of grains in Vedic ceremonies suggests that a variety of grains, including millets, would have been a part of the agricultural and religious landscape. Diversity in Agriculture: The Vedic people recognized the importance of diversifying agricultural practices. Different regions in the Indian subcontinent have different agro-climatic conditions, and millets, with their ability to grow in various environments, would have played a role in ensuring food security and sustainability. Ayurveda: Ayurveda, the ancient Indian system of medicine, also recognizes the nutritional and medicinal properties of various grains, including millets. Millets are considered to have a balancing effect on the doshas (body constitution) in Ayurveda, and they are recommended for their health benefits. It is reasonable to infer that millets were part of the agricultural practices and diet during that period. The historical and cultural significance of millets in India is a testament to their longstanding presence in the country's agricultural and culinary traditions. Here’s a guide that will spare you the blushes of being an ancient grain ignoramus. What makes for a potential blockbuster on the plate depends on how well these grains adapt to the current food habits, the ease at which they can be made part of the daily diet and their health benefits. Flour made out of grains such as amaranth (rajgira in Hindi), barley (jau), pearl millet (bajra), finger millet (ragi), and sorghum (jowar) lends well to doughs that are used to make the quintessential chapatis and rotis. These grains have higher fibre and protein content and can be used to make the typical Indian meal less carb-heavy. Some older generations might still remember using these grains commonly till they lost out to the wheat. These grains are also gluten-free and so is a godsend for individuals who love rotis but are gluten-sensitive or gluten-intolerant. Buckwheat or kuttu is a seed that masquerades as a cereal due to its high starch content (people with diabetes beware) and is closely associated with religious celebrations. It is gluten-free, though and therefore found in gluten-free bread loaves! Given that India is the largest millet exporter in the world, the range of millets found in India is fantastic. India’s most commonly used millets are little millet, barnyard millet, proso millet, foxtail millet, sorghum (jowar), Kodo millet and pearl millet. These tiny grains are a nutrient powerhouse and can be ground up into flour, cooked as you would rice, or made into porridges, dosas, or even halwa. The “snacky kinds” would also be interested to know that millets have made their way into noodles, bread, pancakes, biscuits and other savoury and sweet snacks. The plethora of food options that use millet as the base ingredient works excellent for individuals seeking health benefits. Most millets have been estimated to be at least three times more nutritious than rice, wheat and maize (corn) in terms of vitamins, fibre content, protein and minerals such as calcium, magnesium and iron. They also contain vitamin E and health-promoting phytonutrients such as phytosterols, polyphenols, phytocyanins, lignins, and phyto-oestrogens. These phytonutrients, through their actions, may help prevent age-related degenerative illnesses such as cardiovascular diseases, type-2 diabetes, and cancer. Due to their high fibre content, millets are also diabetic friendly as they raise the glucose in the blood at a lower rate (low glycemic index). However, it has to be kept in mind that the nutrient profile of these ancient grains changes based on how they are processed. A smooth sifted millet flour will have less fibre than a coarser unsifted one.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/cultivating-legacy-cereals-of-india/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[What is Brewing in India?]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/what-is-brewing-in-india/ Steeped in tradition, the history of tea in India is a journey that unfolds in delicate leaves and aromatic whispers, a tale of cultivation and community, where each sip narrates the poetry of plantations and the warmth of shared moments. In India, the semi medicinal use of tea brew is noted in 1662 by Johan Albrecht de Mandelslo (1616–1644) was a seventeenth-century German adventurer, who wrote about his travels through Iran and India. In 1689, Ovington records that tea was taken by the banias in Surat without sugar, or mixed with a small quantity of conserved lemons, and that tea with some spices added was used against headache, gravel and gripe. The tea leaves for such use may have come from China. While experimenting to introduce tea in India, British colonists noticed that tea plants with thicker leaves also grew in Assam, and these, when planted in India, responded very well. The same plants had long been cultivated by the Singphos tribe of Assam, and chests of tea supplied by the tribal ruler Ningroola. The Assamese and Chinese varieties have been regarded in the past as different related species, but are now usually classified by botanists as the same species, Camellia sinensis. In the early 1820s, the British East India Company began large-scale production of tea in Assam, India, of a tea variety traditionally brewed by the Singpho people. In 1826, the British East India Company took over the region from the Ahom kings through the Yandaboo Treaty. In 1837, the first English tea garden was established at Chabua in Upper Assam; in 1840, the Assam Tea Company began the commercial production of tea in the region. Beginning in the 1850s, the tea industry rapidly expanded, consuming vast tracts of land for tea plantations. By the turn of the century, Assam became the leading tea-producing region in the world. The introduction of Chinese tea plants, different from Indian tea, to India is commonly credited to Robert Fortune, who spent about two and a half years, from 1848 to 1851, in China working on behalf of the Royal Horticultural Society of London. Fortune employed many different means to steal tea plants and seedlings, which were regarded as the property of the Chinese empire. He also used Nathaniel Bagshaw Ward's portable Wardian cases to sustain the plants. Using these small greenhouses, Fortune introduced 20,000 tea plants and seedlings to the Darjeeling region of India, on steep slopes in the foothills of the Himalayas, with the acid soil liked by Camellia plants. He also brought a group of trained Chinese tea workers who would facilitate the production of tea leaves. With the exception of a few plants which survived in established Indian gardens, most of the Chinese tea plants Fortune introduced to India perished. The technology and knowledge that was brought over from China was instrumental in the later flourishing of the Indian tea industry using Chinese varieties, especially Darjeeling tea, which continues to use Chinese strains. From the first, Indian-grown tea proved extremely popular in Britain, both for its greater strength, and as a patriotic product of the empire. Tea had been a high-status drink when first introduced, but had steadily fallen in price and increased in popularity among the working class. The Temperance movement massively promoted tea-drinking, from the early 19thC on, as an alternative to beer – water being of dubious quality, but the complete boiling necessary for tea rendering it safe. Many men in particular found China tea insipid, and the greater strength and lower price of Indian teas appealed greatly. By the last quarter of the nineteenth century, big brands such as Lyons, Liptons and Mazawattee dominated the market. Tea was the dominant drink for all classes during the Victorian era, working-class families often doing without other foods in order to afford it. This meant the potential market for Indian teas was vast. Indian tea (effectively including Ceylon tea from Sri Lanka) soon came to be the "norm", with China tea a minority taste. Until the 1970s and the rise of instant coffee, Indian tea had almost sole command of the hot drinks market. Its rivals were cocoa, coffee and savoury drinks such as Bovril and Oxo. In recent decades, Asian tea has lost much ground in the cheaper end of European markets to tea from Africa, especially Kenyan tea India is one of the largest tea producers globally, and its tea industry is deeply intertwined with its cultural and economic fabric. The history of tea in India reflects a captivating journey of exploration, experimentation, and the cultivation of a beverage that has become an integral part of daily life for millions. The history of tea in India dates back to ancient times, with its origins steeped in legends and folklore. It's believed that tea was first discovered in China around 2737 BCE. However, it wasn't until the British East India Company established its presence in India that tea cultivation began to take root.The British, who were avid tea drinkers, sought to break China's monopoly on tea production by establishing tea cultivation in India. In 1823, the British botanist Robert Bruce discovered indigenous tea plants growing wild in the hills of Assam, a region in northeastern India. This discovery led to the establishment of the first tea gardens in Assam, marking the beginning of commercial tea production in India. By the mid-19th century, tea cultivation had spread to other regions of India, such as Darjeeling, Nilgiris, and Dooars. British planters introduced modern techniques of cultivation, processing, and blending, transforming tea into a major industry in India.During this period, large tea estates were established, and labor was sourced from various regions, including India and neighboring countries. The tea industry became a significant economic force, providing employment opportunities and contributing to India's colonial economy. After India gained independence in 1947, the tea industry continued to flourish, with the government taking steps to promote and regulate tea production. Today, India is one of the world's largest producers and consumers of tea, known for its diverse varieties and rich cultural significance. Tea remains an integral part of Indian culture, enjoyed by people from all walks of life. Today, we will provide you insights on historical significance and present relevance of tea in India’s life. 1. *Darjeeling Tea*: In the mid-19th century, tea cultivation began in the Darjeeling region of West Bengal. Darjeeling tea, with its unique flavor and aroma, soon gained international acclaim and became known as the "Champagne of Teas." It is prized for its delicate taste and is often considered one of the finest teas in the world. 2. *Nilgiri Tea*: Tea cultivation also expanded to the Nilgiri hills of southern India during the 19th century. Nilgiri tea is known for its brisk, full-bodied flavor and is commonly used in blends and flavored teas. 3. *Assam*: Assam is the largest tea-producing region in India, known for its robust and malty black teas. It accounts for a significant portion of India's total tea output and is characterized by its lush plains and abundant rainfall, ideal for tea cultivation. 4. *Dooars-Terai*: The Dooars region in West Bengal and the Terai region in neighboring states are important tea-producing areas, known for their lush forests and fertile plains. Tea estates in these regions produce a range of teas, including robust black teas and milder green teas. 5. *Other Regions*: In addition to the major tea-growing regions mentioned above, tea is also cultivated in various other parts of India, including Kerala, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, and Himachal Pradesh. Each of these regions contributes to India's overall tea production, offering a diverse range of flavors and styles. 6. *Tea Auctions*: The establishment of tea auctions in cities like Kolkata (formerly Calcutta) played a crucial role in the development of the tea industry in India. These auctions provided a platform for tea producers to sell their products to buyers from around the world, ensuring fair prices and transparency in trade. 7. *Indian Tea Association*: Formed in 1881, the Indian Tea Association (ITA) played a pivotal role in promoting the interests of tea growers and exporters in India. It also contributed to the standardization of tea production practices and the establishment of quality control measures. 8. *Impact on Indian Society*: The tea industry had a significant impact on Indian society, particularly in regions where tea cultivation became a dominant economic activity. It led to the migration of laborers from various parts of India, including tribal communities from central India and neighboring countries like Nepal and Bangladesh, to work in tea estates. 9. *Cultural Significance*: Tea has become deeply ingrained in Indian culture and is consumed in various forms, including chai (spiced tea), masala chai (spiced tea with milk), and regional specialties like Kashmiri Kahwa and South Indian filter coffee. Tea is often served during social gatherings, religious ceremonies, and as a hospitality gesture in Indian households. Overall, the history of tea in India is a tale of innovation, economic development, and cultural integration, reflecting the country's diverse heritage and global influence in the world of tea production and consumption. India is one of the largest tea producers in the world, renowned for its diverse varieties and high-quality teas. The country's tea production is primarily concentrated in several key regions, each known for its unique flavor profiles and growing conditions: India's tea production is a vital component of its agricultural sector, providing employment opportunities for millions of people and contributing significantly to the country's economy. The tea industry continues to evolve, with ongoing efforts to improve cultivation practices, promote sustainability, and meet the growing demand for Indian teas both domestically and internationally.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/what-is-brewing-in-india/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[The story of the Ancient Holly Alliance]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-story-of-the-ancient-holly-alliance/ The journey of Indian marriage tradition, a symphony of cultural evolution and timeless rituals, dances through history like a melody. "The journey of Indian marriages unfolds like a sacred manuscript, blending ancient verses with contemporary notes—a symphony of tradition and adaptation, where love transcends eras. Today we will provide the insights on the beautiful journey of ancient Indian marriages to the modern era. Ancient marriages in India were deeply rooted in cultural and religious traditions. Vedic texts, such as the Rigveda, provide insights into early matrimonial practices, emphasizing the sacred nature of marriage. Arranged marriages were prevalent, with families playing a significant role in the matchmaking process. The institution of 'Swayamvara,' where a bride chose her groom from a gathering of eligible suitors, also existed. Caste and social status played a crucial role in partner selection, reinforcing social hierarchy. The 'Gandharva' marriage, based on mutual consent, was another form mentioned in ancient texts. Rituals like 'Kanyadaan' symbolized the transfer of responsibility from the father to the groom. The Gupta period witnessed the emergence of more elaborate ceremonies, reflecting societal evolution. Dowry became ingrained, impacting the socio-economic dynamics of marriages. Joint families were common, emphasizing the collective responsibility of relatives in marital affairs. Through the ages, diverse regional customs influenced matrimonial practices, fostering a rich tapestry of traditions. Despite changes, the essence of marriage as a sacred union remained a constant in ancient India, shaping societal norms and values. During the medieval period, the influence of Islamic and Mughal cultures introduced new elements to Indian marriages. Polygamy, allowed in certain circumstances in Islamic law, became more visible. Sati, a controversial practice where widows self-immolated on their husband's funeral pyre, gained attention but was not universally accepted. The British colonial era brought about legal reforms. The Hindu Marriage Act of 1955 aimed to standardize Hindu marriage rituals and provided legal recognition to monogamous unions. The act also addressed issues like divorce and maintenance. Post-independence, societal shifts and economic changes affected marriage dynamics. Love marriages gained acceptance, challenging traditional arranged marriage norms. Inter-caste marriages faced resistance but gradually became more common, contributing to social integration. In contemporary India, while arranged marriages persist, there is a noticeable trend towards greater individual autonomy in partner selection. Legal reforms continue to shape marital laws, addressing issues such as child marriage and domestic violence. The history of ancient marriages in India reflects a complex interplay of cultural, religious, and socio-economic factors, shaping the institution across millennia. The ancient concept of 'varnashrama dharma' outlined distinct stages of life, including 'Grahastha' (householder), emphasizing the importance of marital life. Marriages were seen as a duty, contributing to the continuity of family and society. Societal norms often dictated that marriages were not just unions of individuals but alliances between families. The practice of 'Gotra' - tracing lineage to a common ancestor - influenced marriage choices to avoid perceived blood relationships. Traditional marriage ceremonies were marked by elaborate rituals, reflecting regional diversity. Customs like the 'Saptapadi,' where the couple takes seven steps around the sacred fire, symbolized their commitment to each other. The exchange of symbolic items like 'Mangalsutra' and 'Sindoor' held deep cultural significance. The prevalence of child marriages in ancient India, though criticized today, was influenced by factors like socio-economic conditions and the desire for early procreation. However, reformers like Raja Ram Mohan Roy in the 19th century played a pivotal role in challenging these practices and advocating for legal reforms. The rich history of ancient marriages in India showcases a dynamic evolution, influenced by cultural, religious, and socio-economic factors, contributing to the diverse tapestry of matrimonial traditions in the country. The medieval period witnessed the influence of the Bhakti and Sufi movements, which sometimes advocated a more egalitarian approach to marriage, emphasizing love and devotion over societal norms. Saints like Kabir and Meera Bai challenged conventional practices through their writings and lifestyles. The concept of 'Anuloma' and 'Pratiloma' marriages, which involved unions between higher and lower castes, sometimes faced societal opposition. The 'Manusmriti,' an ancient legal text, categorized such marriages, reflecting the prevailing caste-based hierarchy. The Mughal era introduced Persian elements to marriage ceremonies, adding a touch of grandeur. The 'Nikaah' ceremony in Islamic traditions gained prominence, emphasizing consent and simplicity. British colonial rule not only brought legal changes but also impacted social attitudes. The Victorian ideals of morality influenced debates around issues like widow remarriage and divorce. Post-independence, various socio-economic factors, urbanization, and education have contributed to changing marital dynamics. Love marriages, inter-religious marriages, and unconventional partnerships have become more accepted, reflecting a more pluralistic society. In exploring the history of ancient marriages in India, one witnesses a complex interplay of tradition, religious influence, societal norms, and the impact of external forces, shaping the diverse landscape of matrimonial practices in the country. The concept of 'Dharma' (righteous duty) was deeply ingrained in ancient Indian marriages, emphasizing not just the union of two individuals but the fulfillment of societal and cosmic obligations. Marital responsibilities extended beyond the couple to encompass familial and community well-being. Ancient texts like the 'Arthashastra' provided guidelines for the conduct of marriages, reflecting a concern for societal order. The importance of progeny for performing last rites and carrying on family traditions underscored the significance of marriages in Hindu society. The 'Ashrama' system outlined different stages of life, and marriage marked the transition to the 'Grahastha' stage, where individuals were expected to fulfill familial duties and contribute to the welfare of society. Throughout history, regional variations in marriage customs flourished. For instance, the 'Kamasutra' of Vatsyayana, while primarily a guide on love and sexuality, also touched upon aspects of marital life, highlighting the diversity of perspectives in ancient India. The prominence of goddesses like Sita, Radha, and Parvati in Hindu mythology showcased the idealized feminine virtues, influencing societal expectations regarding the roles of women in marriages. Exploring the history of ancient marriages in India reveals a nuanced understanding of the institution, encompassing spiritual, societal, and cultural dimensions that have shaped the diverse and intricate tapestry of matrimonial practices in the country. Impact of Invasions Invasions in India, particularly by foreign rulers and cultures, have significantly influenced the marriage culture over different periods of history. Here are some notable impacts: 1. **Cultural Syncretism:** Invasions led to the blending of diverse cultures, resulting in a syncretic approach to marriage customs. Practices from invading cultures often merged with indigenous traditions, creating a rich tapestry of matrimonial rituals. 2. **Intercultural Marriages:** Invasions facilitated intercultural marriages as people from different backgrounds came into contact. This contributed to the diversification of matrimonial practices, with couples adapting to each other's customs. 3. **Changes in Social Hierarchy:** Invasions sometimes brought about shifts in social hierarchies, impacting marriage alliances. The conquerors might impose their own norms, affecting who could marry whom and under what circumstances. 4. **Influence on Clothing and Ornaments:** The invading cultures often introduced new styles of clothing, jewelry, and adornments. These elements influenced wedding attire and accessories, contributing to changes in the visual aspects of matrimonial ceremonies. 5. **Religious Transformations:** Some invasions brought new religions or sects, influencing marriage ceremonies and customs. For example, the Islamic influence introduced 'Nikaah' ceremonies and certain dietary practices that became part of Indian Muslim matrimonial traditions. 6. **Impact on Gender Roles:** Invasions could lead to changes in societal structures, impacting gender roles and expectations within marriages. New rulers might bring different perspectives on the roles of men and women, affecting marital dynamics. 7. **Legal and Administrative Changes:** With foreign rulers came changes in legal systems and administrative structures. Marriage laws and regulations often underwent modifications, shaping the legal framework around matrimonial practices. 8. **Economic Changes:** Invasions could lead to economic transformations, affecting dowry practices and socio-economic dynamics within marriages. Economic considerations often played a role in matrimonial negotiations. While invasions brought challenges, they also contributed to the evolution and resilience of India's diverse marriage culture. The fusion of traditions and adaptation to new circumstances highlight the dynamic nature of matrimonial practices over the course of history. Sanctity of Marriage Marriage sanctity in India is deeply rooted in cultural, religious, and societal values. Here are key aspects that emphasize the sanctity of marriage in the Indian context: Marriage is considered a sacred covenant, and the exchange of vows plays a crucial role. The promises made during the wedding ceremonies, often witnessed by family and deities, are seen as binding and sacred commitments. Marriage ceremonies in India are often accompanied by religious rituals and blessings from priests. Different communities follow their own religious customs, and the sanctity of the marriage is believed to be reinforced by invoking divine blessings. Indian marriages are not just unions of individuals but also the merging of families. The sanctity of marriage is intertwined with the idea of fostering strong family bonds and maintaining social harmony. Traditional Indian values emphasize the concept of 'dharma' (righteous duty), and marriage is seen as a fulfilling of one's duty to society, family, and ancestors. This sense of duty contributes to the sanctity and permanence of the marital bond. In Hinduism, life is seen as a series of 'samskaras' or sacraments, and marriage is a significant one. It is considered a crucial stage in life, contributing to personal and spiritual growth. The sanctity of marriage is linked to these transformative life stages. The idea of sacrifice for the well-being of the family and the commitment to work through challenges are integral to the sanctity of marriage. Couples are expected to endure and overcome difficulties together. Various symbolic rituals, such as the exchange of garlands, the 'saat phere' (seven rounds around the sacred fire), and the application of 'sindoor' and 'mangalsutra,' hold deep cultural and symbolic significance, reinforcing the sanctity of the marital bond. The legal framework surrounding marriage in India recognizes the sanctity of the institution. Legal procedures and regulations underscore the seriousness and commitment involved in marriage. Despite evolving societal norms, the sanctity of marriage in India continues to be revered, reflecting a harmonious blend of tradition, spirituality, and familial bonds. Amusing Facts While marriage in India is often a serious and sacred institution, there are some amusing and lighthearted facts surrounding the cultural and societal aspects: 1. **Astrological Compatibility:** Many families still consult astrologers to ensure the compatibility of the horoscopes of prospective couples. This sometimes leads to comical situations where stars and planets play matchmakers. 2. **Over-the-Top Wedding Rituals:** Indian weddings are known for their elaborate rituals and festivities. Some weddings can be so extravagant that they feel like a blend of a Bollywood movie and a royal affair, creating amusing and memorable moments. 3. **Diverse Regional Customs:** India's cultural diversity results in a wide range of wedding customs. From the energetic Punjabi 'bhangra' dance to the vibrant South Indian 'mehndi' ceremonies, the variety adds a touch of humor and uniqueness to each celebration. 4. **The "Aunties" Network:** The social network of aunties in Indian communities is often jokingly referred to as the "Aunties Brigade." They play a role in matchmaking, gossiping, and sharing unsolicited advice, creating a humorous aspect of community dynamics. 5. **Post-Wedding Rituals:** Traditions like hiding the groom's shoes during the wedding ceremony and demanding a ransom for their return can lead to playful banter and laughter among the couple and their families. 6. **Online Matrimonial Profiles:** The world of online matrimonial websites often features amusing profiles, including quirky descriptions, exaggerated achievements, and occasionally humorous demands for an ideal partner. 7. **"Shaadi ka Laddoo" (Marriage is Like a Sweet):** The saying "Shaadi ka laddoo, jo khaye wo pachtaye" (Marriage is like a sweet, whoever eats it regrets it) is often used humorously to highlight the challenges and compromises that come with married life. While marriage is a significant and revered institution in India, these funny aspects add a touch of humor and lightness to the cultural landscape.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-story-of-the-ancient-holly-alliance/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[The Story of The Storytellers: Indian Cinema]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-story-of-the-storytellers-indian-cinema/ The history of Indian cinema is a rich tapestry that spans over a century, marked by innovation, creativity, and cultural significance. Indian cinema, often referred to as Bollywood (though Bollywood specifically represents the Hindi-language film industry based in Mumbai), encompasses a diverse range of regional film industries producing movies in various languages such as Hindi, Tamil, Telugu, Bengali, and more. The cinema of India, consisting of motion pictures made by the Indian film industry, has had a large effect on world cinema since the late 20th century. Indian cinema is made up of various film industries, including Bollywood, which makes motion pictures in the Hindi language and is one of the biggest film industries in the country. Major centers of film production across the country include Mumbai, Hyderabad, Chennai, Kolkata, Kochi, Bangalore, Bhubaneswar-Cuttack and Guwahati. For a number of years the Indian film industry has ranked first in the world in terms of annual film output. In 2022, Indian cinema earned Rs 15,000 crore at the box-office.     Indian cinema is composed of multilingual and multi-ethnic film art. In 2022, Hindi cinema represented 33% of box office revenue, followed by Telugu representing 20%, Tamil representing 16%, Kannada representing 8% and Malayalam representing 6%. Other prominent film industries are that of Bengali, Marathi, Odia, Punjabi, Gujarati and Bhojpuri. As of 2022, the combined revenue of South Indian film industries have surpassed that of the Mumbai-based Hindi-language film industry (Bollywood). As of 2022, Telugu cinema leads Indian cinema's box-office revenue. HISTORY Talking about the nascent stage of the cinema reports suggest that it dated back to the last 19th century. The history of cinema in India extends to the beginning of the film era. Following the screening of the Lumière and Robert Paul moving pictures in London in 1896, commercial cinematography became a worldwide sensation and these films were shown in Bombay (now Mumbai) that same year. In 1897, a film presentation by filmmaker Professor Stevenson featured a stage show at Calcutta's Star Theatre. With Stevenson's camera and encouragement, Indian photographer Hiralal Sen filmed scenes from that show, exhibited as The Flower of Persia (1898). The Wrestlers (1899), by H. S. Bhatavdekar, showing a wrestling match at the Hanging Gardens in Bombay, was the first film to be shot by an Indian and the first Indian documentary film. From 1913 to 1931, all the movies made in India were silent films, which had no sound and had inter-titles. The beginning of Indian cinema can be traced back to 1913 with the release of "Raja Harishchandra," directed by Dadasaheb Phalke, considered India's first full-length feature film. This silent film marked the inception of the Indian film industry and laid the foundation for future cinematic endeavors. The first Tamil and Malayam films, also silent films, were Keechaka Vadham (1917–1918, R. Nataraja Mudaliar) and Vigathakumaran (1928, J. C. Daniel Nadar). The latter was the first Indian social drama film and featured the first Dalit-caste film actress. In South India, film pioneer Raghupathi Venkayya, credited as the father of Telugu cinema, built the first cinemas in Madras (now Chennai), and a film studio was established in the city by Nataraja Mudaliar During the silent era, filmmakers experimented with storytelling techniques, and notable directors like Dadasaheb Phalke and Franz Osten made significant contributions to Indian cinema. Sound era The advent of sound in the late 1920s revolutionized Indian cinema, leading to the production of the first Indian talkie, "Alam Ara," in 1931. This marked a new era in Indian filmmaking, as sound opened up avenues for storytelling, music, and dialogue. Alam Ara was made by Ardeshir Irani. Ayodhyecha Raja (1932) was the first sound film of Marathi cinema. Irani also produced South India's first sound film, the Tamil–Telugu bilingual talking picture Kalidas (1931, H. M. Reddy). East India Film Company produced its first Telugu film, Savitri (1933, C. Pullaiah), adapted from a stage play by Mylavaram Bala Bharathi Samajam. The film received an honorary diploma at the 2nd Venice International Film Festival. Jyoti Prasad Agarwala made his first film Joymoti (1935) in Assamese, and later made Indramalati. By 1935, studios emerged in major cities such as Madras, Calcutta and Bombay as filmmaking became an established industry, exemplified by the success of Devdas (1935). The first colour film made in India was Kisan Kanya (1937, Moti B). Viswa Mohini (1940) was the first Indian film to depict the Indian movie-making world. GOLDEN AGE The Golden Age of Indian cinema, often considered the 1950s and 1960s, saw the emergence of iconic filmmakers like Satyajit Ray, Ritwik Ghatak, and Bimal Roy, who introduced realism and social themes into Indian cinema. The Apu Trilogy (1955–1959, Satyajit Ray) won prizes at several major international film festivals and firmly established the Parallel Cinema movement. It was influential on world cinema and led to a rush of coming-of-age films in art house theatres. During the 1950s, Indian cinema reportedly became the world's second largest film industry, earning a gross annual income of Rs 250 million (equivalent to Rs 26 billion or US$330 million in 2023) in 1953. The government created the Film Finance Corporation (FFC) in 1960 to provide financial support to filmmakers. While serving as Information and Broadcasting Minister of India in the 1960s, Indira Gandhi supported the production of off-beat cinema through the FFC Commercial Hindi cinema began thriving, including acclaimed films Pyaasa (1957) and Kaagaz Ke Phool (1959, Guru Dutt) Awaara (1951) and Shree 420 (1955, Raj Kapoor). These films expressed social themes mainly dealing with working-class urban life in India; Awaara presented Bombay as both a nightmare and a dream, while Pyaasa critiqued the unreality of city life. Epic film Mother India (1957, Mehboob Khan) was the first Indian film to be nominated for the US-based Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences' Academy Award for Best Foreign Language Film and defined the conventions of Hindi cinema for decades. It spawned a new genre of dacoit films. Gunga Jumna (1961, Dilip Kumar) was a dacoit crime drama about two brothers on opposite sides of the law, a theme that became common in Indian films in the 1970s. Madhumati (1958, Bimal Roy) popularized the theme of reincarnation in Western popular culture. Sivaji Ganesan became India's first actor to receive an international award when he won the Best Actor award at the Afro-Asian film festival in 1960 and was awarded the title of Chevalier in the Legion of Honour by the French Government in 1995. Tamil cinema is influenced by Dravidian politics, with prominent film personalities C N Annadurai, M G Ramachandran, M Karunanidhi and Jayalalithaa becoming Chief Ministers of Tamil Nadu. This period also witnessed the rise of legendary actors such as Dilip Kumar, Raj Kapoor, and Dev Anand, who became synonymous with Indian cinema's golden era. In subsequent decades, Indian cinema continued to evolve, with the emergence of new genres, experimental filmmaking, and the globalization of Bollywood. The 1970s and 1980s saw the rise of the masala film, characterized by a mix of action, drama, romance, and music, while the 1990s witnessed the resurgence of parallel cinema with filmmakers like Shyam Benegal and Govind Nihalani. Present The 21st century brought further diversification to Indian cinema, with the emergence of independent filmmakers, the globalization of Bollywood, and the rise of regional cinema. Indian films began to garner international acclaim, with movies like "Lagaan," "Slumdog Millionaire," and "Gully Boy" receiving widespread recognition at international film festivals and award ceremonies. Today, Indian cinema continues to thrive as one of the world's largest film industries, producing a vast array of films that cater to diverse audiences both domestically and internationally. From commercial blockbusters to thought-provoking art films, Indian cinema remains a vibrant and dynamic cultural force that reflects the rich tapestry of Indian society and culture. By 1986, India's annual film output had increased to 833 films annually, making India the world's largest film producer. Hindi film production of Bombay, the largest segment of the industry, became known as "Bollywood". By 1996, the Indian film industry had an estimated domestic cinema viewership of 600 million people, establishing India as one of the largest film markets, with the largest regional industries being Hindi, Telugu, and Tamil films. In 2001, in terms of ticket sales, Indian cinema sold an estimated 3.6 billion tickets annually across the globe, compared to Hollywood's 2.6 billion tickets sold. Realistic Parallel Cinema continued throughout the 1970s, practised in many Indian film cultures. The FFC's art film orientation came under criticism during a Committee on Public Undertakings investigation in 1976, which accused the body of not doing enough to encourage commercial cinema. Currently, Amitabh Bhachchan, Shahrukh Khan, Amir Khan, Hrithik Roshan, Akshay Kumar, Ranbir Kapoor, Ranveer Singh, Mahesh Babu, Rajnikant, Kamal Hasan, Allu Arjun, Junior NTR, Ram Charan, Aishwarya Rai, Kareena Kapoor, Katrina Kaif, Samantha Ruth Prabhu, Manoj Tiwari, Diljit Dosanjh, Yash etc are among the leading actors of Indian cinema. Regional Cinema Regional cinema in India is incredibly diverse and vibrant, reflecting the cultural richness and linguistic diversity of the country. Each region produces films in its own language, exploring local themes, traditions, and issues. Here's a brief overview of some prominent regional cinemas in India: Tamil Cinema (Kollywood): Tamil cinema, based in the state of Tamil Nadu, is one of the oldest and most influential regional film industries in India. It's known for its unique storytelling style, strong narratives, and powerful performances. Chennai is the hub of Tamil cinema. Telugu Cinema (Tollywood): Telugu cinema, based in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, is renowned for its grandeur, melodrama, and commercial success. Hyderabad is its main center, and it produces a large number of films annually. Malayalam Cinema (Mollywood): Malayalam cinema, from the state of Kerala, is often celebrated for its realism, strong storylines, and emphasis on artistic quality. It has a rich tradition of both mainstream and parallel cinema. Kannada Cinema (Sandalwood): Kannada cinema, from the state of Karnataka, has a long history dating back to the 1930s. It's known for its experimentation with themes and genres and has produced many critically acclaimed films. Bengali Cinema (Tollywood): Bengali cinema, based in West Bengal, is renowned for its artistic excellence, realism, and contribution to Indian cinema's parallel movement. Kolkata is its main center. Marathi Cinema: Marathi cinema, from the state of Maharashtra, has a rich heritage dating back to the early 20th century. It's known for its progressive themes, social commentary, and experimental storytelling. Punjabi Cinema: Punjabi cinema, from the state of Punjab, primarily focuses on themes related to Punjabi culture, music, and rural life. It has gained popularity not only in India but also among Punjabi diaspora worldwide. Assamese Cinema: Assamese cinema, from the northeastern state of Assam, often explores themes related to the region's culture, society, and identity. It has a smaller industry compared to some other regional cinemas but has produced notable films. Gujarati Cinema: Gujarati cinema, from the state of Gujarat, has seen a resurgence in recent years with the emergence of new talent and fresh storytelling approaches. It caters to both urban and rural audiences. Global Recognition While primarily an American film award, Indian films have gained recognition at the Oscars in various categories. Films like "Mother India," "Lagaan," and "Slumdog Millionaire" have received nominations and won Academy Awards. The Cannes Film Festival, held annually in France, is one of the most prestigious film festivals globally. Indian films and artists often participate and have won awards, including the Palme d'Or. Notable Indian films that have received recognition at Cannes include "Pather Panchali" and "Sacred Games." The Golden Globe Awards, an American accolade, has seen recognition for Indian films and artists. A.R. Rahman, for instance, won the Golden Globe for Best Original Score for "Slumdog Millionaire." At 66th Annual Grammy Awards, India won six Grammys, three of which were secured by Zakir Hussain. Shankar Mahadevan wins his first Grammy alongside Hussain for their fusion band Shakti's latest release This Moment. Best Global Music Performance is won by Zakir Hussain's song Pashto, which also features Indian flautist Rakesh Chaurasia. In 2023, the song Naatu Naatu from the hit Telugu-language film RRR has made history by becoming the first Indian film song to win an Oscar. The blockbuster track won Best Original Song at the 95th Academy Awards, beating heavyweights like Lady Gaga and Rihanna. Interesting Facts About Indian Cinema Indian cinema is not just about serious themes and intense dramas; it's also filled with amusing anecdotes and quirky facts that add to its charm. Here are some funny facts about Indian cinema: Over-the-top Action Scenes: Indian action movies often feature gravity-defying stunts and exaggerated fight sequences that defy the laws of physics. From heroes jumping off buildings without a scratch to fighting off a dozen villains single-handedly, Indian cinema takes action to a whole new level of absurdity. Ridiculous Plot Twists: Indian movies are known for their melodramatic plot twists that sometimes leave viewers scratching their heads in disbelief. Whether it's long-lost twins, miraculous reincarnations, or sudden amnesia, Indian filmmakers aren't afraid to take creative liberties with their storytelling. Item Numbers: Bollywood is notorious for its inclusion of catchy, often nonsensical, "item numbers" featuring scantily clad dancers gyrating to upbeat music. These sequences, while entertaining, often have little relevance to the plot and serve primarily as a way to attract audiences. Over-the-top Dialogues: Indian movies are famous for their memorable dialogues, many of which are delivered with dramatic flair and over-the-top emotions. From cheesy one-liners to impassioned monologues, Indian cinema is a treasure trove of quotable lines that often veer into the realm of unintentional comedy. Dubious Special Effects: While Indian filmmakers have made great strides in the realm of special effects, there are still plenty of instances where the CGI leaves much to be desired. From poorly animated animals to hilariously fake explosions, Indian cinema has its fair share of unintentionally funny visual effects. Outlandish Costumes: Indian movies often feature elaborate costumes and extravagant outfits that border on the absurd. Whether it's heroes sporting sequined jumpsuits or heroines clad in gaudy sarees, Indian cinema isn't afraid to embrace the eccentric side of fashion.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-story-of-the-storytellers-indian-cinema/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[HOW INDIA BECOMES NUCLEAR ENERGY RICH STATE]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/how-india-becomes-nuclear-energy-rich-state/ The journey of India's nuclear energy success has been marked by significant achievements, challenges, and milestones. India has a largely indigenous nuclear power programme. The government is committed to growing its nuclear power capacity as part of its massive infrastructure development programme. It has set ambitious targets to grow nuclear capacity. Nuclear power is the fifth-largest source of electricity in India after coal, gas, hydroelectricity and wind power. India has been making advances in the field of thorium-based fuels, working to design and develop a prototype for an atomic reactor using thorium and low-enriched uranium, a key part of India's three stage nuclear power programme. Here's an overview of key stages in the evolution of India's nuclear energy program: Nascent Stage (1900s). As early as 1901, the Geological Survey of India (GSI) had recognised India as potentially having significant deposits of radioactive ores, including pitchblende, uranium and thorianite. In the ensuing 50 years, however, little to no effort was made to exploit those resources. During the 1920s and 1930s, Indian scientists maintained close links to their counterparts in Europe and the United States, and were well aware of the latest developments in physics. Several Indian physicists, notably Daulat Singh Kothari, Meghnad Saha, Homi J. Bhabha and R. S. Krishnan, conducted pioneering research in nuclear physics in Europe during the 1930s. By 1939, Meghnad Saha, the Palit Professor of Physics at the University of Calcutta, had recognised the significance of the discovery of nuclear fission, and had begun to conduct various experiments in his laboratory related to nuclear physics. In 1940, he incorporated nuclear physics into the university's post-graduate curriculum. In the same year, the Sir Dorabji Tata Trust sanctioned funds for installing a cyclotron at the University of Calcutta, but various difficulties likely related to the war delayed the project. Foundation and Vision (1940s-1950s): In 1944, Homi J. Bhabha, a distinguished nuclear physicist who had established a research school at the Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore, wrote a letter to his distant cousin J. R. D. Tata, the chairman of the Tata Group and requested funds to establish a research institute of fundamental physics, "with special reference to cosmic rays and nuclear physics." The Tata Institute of Fundamental Research (TIFR) was inaugurated in Mumbai the following year. In March 1946, the Board of Scientific and Industrial Research (BSIR), under the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR), set up an Atomic Research Committee under Bhabha's leadership to explore India's atomic energy resources and to suggest ways to develop and harness them, along with establishing contacts with similar organisations in other nations. Early in 1947, plans were made to establish a Uranium Unit under the Geological Survey of India, to focus on identifying and developing resources of uranium-bearing minerals. In June 1947, two months before Indian independence, Chakravarti Rajagopalachari, then Minister for Industry, Supply, Education and Finance in the Interim Government of India, established an advisory board for research in atomic energy. On 23 March 1948, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru introduced the Atomic Energy Bill in the Indian Parliament, and it was subsequently passed as the Indian Atomic Energy Act. Modelled on the British Atomic Energy Act 1946, the Act granted sweeping powers to the central government over nuclear science and research, including surveying for atomic minerals, the development of such mineral resources on an industrial scale, conducting research regarding the scientific and technical problems connected with developing atomic energy for peaceful purposes, the training and education of the necessary personnel and the fostering of fundamental research in the nuclear sciences in Indian laboratories, institutes and universities. Around the same time, the Government of West Bengal sanctioned the construction of a nuclear physics institute under the University of Calcutta; the cornerstone was laid in May 1948, and the institute was inaugurated on 11 January 1950 by Irène Joliot-Curie. With effect from 1 June 1948, the advisory board for Research in Atomic Energy, together with its parent organisation the CSIR, was folded into the new Department of Scientific Research and placed directly under the Prime Minister. On 3 August 1948, the Atomic Energy Commission of India (AEC) was established and made separate from the Department of Scientific Research, with Bhabha as its first chairman. In 1949 Tata Institute of Fundamental Research was designated by the CSIR as the hub for all major nuclear science research projects. Research and Early Reactors (1950s-1960s): The 1950s saw the establishment of the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) in Trombay, which became the focal point for nuclear research in India. In 1950, the government announced it would purchase all available stocks of uranium and beryllium minerals and ores, and declared large rewards for any significant discoveries of the same. On 3 January 1954, the Atomic Energy Establishment, Trombay (AEET) was established by the Atomic Energy Commission to consolidate all nuclear reactor research and technology-related developments; Later, the Atomic Energy Commission and all its subordinate agencies, including the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research and the nuclear research institute at Calcutta University, were transferred to the new Department of Atomic Energy and placed under the direct charge of the Prime Minister's Office. In May 1956, construction on a uranium metal plant and a fuel element fabrication facility for the research reactors began at Trombay; the uranium plant came into operation in January 1959, followed by the fuel element facility in February 1960The AEET (renamed the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre in 1967, after Bhabha's death) was formally inaugurated by Nehru in January 1957. With the expanding scope of Indian nuclear research, the 1948 Atomic Energy Act was amended in 1961, and was passed as the new Atomic Energy Act, coming into force in September 1962. India's first nuclear reactor, Apsara, became operational in 1956, paving the way for subsequent advancements in reactor technology. Commercialization with Tarapur (1960s-1970s): The Tarapur Atomic Power Station (TAPS) started operating in 1969, becoming India's first commercial nuclear power plant. TAPS was a product of international collaboration, with assistance from the United States. The peaceful nuclear explosion, "Smiling Buddha," in 1974 marked India's entry into the group of nuclear-armed nations. Indigenous Reactor Development (1980s-1990s): The 1980s and 1990s witnessed the development of indigenous nuclear reactors, particularly Pressurized Heavy Water Reactors (PHWRs). The Kakrapar-1 reactor, operational in 1993, was a significant milestone in the indigenous development of nuclear power technology. Challenges and Sanctions (1990s): In the aftermath of the Pokhran-I nuclear tests in 1974, India faced international sanctions, limiting its access to nuclear technology and fuel. The challenges posed by sanctions spurred India to pursue self-reliance and develop indigenous capabilities in nuclear technology. Nuclear Deal and International Collaboration (2000s): The U.S.-India Civil Nuclear Agreement, signed in 2005, marked a turning point. It allowed India access to international nuclear technology and fuel, ending decades of isolation. India engaged in collaborations with various countries for nuclear technology and signed agreements with Russia, France, and others for the construction of nuclear power plants. Expansion and Diversification (2010s-Present): India expanded its nuclear energy capacity, commissioning several indigenous reactors and those built in collaboration with other countries. The emphasis on safety and technological advancements continued, with developments in Fast Breeder Reactors (FBRs) and exploration of thorium-based nuclear reactors. Now, the government of India has planned to add 18 more nuclear reactors to its national energy mix by 2031–32, bringing the total nuclear power capacity of the country to 22.4GW, according to the NPCIL. The 18 new reactors will collectively generate an additional 13.8GW of electricity. NPCIL currently operates 24 nuclear reactors with a combined capacity of 8.1GW. The announcement follows the inauguration by India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi of two 700MW indigenously built reactors at Kakrapar in Gujarat in February 2024. The two new units included the Kakrapar Atomic Power Station (KAPS 3 and 4). Unit 3 has been operational since August 2023. Unit 4 achieved its first criticality in December of the same year and was connected to the western power grid two days before the Prime Minister’s visit. The commissioning of the two units has brought the facility’s total capacity to 1.8GW. Construction on the units began in 2010. A total of 1.4 million cubic metres of concrete were poured and the structures required 21,000 tonnes of structural steel. The reactors are the largest indigenous pressurised heavy water reactors (PWHRs) in India and feature advanced safety measures. India’s nuclear power expansion includes four 1GW reactors being built with Russian assistance at Kudankulam in Tamil Nadu, and four 700MW PHWRs under construction at Rawatbhata in Rajasthan and Gorakhpur in Haryana. Ten more 700MW PHWRs have also been sanctioned across locations including Gorakhpur and Kaiga in Karnataka, Chutka in Madhya Pradesh and Mahi Banswara in Rajasthan. India is seeking Rs2.16trn in private investment for its nuclear energy industry as it looks to decarbonise its power sector. It is in talks with at least five private companies including Reliance Industries, Tata Power, Adani Power and Vedanta to invest Rs440bn each. Balancing Energy Needs and Non-Proliferation Commitments: India continues to navigate the delicate balance between meeting its growing energy demands and upholding its commitments to non-proliferation. The country is actively involved in international forums to promote peaceful uses of nuclear energy and strengthen global non-proliferation efforts. Protests Following the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster there have been numerous anti-nuclear protests at proposed nuclear power plant sites. There have been mass protests against the Jaitapur Nuclear Power Project in Maharashtra and the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant in Tamil Nadu, and a proposed large nuclear power plant near Haripur was refused permission by the Government of West Bengal. A Public Interest Litigation (PIL) has also been filed against the government's civil nuclear programme at the Supreme Court. Martial Power India is recognized as a nuclear-armed state. India conducted its first successful nuclear tests in 1974, establishing itself as a country possessing nuclear weapons. Later, in 1998, India conducted a series of nuclear tests at Pokhran under the government of then prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee. The tests included both fission and thermonuclear devices, further solidifying its nuclear capabilities. These tests were collectively referred to as "Pokhran-II." India's nuclear doctrine is based on a policy of no-first-use (NFU), meaning that it commits to using nuclear weapons only in response to a nuclear attack on its territory. The doctrine also emphasizes a credible minimum deterrent posture. This approach aims to ensure the security of the nation while signaling a commitment to global nuclear disarmament. India's possession of nuclear weapons is primarily seen as a deterrent against potential adversaries. The nuclear capability is intended to dissuade other nations from initiating nuclear aggression against India. The country has developed a range of delivery systems for its nuclear weapons, including ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, and strategic bombers. The country has a dedicated Strategic Forces Command responsible for the management and deployment of its nuclear arsenal. It is also working towards achieving a credible nuclear triad, which includes land-based missiles, sea-based (submarine-launched) missiles, and air-based delivery systems. This triad capability enhances the survivability and effectiveness of its nuclear deterrent. India's nuclear status has implications for its international relations, especially with regard to its relationships with other nuclear-armed states. India seeks to engage with the global non-proliferation community while maintaining its independent nuclear policy. The country has taken steps to secure its nuclear materials and facilities and has expressed its commitment to responsible nuclear behavior. Role of Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam Azad in Indian Nuclear program Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam Azad played a significant role in the Indian nuclear program, particularly in the development of missile technology. His contributions were instrumental in shaping India's defense capabilities. Here are some key aspects of his role in the Indian nuclear program: Missile Development: Dr. Kalam joined the Defense Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) in 1958 and later became the director of the Integrated Guided Missile Development Program (IGMDP). He led the successful development of various missile systems, including the Agni series, Prithvi, Akash, and Nag missiles. These missiles have both strategic and tactical applications, enhancing India's defense capabilities. Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam Azad's contributions to the Indian nuclear program were characterized by his commitment to technological excellence, self-reliance, and the strategic integration of defense capabilities. His legacy continues to influence India's defense and scientific communities. Critical Role in Pokhran-II: Dr. Kalam played a key role in the Pokhran-II nuclear tests conducted in 1998. As the Chief Project Coordinator, he was responsible for overseeing the scientific and technical aspects of the tests. The successful tests established India as a nuclear weapons state, and Dr. Kalam's leadership was crucial in ensuring the scientific success of the mission. Advocacy for Technological Self-Reliance: Dr. Kalam strongly believed in technological self-reliance and advocated for the indigenous development of defense capabilities. Under his leadership, DRDO made strides in developing cutting-edge technologies, reducing dependence on foreign sources for critical defense systems. Strategic Vision and Integration: Dr. Kalam was known for his strategic vision and ability to integrate various scientific and technological elements into a cohesive defense strategy. He emphasized the importance of a strong defense infrastructure to ensure the security and sovereignty of the nation. Leadership at DRDO: Dr. Kalam served as the Chief Scientific Adviser to the Prime Minister and the Secretary of the DRDO from 1992 to 1999. His leadership during this period played a crucial role in advancing India's missile and defense capabilities. Integration of Civilian and Military Technologies: Dr. Kalam worked towards the integration of civilian and military technologies, recognizing the dual-use potential of many scientific advancements. His efforts contributed to the development of technologies that found applications not only in defense but also in areas like space exploration and telecommunications.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/how-india-becomes-nuclear-energy-rich-state/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[THE INDIANS WHO FLIES BEYOND SKY]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-indians-who-flies-beyond-sky/ As of 2024, one Indian national and four people of Indian origin have been in space. The first and only astronaut of Indian national, in space was Rakesh Sharma on Soyuz T-11 in 1984. Three astronauts – Kalpana Chawla,Sunita Williams and Raja Chari– flew as NASA astronauts. Sirisha Bandla is the first and only Indian-born woman to make a suborbital flight, which she did on Virgin Galactic Unity 22 on July 11, 2021. Chawla and Williams are tied for the record of the number of spaceflights by an astronaut of Indian origin at two each. Sunita Williams and Raja Chari are the only astronauts to have made long-term spaceflights. Rakesh Sharma Wing Commander Rakesh Sharma, AC (born 13 January 1949) is a former Indian Air Force pilot who flew aboard Soyuz T-11 on 3 April 1984 as part of the Soviet Interkosmos programme. He is the only Indian citizen to travel in space, although there have been other astronauts of Indian origin who travelled to space, who were not Indian citizens. Another Air Force pilot, Ravish Malhotra, was placed on standby. Sharma was born on 13 January 1949 in Patiala of present-day Punjab, India into a Punjabi Hindu Brahmin family. He attended St. George's Grammar School, Hyderabad and graduated from Nizam College, Hyderabad. He joined the National Defence Academy as an air force plebe in July 1966 and was commissioned into the Indian Air Force as a pilot in 1970. An alumnus of the 35th National Defence Academy, Sharma joined the Indian Air Force as a test pilot in 1970 and progressed through numerous levels where in 1984 he was promoted to the rank of squadron leader. Space Connection He was selected on 20 September 1982 to become a cosmonaut and go into space as part of a joint programme between the Indian Air Force and the Soviet Interkosmos space programme. In 1984, Sharma became the first Indian citizen to enter space when he flew aboard the Soviet rocket Soyuz T-11 launched from Baikonur Cosmodrome in the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic on 3 April 1984. The Soyuz T-11 spacecraft carrying cosmonauts including Sharma docked and transferred the three member Soviet-Indian international crew, consisting of the ship's commander, Yury Malyshev, and flight engineer, Gennadi Strekalov, to the Salyut 7 Orbital Station. Sharma spent 7 days, 21 hours, and 40 minutes aboard the Salyut 7 during which his team conducted scientific and technical studies which included forty-three experimental sessions. His work was mainly in the fields of bio-medicine and remote sensing. The crew held a joint television news conference with officials in Moscow and then Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. When Indira Gandhi asked Sharma how India looked from outer space, he replied, "Sare Jahan Se Accha" (the best in the world). This is the title of a patriotic poem by Iqbal that had been written when India was under British colonial rule, that continues to be popular today. With Sharma's voyage aboard Soyuz T-11, India became the 14th nation to send a man to outer space. Sharma retired as a wing commander and later joined Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) in 1987, serving as the chief test pilot in the HAL Nashik Division until 1992, before moving on to Bangalore to work as HAL's chief test pilot. Sharma retired from flying in 2001. Awards and recognitions He was conferred the honour of the Hero of the Soviet Union upon his return from space. He remains to date the only Indian to have been conferred this honour. India also conferred its highest peacetime gallantry award, the 'Ashoka Chakra', on him and the two Soviet members of his mission, Malyshev and Strekalov. KALPANA CHAWLA: FIRST INDIAN WOMAN TO GO IN SPACE One of the popular Indian origin astronaughts was Kalpana Chawla. Technically she was an Indian-born American astronaut and aerospace engineer who was the first woman of Indian origin to fly to space. She first flew on Space Shuttle Columbia in 1997 as a mission specialist and primary robotic arm operator aboard STS-87. Chawla's second flight was on STS-107, the final flight of Columbia, in 2003. She was one of the seven crew members who died in the Space Shuttle Columbia disaster when the spacecraft disintegrated during its re-entry into the Earth's atmosphere on 1 February 2003 Chawla was posthumously awarded the Congressional Space Medal of Honor, and several streets, universities, and institutions are named in her honor. She was born into a conservative society in Haryana however she broke several traditions to become the first Indian-born female astronaut. Growing up, Chawla went to local flying clubs and watched planes with her father. After graduating with a Bachelor of Engineering degree in Aeronautical Engineering from Punjab Engineering College, India, Chawla moved to the United States in 1982. In 1984, she graduated with a Master of Science degree in Aerospace Engineering from the University of Texas at Arlington, and went on to earn a second Master's in 1986 and a PhD in aerospace engineering in 1988 from the University of Colorado Boulder. A leap into the space In 1988, Chawla joined NASA's Ames Research Center, where she initially conducted computational fluid dynamics research on vertical and/or short take-off and landing (V/STOL) concepts. Much of Chawla's research is included in technical journals and conference papers. In 1993, she joined Overset Methods, Inc. as vice president and Research Scientist specializing in simulation of moving multiple body problems. Chawla held a Certified Flight Instructor rating for airplanes, gliders and Commercial Pilot licenses for single and multi-engine airplanes, seaplanes and gliders. After becoming a naturalized U.S. citizen in April 1991, she applied for the NASA Astronaut Corps. Chawla joined the corps in March 1995 and was selected for her first flight in 1997. Chawla's first space mission began on 19 November 1997, as part of the six-astronaut crew that flew the Space Shuttle Columbia flight STS-87. Chawla was the first Indian woman to go in space. Chawla had traveled 10.67 million km, as many as 252 times around the Earth. On her first mission, Chawla travelled 10.4/6.5 million miles in 252 orbits of the Earth, logging more than 376 hours (15 days and 16 hours) in space. In 2000, Chawla was selected for her second flight as part of the crew of STS-107. This mission was repeatedly delayed due to scheduling conflicts and technical problems such as the July 2002 discovery of cracks in the shuttle engine flow liners. On 16 January 2003, Chawla finally returned to space aboard Space Shuttle Columbia on the ill-fated STS-107 mission. The crew performed nearly 80 experiments studying Earth and space science, advanced technology development, and astronaut health and safety. Chawla died on 1 February 2003, in the Space Shuttle Columbia disaster, along with the other six crew members, when Columbia disintegrated over Texas during reentry into the Earth's atmosphere, shortly before it was scheduled to conclude its 28th mission, STS-107. Her remains were identified along with those of the rest of the crew members and were cremated and scattered at Zion National Park in Utah in accordance with her wishes. SUNITA WILLIAMS Sunita Williams is also an Indian origin but American astronaut. She was born on September 19, 1965, at Euclid, Ohio, U.S. She set records on her two flights to the International Space Station. In 1983 Williams entered the U.S. Naval Academy at Annapolis, Maryland. She was made an ensign in 1987 and reported for aviator training at the Naval Aviation Training Command. In July 1989 she began combat helicopter training. She flew in helicopter support squadrons during the preparations for the Persian Gulf War and the establishment of no-fly zones over Kurdish areas of Iraq, as well as in relief missions during Hurricane Andrew in 1992 in Miami. In 1993 she became a naval test pilot, and she later became a test pilot instructor, flying more than 30 different aircraft and logging more than 2,770 flight hours. When selected for the astronaut program, she was stationed aboard the USS Saipan. She completed an M.S. in engineering management from the Florida Institute of Technology in Melbourne in 1995, and she entered astronaut training in 1998. She travelled to Moscow, where she received training in robotics and other ISS operational technologies while working with the Russian Federal Space Agency (Roskosmos) and with crews preparing for expeditions to the ISS. On December 9, 2006, Williams flew aboard the space shuttle Discovery on the STS-116 mission to the ISS, where she was a flight engineer for Expeditions 14 and 15. During her stay at the space station, she made four space walks, totaling more than 29 hours outside the spacecraft, and spent a total of more than 195 days in space, both of which were records for women in space. (She held the latter record until 2015, when Italian astronaut Samantha Cristoforetti spent more than 199 days in space.) She also participated in the Boston Marathon by running 42.2 km (26.2 miles) on the station’s treadmill. She was the second American astronaut of Indian heritage to go into space, after Kalpana Chawla, who died in the Columbia disaster. Williams landed at Edwards Air Force Base in California with the crew of STS-117 on June 22, 2007. Williams flew to the ISS again on July 15, 2012, as part of the crew of Soyuz TMA-05M. She was a flight engineer on Expedition 32, and on September 16 she became commander of Expedition 33. She made three more space walks, totaling more than 21 hours, retaining her spacewalk record with a total time outside the ISS between her two flights of more than 50 hours. She also completed a triathlon in orbit by using a treadmill, a stationary bicycle, and a weightlifting machine to simulate the swimming portion of the race. Williams returned to Earth on November 11 after nearly 127 days in space. Her two spaceflights combined lasted more than 321 days, ranking her second, after American astronaut Peggy Whitson, for the most time spent in space by a woman. In 2015 Williams was selected as one of four astronauts to make the first test flights in NASA’s Commercial Crew program, in which two new private crewed spacecraft, SpaceX’s Crew Dragon and Boeing’s CST-100 Starliner, would take astronauts and supplies to the ISS. She was chosen in 2022 for the first crewed test Starliner flight to the ISS, which was scheduled for 2023. Raja Chari Raja Jon Vurputoor Chari, of 45 years age, is an American test pilot and NASA astronaut. He is a graduate of the United States Air Force Academy, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and U.S. Naval Test Pilot School, and has over 2,000 flying hours. He is a brigadier general in the United States He also had a Bachelor of Science in astronautical engineering and engineering science, with a minor in mathematics. Following his graduation, Chari attended the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in Cambridge as a Draper Fellow, earning a Master of Science in aeronautical and astronautical engineering in 2001. Chari attended Undergraduate Pilot Training at Vance Air Force Base, Oklahoma. He attended F-15E Strike Eagle training at Seymour Johnson Air Force Base, North Carolina and was subsequently stationed at Elmendorf AFB, Alaska and RAF Lakenheath, England, deploying in support of the Iraq War. In 2007, Chari attended the U.S. Naval Test Pilot School at Patuxent River, Maryland as an Air Force Exchange Officer, and was a developmental test pilot at Eglin AFB, Florida, where he served as the project pilot for the APG-63 and APG-82 Active Electronically Scanned Array radar programs. Chari also attended the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College in Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, and served as a CENTCOM time sensitive targeting officer. At the time of his selection as an Astronaut in June 2017, Chari was serving as the commanding officer of the 461st Flight Test Squadron at Edwards AFB, California. In June 2017, Chari was selected for NASA Astronaut Group 22, and reported for duty in August to begin two years of training as an astronaut. In December 2020, Chari was selected as part of the Artemis Team, a group of astronauts "to help pave the way for the next lunar missions including sending the first woman and next man to walk on the lunar surface in 2024. "The same month, he became the first astronaut from Group 22 to be selected for a space mission, SpaceX Crew-3, which he commanded. Chari is the first NASA rookie to command a spaceflight since Joe Engle, who commanded the STS-2 mission in 1981. On March 23, 2022, Chari and ESA astronaut Matthias Maurer exited the Quest Joint Airlock on the ISS to perform an EVA.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-indians-who-flies-beyond-sky/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Unveiling the Culinary Tapestry of Ancient India]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/unveiling-the-culinary-tapestry-of-ancient-india/ The culinary journey from the ancient period to the present is a testament to India's ability to absorb, adapt, and innovate in the realm of food. The history of ancient Indian food is rich and diverse, reflecting the cultural, geographical, and climatic variations across the Indian subcontinent. The cuisine of ancient India can be traced back thousands of years, and it has been influenced by various factors, including trade, migration, and the availability of local ingredients. The history of Indian cuisine consists of cuisine of the Indian subcontinent, which is rich and diverse. The diverse climate in the region, ranging from deep tropical to alpine, has also helped considerably broaden the set of ingredients readily available to the many schools of cookery in India. In many cases, food has become a marker of religious and social identity, with varying taboos and preferences (for instance, a segment of the Jain population consume no roots or subterranean vegetable; see Jain vegetarianism) which has also driven these groups to innovate extensively with the food sources that are deemed acceptable. One strong influence over Indian foods is the longstanding vegetarianism within sections of Hindu and Jain communities. At 31%, slightly less than a third of Indians are vegetarians. The evolution of Indian food over time, shaped by a myriad of invasions and cultural interactions, is a fascinating journey that reflects the country's rich history and diverse influences. From the ancient times to the medieval period and the colonial era, Indian cuisine has undergone transformative changes, blending indigenous flavors with foreign elements. The earliest influence on Indian food can be traced back to the Vedic period, where the Aryans introduced agricultural practices and a variety of grains. The exchange of culinary ideas was not limited to the Indian subcontinent, as trade routes connected the region to the Middle East and Central Asia, bringing new spices, fruits, and cooking techniques. Today we will provide insights on the journey of Indian food from ancient times to the present world. Indus Valley Civilization (3300–1300 BCE): The earliest evidence of settled life in the Indian subcontinent comes from the excavations of the Indus Valley Civilization. Archaeological findings suggest that the people of this civilization had a sophisticated urban lifestyle with advanced drainage systems and granaries. The discovery of various utensils and grains indicates the cultivation of wheat, barley, and rice. The people of the Indus Valley are believed to have consumed a variety of grains, vegetables, fruits, and dairy products. Vedic Period (1500–500 BCE): The Vedic texts, such as the Rigveda, provide insights into the diet and food habits of the people during the Vedic period. Grains, particularly rice and barley, along with dairy products like ghee and curd, were integral parts of their diet. The concept of yajnas (ritualistic offerings) involved offerings of food to deities, emphasizing the importance of food in religious practices. The culinary landscape of ancient Vedic India, spanning to thousands of years, provides a glimpse into the types of food that characterized the diet during that era. The Rigveda and other Vedic texts offer insights into the ingredients, cooking methods, and dietary practices prevalent in ancient times. The Vedic diet prominently featured grains, with barley and rice as staple cereals. Barley, mentioned frequently in the Rigveda, was likely a dietary mainstay. Rice, another important grain, held significance both as a food item and as an offering in rituals. Dairy products played a crucial role in Vedic nutrition. Ghee, or clarified butter, was not only used for cooking but held immense symbolic importance in religious rituals. Curd and buttermilk, derived from milk, were consumed for their nutritional value. The Rigveda references a variety of fruits, including grapes, figs, pomegranates, and jujubes. Vegetables such as onions and certain gourds were likely part of the ancient Vedic diet. The consumption of fruits and vegetables would have provided essential vitamins and minerals. While the Vedic people were not strictly vegetarian, the consumption of meat was often associated with sacrificial rituals. Specific details about the types of meat dishes are not extensively detailed in the Vedic texts. The Rigveda suggests the use of herbs and aromatic substances for flavoring food. The culinary practices of the time likely incorporated a variety of indigenous herbs to enhance the taste of dishes. Soma, a sacred drink, held a prominent place in Vedic rituals. Although not a traditional food item, its significance in rituals highlights the intertwined relationship between food and religious practices. Sweets made from milk, fruits, and grains would likely have been part of the Vedic culinary repertoire. The mention of honey as a sweetening agent indicates the presence of sweet dishes. In addition to Soma, other beverages made from various ingredients would have been consumed. The availability of fruit juices, herbal infusions, and possibly early forms of fermented beverages contributed to the diversity of drinks. Cooking methods during the Vedic period were likely rudimentary, involving techniques such as roasting, boiling, and grilling. The use of earthen pots and vessels made from metals like copper and bronze would have been prevalent. The Vedic period was marked by the performance of Yajnas, where various food items were offered to deities. The act of offering food was not only a religious practice but also a communal event that brought people together. While the descriptions of specific dishes are not as detailed as in later culinary traditions, the Vedic period laid the foundation for the diverse and intricate Indian cuisine seen in subsequent eras. The focus on grains, dairy products, fruits, and the symbolic importance of food in rituals contributed to the development of a rich and varied culinary heritage that has evolved over millennia. Maurya and Gupta Empires (322 BCE–550 CE): The Maurya and Gupta empires witnessed the spread of Buddhism and Jainism, which influenced dietary choices. Vegetarianism gained prominence during this time, and the consumption of meat, particularly beef, was discouraged. The use of spices and herbs also became more prevalent, contributing to the distinct flavors of Indian cuisine. Islamic Invasions and Mughal Era (8th–19th centuries): With the Islamic invasions and the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate and later the Mughal Empire, there was an influx of Persian and Central Asian culinary influences. The Mughals introduced dishes such as kebabs, biryanis, and kormas. The use of aromatic spices, like saffron and cardamom, became more widespread. However, it was during the medieval period, marked by Islamic invasions, that significant shifts occurred in Indian culinary traditions. The Mughals, who established the Mughal Empire in the 16th century, left an indelible mark on Indian cuisine. They introduced techniques such as dum pukht (slow-cooking) and incorporated a variety of Persian and Central Asian ingredients, including saffron, dry fruits, and meats. The result was a fusion of flavors that birthed iconic dishes like biryani, kebabs, and kormas. The influence of the Mughals extended beyond the royal courts, impacting regional cuisines across the subcontinent. The use of aromatic spices and the artful blending of flavors became characteristic of Indian cooking. The concept of pairing sweet and savory elements in a single dish, a hallmark of Mughlai cuisine, also gained popularity. Regional Variations: India's diverse geography and climate have led to a wide array of regional cuisines. Coastal regions, like Kerala and Bengal, developed seafood-based dishes, while states in the north, such as Punjab, are known for their use of dairy products and wheat. South Indian cuisine is characterized by the extensive use of rice and coconut. Colonial Period (17th–20th centuries): During the colonial period, the British influence brought about changes in Indian culinary practices. The introduction of tea, potatoes, and other Western ingredients had an impact on the local cuisine. European powers such as the Portuguese, Dutch, French, and British made their mark on Indian food during the colonial era. The introduction of new ingredients like potatoes, tomatoes, and chilies expanded the culinary landscape. At the same time, British colonization influenced dietary practices and led to the adaptation of tea as a popular beverage. Post-Independence Era: After gaining independence in 1947, India witnessed cultural and culinary revival. The diversity of Indian cuisine became more widely appreciated both within the country and internationally. The integration of global influences further enriched the culinary landscape. Post-independence, the globalization and modernization of India's economy further impacted its food culture. The influx of fast food chains, the popularity of international cuisines, and changing lifestyles contributed to a dynamic culinary scene. However, amidst these changes, traditional Indian cooking methods and regional specialties have persevered, creating a diverse culinary tapestry. Outside food in India, referring to food from international cuisines or non-Indian origins, has gained popularity over the years due to globalization, urbanization, and increased exposure to diverse culinary traditions. Here are some key points about outside food in India: Global Cuisine Presence: Major cities and urban centers in India have witnessed the rise of international food chains and restaurants offering a variety of cuisines such as Chinese, Italian, Mexican, Thai, Japanese, and American fast food. This reflects the changing preferences and cosmopolitan nature of urban lifestyles. Adaptation and Fusion: Indian chefs and food enthusiasts often experiment with international flavors and ingredients, leading to fusion cuisine. This fusion can be seen in dishes like "butter chicken pizza" or "paneer tacos," which blend traditional Indian elements with global culinary influences. Street Food Innovation: Street food vendors have also embraced international flavors, offering items like "Chinese bhel" (a fusion of Indian and Chinese street food) or "schezwan dosa" with Chinese-inspired spicy sauces. Increasing Exposure to Western Fast Food: Fast-food chains from the West, such as McDonald's, KFC, Domino's, and Subway, have established a significant presence in India. However, these chains often adapt their menus to suit local tastes, incorporating vegetarian options and tweaking recipes. Diverse Dietary Preferences: As India is a diverse country with people following various dietary preferences, including vegetarianism, international restaurants often cater to these choices by offering vegetarian versions of popular dishes. Specialized International Zones: Some urban areas feature specific zones or neighborhoods known for their concentration of international restaurants. These zones create a diverse culinary landscape, allowing residents and visitors to explore a variety of global cuisines in one area. Cultural Festivals and Events: Food festivals and events in India often showcase international cuisines, bringing in chefs and culinary experts from around the world. These events provide an opportunity for people to experience and appreciate global flavors. Availability of Ingredients: The availability of international ingredients has improved over the years, making it easier for individuals to recreate international dishes at home. Specialty grocery stores and online platforms offer a wide range of imported products. Rising Health Consciousness: With an increasing focus on health and wellness, there is a growing interest in international cuisines that are perceived as healthy. This has led to the popularity of dishes like sushi, salads, and Mediterranean cuisine. Food Tourism: India has become a popular destination for food tourism, attracting travelers seeking to explore its diverse culinary scene. Many cities offer food tours that include a mix of traditional Indian and international cuisine. The acceptance and integration of outside food in India reflect the openness of the culture to diverse culinary experiences, making it a fascinating blend of traditional and global flavors. Throughout history, Indian cuisine has been marked by the use of diverse spices, herbs, and cooking techniques, resulting in a vibrant and flavorful culinary tradition that continues to evolve to this day. Fascinating facts about Indian Food: Indian food is not only known for its rich flavors but also for some interesting and amusing aspects. Here are some funny facts about Indian food: Spice Tolerance: Indian cuisine is often associated with its bold and spicy flavors. It's not uncommon for foreigners to find Indian dishes extremely spicy, leading to comical reactions and tales of seeking relief from the heat. Endless Variety of Bread: India boasts an incredible variety of bread, from the well-known naan and roti to regional specialties like bhakri, paratha, and puri. It's almost like an endless quest to discover all the types of Indian bread. Curry for Breakfast: In many Indian households, leftover curry from the previous night's dinner becomes a breakfast item. Whether it's a spicy chicken curry or a vegetarian dal, Indians are known to enjoy curry at any time of the day. Vegetarian "Chicken": Some Indian vegetarian dishes creatively mimic non-vegetarian counterparts. For example, there are vegetarian versions of chicken dishes made with ingredients like soy or paneer, aptly named "veg chicken" or "soy chicken." Chai Obsession: The love for chai (tea) in India is unparalleled. It's not just a beverage; it's an integral part of daily life. The popularity of chai is so immense that jokes and memes about Indians' obsession with tea are widespread on social media. Onion Crisis Woes: Onions are a staple in Indian cooking, but whenever there's an increase in onion prices, it often leads to humorous reactions and memes on social media. Onions are so essential that their price fluctuations can become a topic of nationwide discussion. The Great Indian Street Food Adventure: Indian street food is a gastronomic adventure, but it's not for the faint-hearted. From spicy chaats to pani puri, the experience can be both delightful and amusing, especially when trying to eat without making a mess. Biryani Wars: The debate over the perfect biryani—whether it should have potatoes, be cooked with basmati or regular rice, or have more meat—can turn into a friendly, yet passionate, argument among food enthusiasts. Biryani discussions are almost like a sport in some circles. Raita Redemption: Raita, a yogurt-based side dish, often plays the role of a savior when a dish turns out to be unexpectedly spicy. The cooling effect of raita provides comic relief to those who might have underestimated the heat of a particular dish. Indian cuisine is not just about the food; it's about the stories, humor, and shared experiences that come with enjoying a diverse and flavorful culinary tradition.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/unveiling-the-culinary-tapestry-of-ancient-india/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[A Tale of King of Spice: Saffron]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/a-tale-of-king-of-spice-saffron/ Indian saffron stands as a testament to the enduring legacy of a spice that has captivated hearts and tantalized taste buds from ancient times to the modern era. The history of Indian saffron is a saga of resilience, tradition, and innovation. From its ancient origins to its modern-day significance, saffron has woven itself into the fabric of Indian culture and cuisine. As it continues to thrive amidst challenges, Indian saffron stands as a testament to the enduring legacy of a spice that has captivated hearts and tantalized taste buds from ancient times to the modern era. Today, we will provide of insights on the history of the saffron and its contemporary significance. The story of Indian saffron traces back to ancient times when the spice found its way to the Indian subcontinent from its place of origin in Persia (modern-day Iran). References to saffron can be found in ancient Indian texts such as the Vedas, where it was revered for its medicinal properties and used in religious rituals. Its journey into the heart of Indian culture had begun. Ancient Roots An Indian Buddhist missionary by the name of Madhyântika (or Majjhantika) was sent to Kashmir in the 5th century BC. Upon his arrival he seemingly sowed the first Kashmiri saffron crop. From there, saffron use spread throughout the Indian subcontinent. In addition to use in foods, saffron stigmas were also soaked in water to yield a golden-yellow solution that was used as a fabric dye. Some historians believe that saffron first came to China with Mongol invaders by way of Persia. Saffron is mentioned in the ancient Chinese medical text Shennong Ben Cao Jing, believed to be from the 3rd century AD (but attributed to mythological emperor Shennong). Yet the Chinese were referring to saffron as having a Kashmiri provenance. The Chinese medical expert Wan Zhen wrote that "The habitat of saffron is in Kashmir, where people grow it principally to offer it to the Buddha". Wan reflected on how saffron was used in his time: "The [saffron crocus] flower withers after a few days, and then the saffron is obtained. It is valued for its uniform yellow colour. It can be used to aromatise wine." According to some Persian records, these suggest to many experts that saffron, among other spices, was first spread to India via Persian rulers' efforts to stock their newly built gardens and parks. They accomplished this by transplanting the desired cultivars across the Persian empire. Phoenicians then began in the 6th century BC to market the new Kashmiri saffron by utilising their extensive trade routes. Once sold, Kashmiri saffron was used in the treatment of melancholy and as a fabric dye. On the other hand, traditional Kashmiri legend states that saffron first arrived in the 11th or 12th century AD, when two foreign and itinerant Sufi ascetics, Khwaja Masood Wali and Hazrat Sheikh Shariffudin, wandered into Kashmir. The foreigners, having fallen sick, beseeched a cure for illness from a local tribal chieftain. When the chieftain obliged, the two holy men reputedly gave them a saffron crocus bulb as payment and thanks. To this day, grateful prayers are offered to the two saints during the saffron harvesting season in late autumn. The saints, indeed, have a golden-domed shrine and tomb dedicated to them in the saffron-trading village of Pampore, India. Highlighting the historical importance of Indian saffron in global trade and cultural exchange, there are some reports showcasing its significance beyond the borders of India. There are always legends on the origin of the spice, some historians believed that the saffron has roots from other countries also. Saffron cultivation is also believed to have originated in ancient Persia, and it was Persians who likely introduced saffron to India. There has been a historical exchange of saffron between India and Persia, with both regions valuing this precious spice for its culinary and medicinal properties. Indian saffron has historical trade connections with Central Asian countries such as Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan. These regions have also cultivated saffron, and trade routes facilitated the exchange of saffron and other goods between India and Central Asia. Saffron trade routes connected India with the Arab world, including countries like Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and the United Arab Emirates. Arab traders played a significant role in the dissemination of saffron across different regions, contributing to its spread and popularity. Indian saffron has had trade connections with various European countries throughout history. During the medieval period, Indian saffron was highly prized in Europe and was traded along the Silk Road and other trade routes. It was considered a luxury item and was used in cooking, perfumery, and medicinal preparations. While China is not traditionally known for saffron cultivation, it has been a significant market for Indian saffron due to its historical trade connections with India. Indian saffron was traded along the ancient Silk Road routes, which connected India with China and facilitated cultural and economic exchange between the two countries. In modern times, Indian saffron continues to be exported to various countries around the world, including the Middle East, Europe, North America, and East Asia. Its premium quality, especially Kashmiri saffron, makes it sought after in international markets, contributing to India's saffron export industry. Cultural Significance: Saffron became deeply intertwined with Indian culture, symbolizing purity, auspiciousness, and prosperity. It adorned religious offerings, festivals, and ceremonies, casting its golden glow on temples and households alike. Its fragrance wafted through the air, carrying with it the essence of tradition and heritage. Medicinal Marvel: Ayurveda, the ancient Indian system of medicine, recognized saffron as a potent herb with a plethora of health benefits. From treating respiratory ailments to digestive disorders, saffron found its place in the apothecary of Ayurvedic practitioners. Its antioxidant properties and therapeutic effects earned it a reputation as a panacea for various maladies. Trade and Commerce: The lush valleys of Kashmir emerged as the epicenter of saffron cultivation in India. Kashmiri saffron, renowned for its superior quality and intense flavor, became a prized commodity in the global spice trade. Trade routes crisscrossed the region, connecting Indian saffron farmers with merchants from distant lands. Saffron became not just a spice but a symbol of economic prosperity and international trade. Culinary Delight: Indian cuisine embraced saffron with open arms, infusing its delicate aroma and vibrant color into an array of dishes. From the regal biryanis of the Mughal era to the decadent desserts of modern-day India, saffron became a culinary hallmark, elevating ordinary meals to extraordinary feasts. Its subtle yet distinctive taste left an indelible mark on the palates of food enthusiasts across the globe. Challenges and Resilience: Despite its storied past, Indian saffron faces challenges in the modern era. Climate change, water scarcity, and competition from other saffron-producing countries pose threats to its cultivation. However, Indian saffron farmers, with their resilience and ingenuity, continue to nurture this precious spice, safeguarding its legacy for future generations. The Present cultivation in India From Kashmir to Jaisalmer - that's how far the aromatic spice saffron seems to have travelled with a farmer who tried growing the plant here on an experimental basis. Kashmir is the primary turf for the cultivation of the precious spice but farmers and researchers in west Asian region of Rajasthan also shown keen in its cultivation. According to recent reports some farmers with scientific temper cultivated saffron in the in Jalore, Jaiselmer, Dalesar, Churu and Pilani regions in Rajasthan. They successfully cultivated saffron in the dryland but the journey is not an easy one. Researchers are looking to train people from across the country in how to grow the expensive spice outside its traditional cold-climate spots. A group of researchers in India’s Rajasthan state is attempting to revolutionize local saffron farming by growing it in warmer and dryer lands. Despite traditionally needing extreme cold conditions to cultivate, people are increasingly growing saffron in the state famous for its deserts and high temperatures. Popularly known as 'Red Gold' for its $3,600-per-kilo prices, saffron is mostly cultivated in the mountainous Jammu and Kashmir region and Himachal Pradesh state. The Indian natural medicine system ‘Ayurveda’ considers saffron an immensely beneficial herb for children and the elderly, especially for mental health. Researchers believed that diversifying the traditional crops of farmers, who grow low remunerative crops, Kesar cultivation may elevate their income. Kesar area will multiply in the times to come,. A group of researchers in India’s Rajasthan state is attempting to revolutionize local saffron farming by growing it in warmer and Saffron has been deeply intertwined with Indian culture and traditions. It has been used not only in cooking but also in religious ceremonies, particularly in Hinduism and Buddhism. Saffron is considered auspicious and is often used in religious offerings and rituals. Ayurveda, the ancient Indian system of medicine, considers saffron as a valuable herb with numerous health benefits. It has been traditionally used to treat various ailments such as asthma, cough, cold, and digestive issues. Saffron is also believed to have antioxidant properties. Trade and Commerce: India has a long history of saffron cultivation, particularly in the region of Kashmir. Kashmiri saffron is renowned for its superior quality and is considered one of the best varieties globally. Saffron trade has been an important part of the economy in regions where it is cultivated. Saffron is widely used in Indian cuisine, especially in dishes such as biryani, kheer (Indian rice pudding), and various sweets and desserts. It adds a distinct flavor, aroma, and a vibrant yellow-orange color to the dishes. Despite its historical significance and cultural importance, saffron cultivation in India faces challenges such as climate change, water scarcity, and competition from other saffron-producing countries. Additionally, the high labor intensity required for saffron cultivation makes it a challenging and expensive crop to grow.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/a-tale-of-king-of-spice-saffron/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[The Story of a Nine-Yard Wonder: Saree]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-story-of-a-nine-yard-wonder-saree/ The saree has a rich and diverse history in India, dating back thousands of years. It is a traditional Indian garment that holds cultural significance and has evolved over time in terms of styles, fabrics, and draping techniques. The saree, a quintessential garment of ancient Indian culture, encapsulates a rich tapestry of tradition and elegance that has endured for thousands of years. Woven into the fabric of India's history, the saree reflects the diverse cultural, social, and artistic heritage of the subcontinent. This essay explores the origins, evolution, and cultural significance of the ancient Indian saree, tracing its journey from the early civilizations to the present day. A sari is a women's garment from the Indian subcontinent, that consists of an un-stitched stretch of woven fabric arranged over the body as a robe, with one end attached to the waist, while the other end rests over one shoulder as a stole (shawl), sometimes baring a part of the midriff. It may vary from 4.1 to 8.2 metres (4.5 to 9 yards) in length, and 60 to 120 centimetres (24 to 47 inches) in breadth, and is form of ethnic wear in India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh and Pakistan. There are various names and styles of sari manufacture and draping, the most common being the Nivi style. The sari is worn with a fitted bodice also called a choli (ravike or kuppasa in southern India, and cholo in Nepal) and a petticoat called ghagra, parkar, or ul-pavadai. It remains fashionable in the Indian subcontinent even today. Let’s have a look into the rich history of the nine yard wonder that is known as saree: Origins and Early Drapes: The roots of the saree can be traced back to the ancient civilizations of the Indus Valley, where depictions on artifacts suggest draped garments similar to the saree were worn by women as early as 2800 BCE. The Vedic period (1500–500 BCE) witnessed the emergence of various draped garments signifying an early form of the saree. During this time, the attire was likely a simple piece of cloth draped around the body. The word sari evolved from śāṭikā mentioned in early Hindu literature as women's attire. The sari or śāṭikā evolved from a three-piece ensemble comprising the antarīya, the lower garment; the uttarīya; a veil worn over the shoulder or the head; and the stanapatta, a chestband. This ensemble is mentioned in Sanskrit literature and Buddhist Pali literature during the 6th century BCE. Ancient antariya closely resembled the dhoti wrap in the "fishtail" version which was passed through the legs, covered the legs loosely and then flowed into long, decorative pleats at front of the legs. It further evolved into Bhairnivasani skirt, today known as ghagri and lehenga. Uttariya was a shawl-like veil worn over the shoulder or head. It evolved into what is known today known as dupatta and ghoonghat. Likewise, the stanapaṭṭa evolved into the choli by the 1st century CE. The ancient Sanskrit work Kadambari by Banabhatta and ancient Tamil poetry, such as the Silappadhikaram, describes women in exquisite drapery or sari. In ancient India, although women wore saris that bared the midriff, the Dharmasastra writers stated that women should be dressed such that the navel would never become visible, which may have led to a taboo on navel exposure at some times and places. According to historians, everyday costume in ancient India until recent times in Kerala consisted of a pleated dhoti or (sarong) wrap, combined with a breast band called kūrpāsaka or stanapaṭṭa and occasionally a wrap called uttarīya that could at times be used to cover the upper body or head. The two-piece Kerala mundum neryathum (mundu, a dhoti or sarong, neryath, a shawl, in Malayalam) is a survival of ancient clothing styles. The one-piece sari in Kerala is derived from neighbouring Tamil Nadu or Deccan during medieval period based on its appearance on various temple murals in medieval Kerala. In some parts of ancient India and even today a married lady is expected to put on a veil while moving in the public. This may indicate that it was not necessary for unmarried females to put on a veil. This form of veiling by married women is still prevalent in Hindi-speaking areas, and is known as ghoonghat where the loose end of a sari is pulled over the head to act as a facial veil. Based on sculptures and paintings, tight bodices or cholis are believed to have evolved between the 2nd century BCE to 6th century CE in various regional styles. Early cholis were front covering tied at the back; this style was more common in parts of ancient northern India. This ancient form of bodice or choli are still common in the state of Rajasthan today. Varies styles of decorative traditional embroidery like gota patti, mochi, pakko, kharak, suf, kathi, phulkari and gamthi are done on cholis. In Southern parts of India, choli is known as ravikie which is tied at the front instead of back, kasuti is traditional form of embroidery used for cholis in this region. In Nepal, choli is known as cholo or chaubandi cholo and is traditionally tied at the front. Red is the most favoured and sacred colour for wedding saris, which are the traditional garment choice for brides in Hindu wedding. TYPES OF SAREES: From ancient to modern Indian, women preferred to wore various types of regional handloom saris made of silk, cotton, ikkat, block-print, embroidery and tie-dye textiles. Most sought after brocade silk saris are Banasari, Kanchipuram, Gadwal, Paithani, Mysore, Uppada, Bagalpuri, Balchuri, Maheshwari, Chanderi, Mekhela, Ghicha, Narayan pet and Eri etc. are traditionally worn for festive and formal occasions. Silk Ikat and cotton saris known as Patola, Pochampally, Bomkai, Khandua, Sambalpuri, Gadwal, Berhampuri, Bargarh, Jamdani, Tant, Mangalagiri, Guntur, Narayan pet, Chanderi, Maheshwari, Nuapatn, Tussar, Ilkal, Kotpad and Manipuri were worn for both festive and everyday attire. Tie-dyed and block-print saris known as Bandhani, Leheria/Leheriya, Bagru, Ajrakh, Sungudi, Kota Dabu/Dabu print, Bagh and Kalamkari were traditionally worn during monsoon season. Gota Patti is popular form of traditional embroidery used on saris for formal occasions, various other types of traditional folk embroidery such mochi, pakko, kharak, suf, kathi, phulkari and gamthi are also commonly used for both informal and formal occasion. However, modern fabrics include polyester, georgette and charmeuse are also commonly used. Evolution during Maurya and Gupta Periods: As India transitioned through the Maurya and Gupta periods, the saree underwent further evolution. Regional styles began to emerge, and intricate weaving techniques and embroidery became more prevalent. Fabrics like silk gained popularity, contributing to the saree's refinement and elegance. Mughal Influence and Royal Opulence: The Mughal era (1526–1857) marked a period of cultural fusion, influencing the design of the saree. Persian and Central Asian aesthetics brought about the use of rich fabrics, intricate zari work, and detailed embroidery. The saree became a symbol of royal opulence, with Mughal queens and princesses adorning themselves in luxurious drapes. Colonial Impact and Global Trade: The British colonial period (1757–1947) saw India's textiles, including sarees, gaining prominence in the global market. However, it also introduced new technologies that impacted traditional handloom production. The saree continued to evolve, incorporating both traditional and colonial influences. Post-Independence Resurgence: Post-independence India witnessed a resurgence of interest in traditional crafts and textiles. Handloom industries flourished, and various regions developed their distinct saree styles. The saree became a symbol of cultural pride and identity as the nation embraced its heritage. Contemporary Expression: In the contemporary era, the saree has transcended its cultural boundaries and become a global fashion statement. Traditional handwoven sarees like Banarasi, Kanjeevaram, and Chanderi remain popular, while modern designers experiment with new fabrics, designs, and draping styles. The saree is not merely a garment; it is an expression of artistry and individuality. Conclusion: The ancient Indian saree culture represents more than just a piece of clothing; it is a living testament to the enduring spirit of a civilization that has embraced diversity and creativity. From its humble origins in the Indus Valley to its global presence today, the saree continues to weave together the threads of tradition, elegance, and cultural identity, making it an integral part of India's vibrant heritage. Overview of the history of the saree in India: Ancient Origins (Indus Valley Civilization - 2800–1800 BCE): While the exact origins of the saree are difficult to pinpoint, depictions on ancient sculptures and artifacts from the Indus Valley Civilization suggest that draped garments similar to sarees were worn by women during that period. Vedic Period (1500–500 BCE): The Vedas, ancient Indian scriptures, make references to various garments worn by women, including the term "sati," which is believed to be an early form of the saree. During this time, the attire was likely a simple piece of cloth draped around the body. Maurya and Gupta Periods (322 BCE – 550 CE): The art and literature from the Maurya and Gupta periods provide evidence of the saree's continued presence in Indian culture. The garments became more refined, and various regional styles began to emerge. Medieval Period (600–1200 CE): The saree continued to evolve, influenced by regional cultures and foreign trade. Intricate weaving techniques and embroidery became more prevalent, with silk becoming a popular fabric for sarees. Mughal Era (1526–1857): The Mughal influence brought new elements to saree design. Persian and Central Asian aesthetics influenced the use of rich fabrics, intricate embroidery, and the addition of decorative elements like zari (metallic thread). British Colonial Period (1757–1947): The British colonial period had a significant impact on Indian textiles. The demand for Indian textiles, including sarees, grew in the global market. The British also introduced new textile technologies, affecting the production and design of sarees. Post-Independence Era (1947 onwards): After India gained independence in 1947, there was a resurgence of interest in traditional Indian crafts and textiles. The handloom industry flourished, and various regions developed their distinct saree styles. The saree continued to be a symbol of Indian identity and cultural pride. Contemporary Era (Late 20th Century – Present): Today, the saree remains a versatile and timeless garment. While traditional handwoven sarees like Banarasi, Kanjeevaram, and Chanderi continue to be popular, contemporary designers have also experimented with new fabrics, designs, and draping styles to cater to modern tastes. The saree has not only retained its cultural significance but has also become a global fashion statement, worn by women of various backgrounds and cultures around the world.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-story-of-a-nine-yard-wonder-saree/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[India’s long tradition of sports]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/indias-long-tradition-of-sports/ The history of ancient Indian sports reflects the diversity and vibrancy of the culture, where physical activities were not only a means of recreation but also held cultural, religious, and strategic significance. India, a land rich in history, tradition, and culture, has always been a hub for activity in many aspects. The sports history of India dates back to the 4th Century BCE when traditional sports such as Kho-Kho and Kabaddi originated. Dholavira, the world’s oldest terraced arena, was built in Kutch, Gujarat, around 3000 BC, evidencing the existence of sports in India. Ancient texts like the Mahabharata, written around the 3rd century BCE, mention martial arts and archery as activities that were carried out during that era. Even indoor games like Chess and Snakes & Ladders have origins in ancient India, in the form of games of Chaturanga and Gyan Chauper, respectively. The emphasis on holistic development, including physical fitness, was an integral part of ancient Indian society. Today we will understand the spectacular journey of Indian sports from ancient Indian to the modern times. Ancient India If we deep dive into the history we will find out that the world's oldest stadium with terraced stands was constructed in Dholavira, Gujarat, during the third millennium BCE. Two stadiums have been identified at the ancient site: one is considered a ceremonial ground, and the other a small stadium. Sports were evident during the Vedic era. Physical culture in ancient India was fuelled by religious rights. The mantra in the Atharvaveda says, "Duty is in my right hand and the fruits of victory in my left.". This resembles the Olympic Oath: "For the Honour of my Country and the Glory of Sport." The modern game of badminton developed from an English children's game known as battledore and shuttlecock, a game that was most prominent in ancient India. The battledore was a paddle and the shuttlecock was a small feathered cork, colloquially called a bird. India has a rich heritage of martial arts. In the Mahabharata and Ramayana, Bhima and Hanuman were the greatest Gadadhari (transl. One who fights with Gada (the Mace weapon)) and were skilled in wrestling. Lord Krishna's brother Balarama was a great Gadadhari. During the era of the Mahabharata, Pandava prince Arjun and Ekalavya were expert archers. Kalaripayattu is practised by some as a traditional martial art in South India. Martial arts was one of the earliest sport used for military purposes. This too was limited to only the warrior caste, the Kshatriya. In ancient Greece, the patriarchy was very strict, and likewise ancient India restricted their sports to only men. Board games, including chess and snakes and ladders, originated from the ancient Indian games chaturanga and gyan chauper respectively; these were later brought to foreign countries, where they would be modernized. Chaturanga taught ancient Indians how to strategise for war, and the other board games often imparted spiritual values. Several Indian variations of tag, such as kabaddi and kho-kho, originated in prehistoric times, with kho-kho being played as far back as the fourth century BCE. Atya-patya, a variant of tag, was mentioned in the Naṟṟiṇai (written in 300 CE). Kabaddi and atya-patya in particular were used for military training purposes. Mughal Period During the rule of the Mughal Empire, pehlwani, a form of wrestling, was developed by combining native malla-yuddha with Persian varzesh-e bastani. Several other activities were partaken in for recreation, such as hunting, gambling in dice-games, etc. British Era The Indian Hockey team at the 1936 Berlin Olympics, later going on to defeat Germany 8–1 in the final. During the colonial period, British India competed at six Olympic Games, winning medals in field hockey. British sports were introduced into India during that period. Some Indians were variously participating in British sports to rise up the social hierarchy by imitating their colonisers as well as aiming to achieve victory against the British in their sports. The British also aimed to spread their sports among Indians as a way of spreading British values. Efforts were made to develop the native games of India during this time period; this led to the successful standardisation of games such as kabaddi and kho-kho, as well as their demonstration in the 1936 Summer Olympics. In the early days, the British began clubs, which only whites could join. These clubs were a place where men could gather together to drink, socialize, and play sports. British soldiers would play British sports as a way of maintaining fitness, since the mortality rate for foreigners in India was high at the time, as well as to maintain a sense of Britishness; in the words of an anonymous writer, playing British sports was a way for the British to "defend themselves from the magic of the land". The different games played in the clubs would be cricket, badminton, rugby, golf, and rowing. Snooker originated in the late 19th century among British Army officers stationed in India. Modern polo originated in British India in the 19th century in Manipur, where the game was known as Sagol Kangjei, Kanjai-bazee, or Pulu. The name polo is the anglicized version of the lattermost term. The first polo club was established in Silchar, Assam, in 1833. The oldest polo club still in existence is the Calcutta Polo Club, which was established in 1862. Dorabji Tata, with the support of Dr. A.G. Noehren, the then-director of YMCA, established the Indian Olympic Association in 1927. One of the world's earliest football clubs, the Mohun Bagan was established in 1889. The club was formed when The Football Association began making standard rules for football. Indian Sports in the Global Platform The British used sport as another conduit of transferring British socio-political ideas, culture, and beliefs into the fabric of India's system. As Australian author Brian Stoddart writes in his article on British sports and cultural imperialism, “Colonial governors were especially important in emphasizing cricket as a ritual demonstration of British behavior, standards, and moral codes in both public and private.” Despite many Indians being a part of white-dominated sports teams, there was an inevitably constant re-emphasis of the superior and inferior race ideology within the teams. The British believed that the Indians were the inferior and effeminate race, taking the opportunity of sport as a mission to mold, reshape and therefore improve the Native race into a stronger, more physically capable race. The theory that Indians resisted British colonialism through sports to regain power over their country has been evident in various scholarly articles, books, and monographs. Specifically, in the 1963 memoir Beyond a Boundary, Tranidian Marxist intellectual C. L. R. James compares Indians on the field to Greek drama plays: “selected individuals played representative roles which were charged with social significance.” The author explains that there is irony between the English origins of the sport and the means of which Indians use it as a way to express their national identity – an identity which they feel was stolen from them as a result of the British Raj or ruling. Through the lens of James’ memoir, cricket evolves into a nuance where Englishness intersects with West Indian identity formation, both in and beyond the field. Indians used sports as a gateway or an opportunity to regain national pride and identity, ultimately fighting against the British narrative. The colonized therefore developed their own physical strength and power while confronting and rejecting the components of imperial ideology. They developed proud self-image throughout time as a significant step for achieving freedom and establishing popular sovereignty, which underscores the revolutionary power of resistance among Indians against their British colonizers through harvesting strength and national self-determination and identity. Post-Independence The Eden Gardens in Kolkata, established in 1864, is the oldest cricket stadium in India. It has been part of several historic cricket matches. When India won the 1983 Cricket World Cup, cricket rose to popularity, while field hockey was declining. International sport and sporting leagues quickly grew in India after the economic liberalisation of the 1990s, which allowed more money to be invested into sports. The Indian Premier League (IPL), which started in 2007, quickly became the most dominant league in the country and is highly influential in global cricket; by 2022, it was only behind America's National Football League in terms of being the most valued league in the world on a per-match basis. Several other sports leagues quickly popped up after the IPL, with the Indian Super League becoming one of the biggest leagues and playing a significant role in Indian football. Other leagues (such as the Pro Kabaddi League, Ultimate Kho Kho, and the Pro Panja League) contributed to the modernisation of indigenous sports. Kabaddi has become an international sport, with countries such as South Korea and Iran playing it. India founded the Asian Games, which is considered to be the world's second-largest sporting event behind the Olympic Games as a way to make itself relevant in the new post-colonial world order. It hosted the Games in New Delhi for the inaugural edition in 1951 and again in 1982. The current Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports was initially set up as the Department of Sports in 1982 at the time of organisation of the Games in New Delhi. Its name was changed to the Department of Youth Affairs and Sports during International Youth Year in 1985. India has also hosted and co-hosted several international sporting events, including the 1987, 1996 and 2011 Cricket World Cups, the 2003 Afro-Asian Games, the 2010 Hockey World Cup, and the 2010 Commonwealth Games. Major international sporting events annually held in India include the Chennai Open, the Mumbai Marathon and the Delhi Half Marathon. The country hosted the first Indian Grand Prix in 2011. The largest stadium in the world, the Narendra Modi Stadium, is in India. The remarkable journey of Indian sports has major achievements as below Cricket Dominance: Cricket is undoubtedly the most popular sport in India. The country has a massive cricket fan base, and the Indian Premier League (IPL) is one of the most-watched and lucrative cricket leagues globally. Field Hockey Legacy: India has a rich history in field hockey and has won eight Olympic gold medals in the sport. The golden era for Indian hockey was from 1928 to 1956, during which the national team remained undefeated in Olympic competition. Kabaddi Dominance: Kabaddi, a traditional Indian sport, has gained international recognition, especially through the Pro Kabaddi League. The Indian national kabaddi team has been highly successful, winning multiple gold medals in the Asian Games. Chess Prowess: India has produced several world-class chess players, including Viswanathan Anand, who became the World Chess Champion in 2000. Chess is widely followed and played in the country, with many young talents emerging on the international scene. First Asian Games Host: India holds the distinction of being the first Asian nation to host the Asian Games. The inaugural edition took place in New Delhi in 1951. Olympic Achievements: India has performed well in recent Olympic Games. Notably, weightlifter Mirabai Chanu won a silver medal in the 2020 Tokyo Olympics, marking a significant achievement for Indian sports. Cricket World Cup 1983: India's victory in the 1983 Cricket World Cup, under the captaincy of Kapil Dev, was a watershed moment in Indian sports. It was the first time that India won the prestigious tournament. Women in Sports: Indian women athletes have been making significant strides in various sports. P.V. Sindhu, in badminton, and Mithali Raj, in cricket, are examples of Indian women who have achieved international acclaim. Dhyan Chand: Major Dhyan Chand, often referred to as the "Wizard of Hockey," is considered one of the greatest field hockey players of all time. His contribution to Indian hockey is legendary, and his birthday, 29th August, is celebrated as India's National Sports Day. Paralympic Success: India has seen success in the Paralympic Games as well. Devendra Jhajharia and Mariyappan Thangavelu are Paralympic gold medalists, showcasing the country's strength in para-sports. Amusing Ancient Sports at a Glance While the history of ancient sports in India is often depicted with valor and athleticism, there are also amusing and quirky aspects worth noting: Kabaddi Origins: Kabaddi, a popular sport in India, has ancient roots. Legend has it that during the Mahabharata, Bhima played a form of Kabaddi, making it not only a physically demanding sport but also a hero's pastime. Elephant Polo: In ancient India, the royals had a penchant for extravagant sports. Elephant polo was one such regal pastime where players rode atop elephants, trying to score goals with an enormous ball. Ancient Board Games: While not traditional 'sports,' ancient Indians enjoyed various board games. One notable example is 'Moksha Patam,' which later evolved into the globally popular game 'Snakes and Ladders.' The game aimed to teach morality and lessons on karma. Archery Competitions: Archery was a vital skill in ancient times and often a part of competitions. However, imagine a historical version of 'Robin Hood' stealing from the rich, and perhaps giving to the poor, in an ancient archery contest! Yak Racing: While yaks are not native to India, the sport of yak racing has been a humorous inclusion in various cultural festivals. These sturdy animals, more associated with the Himalayan region, bring an amusing twist to the traditional racing scene. Gada (Mace) Swinging: The ancient Indian exercise of swinging a Gada (mace) was not only for strength but could easily be mistaken for a precursor to a warrior's workout routine. It's not hard to imagine ancient warriors flexing their muscles with a touch of humor. Animal Antics: There are tales of royal menageries where kings kept exotic animals, sometimes involving them in sports events. While it may not be funny at the time, the mental image of a tiger participating in a sporting event could evoke a chuckle today. Mock Battles: Ancient India had mock battles or war games known as 'Yuddha Krida.' While these were serious training exercises, the mental picture of warriors engaged in a playful, theatrical battle can be amusing. Jataka Tales and Animal Competitions: Some Jataka tales (Buddhist birth stories) feature animals engaging in friendly competitions. Picture a turtle challenging a rabbit to a race or a monkey and a crocodile in a swimming contest. Tree Climbing Competitions: Climbing trees was considered an essential skill, and there were competitions to showcase one's agility. The idea of athletes in ancient India racing up trees might seem like a playful take on a modern obstacle course. These funny and quirky aspects add a light-hearted touch to the rich history of ancient sports in India, showcasing the diversity and creativity that existed even in the realm of physical activities.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/indias-long-tradition-of-sports/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Art of Jewelry traversed from Ancient to Modern India]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/art-of-jewelry-traversed-from-ancient-to-modern-india/ The history of jewelry in ancient India is rich and diverse, spanning thousands of years and reflecting the cultural, social, and religious practices of different civilizations. India has a long jewellery history, which has gone through various changes via cultural influence and politics for more than 5,000–8,000 years. Because India had an abundant supply of precious metals and gems, it prospered financially through export and exchange with other countries. While European traditions were heavily influenced by waxing and waning empires, India enjoyed a continuous development of art forms for some 5,000 years. One of the first to start jewellery making were the peoples of the Indus Valley civilization. By 1500 BC, the peoples of the Indus Valley were creating gold earrings and necklaces, bead necklaces, and metallic bangles. Before 2100 BC, prior to the period when metals were widely used, the largest jewellery trade in the Indus Valley region was the bead trade. Beads in the Indus Valley were made using simple techniques. First, a bead maker would need a rough stone, which would be bought from an eastern stone trader. The stone would then be placed into a hot oven where it would be heated until it turned deep red, a colour highly prized by people of the Indus Valley. The red stone would then be chipped to the right size and a hole bored through it with primitive drills. The beads were then polished. Some beads were also painted with designs. This art form was often passed down through the family. Children of bead makers often learned how to work beads from a young age. Each stone had its own characteristics related to Hinduism. Jewellery in the Indus Valley Civilization was worn predominantly by females, who wore numerous clay or shell bracelets on their wrists. They were often shaped like doughnuts and painted black. Over time, clay bangles were discarded for more durable ones. In present-day India, bangles are made out of metal or glass. Other pieces that women frequently wore were thin bands of gold that would be worn on the forehead, earrings, primitive brooches, chokers, and gold rings. Although women wore jewellery the most, some men in the Indus Valley wore beads. Small beads were often crafted to be placed in men and women’s hair. The beads were about one millimetre long. A female skeleton (presently on display at the National Museum, New Delhi, India) wears a carlinean bangle (bracelet) on her left hand. Kada is a special kind of bracelet and is widely popular in Indian culture. They symbolize animals such as peacock, elephant, etc. Here are some key aspects of jewelry in the Harappan culture: Materials Used: Harappan jewelers worked with a variety of materials, including gold, silver, copper, and various semi-precious stones such as carnelian, agate, and steatite. Beads made from these materials were commonly used in jewelry. Ornament Types Harappan jewelry included a wide range of ornaments, such as necklaces, bracelets, bangles, earrings, finger rings, and anklets. Bead necklaces were particularly common, and beads were often made in different shapes and sizes. Craftsmanship: The craftsmanship of Harappan jewelry was advanced for its time, featuring intricate designs and skilled metalworking techniques. Goldsmiths and silversmiths of the Harappan civilization were adept at crafting jewelry with precision. Symbolism and Function: Jewelry in the Harappan culture likely held symbolic and functional significance. It is believed that certain types of jewelry might have been worn for religious or ritualistic purposes. The use of specific materials and symbols in jewelry may have denoted social status, affiliation, or roles within the community. Distinctive Features: The use of cylindrical and tubular beads was a characteristic feature of Harappan jewelry. These beads were often made with great precision and uniformity. Some artifacts, such as small gold figures and objects, are believed to have been part of personal adornments. Archaeological Discoveries: Archaeological sites like Mohenjo-daro and Harappa have yielded a significant number of jewelry artifacts. Excavations have uncovered beads, bangles, and other ornaments in various materials. The discovery of a male torso sculpture wearing a necklace suggests that men, as well as women, adorned themselves with jewelry. Trade and Influences: The Harappan Civilization had extensive trade networks, and the materials used in their jewelry indicate connections with regions rich in metals and gemstones. There is evidence of cultural exchanges with Mesopotamia, and similarities in jewelry styles between the two regions suggest some degree of influence. According to Hindu belief, gold and silver are considered as sacred metals. Gold is symbolic of the warm sun, while silver suggests the cool moon. Both are the quintessential metals of Indian jewellery. Pure gold does not oxidise or corrode with time, which is why Hindu tradition associates gold with immortality. Gold imagery occurs frequently in ancient Indian literature. In the Vedic Hindu belief of cosmological creation, the source of physical and spiritual human life originated in and evolved from a golden womb (hiranyagarbha) or egg (hiranyanda), a metaphor of the sun, whose light rises from the primordial waters. Laws for Jewellery in Old Times Jewellery had great status with India’s royalty; it was so powerful that they established laws, limiting wearing of jewellery to royalty. Only royalty and a few others to whom they granted permission could wear gold ornaments on their feet. This would normally be considered breaking the appreciation of the sacred metals. Even though the majority of the Indian population wore jewellery, Maharajas and people related to royalty had a deeper connection with jewellery. The Maharaja’s role was so important that the Hindu philosophers identified him as central to the smooth working of the world. He was considered as a divine being, a deity in human form, whose duty was to uphold and protect dharma, the moral order of the universe. Navaratna (nine gems) is a powerful jewel frequently worn by a Maharaja (Emperor). It is an amulet, which comprises diamond, pearl, ruby, sapphire, emerald, topaz, cat’s eye, coral, and hyacinth (red zircon). Each of these stones is associated with a celestial deity, represented the totality of the Hindu universe when all nine gems are together. The diamond is the most powerful gem among the nine stones. There were various cuts for the gemstone. Indian Kings bought gemstones privately from the sellers. Maharaja and other royal family members value gem as Hindu God. They exchanged gems with people to whom they were very close, especially the royal family members and other intimate allies. DIAMONDS India was the first country to mine diamonds, with some mines dating back to 296 BC. India traded the diamonds, realising their valuable qualities. Historically, diamonds have been given to retain or regain a lover’s or ruler’s lost favour, as symbols of tribute, or as an expression of fidelity in exchange for concessions and protection. Mughal emperors and Kings used the diamonds as a means of assuring their immortality by having their names and worldly titles inscribed upon them. Moreover, it has played and continues to play a pivotal role in Indian social, political, economic, and religious event, as it often has done elsewhere. In Indian history, diamonds have been used to acquire military equipment, finance wars, foment revolutions, and tempt defections. They have contributed to the abdication or the decapitation of potentates. They have been used to murder a representative of the dominating power by lacing his food with crushed diamond. Indian diamonds have been used as security to finance large loans needed to buttress politically or economically tottering regimes. Victorious military heroes have been honoured by rewards of diamonds and also have been used as ransom payment for release from imprisonment or abduction. Today, many jewellery designs and traditions are used, and jewellery is commonplace in Indian ceremonies and weddings. For many Indians, especially those who follow the Hindu or Jain faiths, bridal jewellery is known as streedhan and functions as personal wealth for the bride only, as a sort of financial security. For this reason, this jewellery, especially in the sacred metals of gold and silver, has large cultural significance for Indian brides. Jewellery is worn on the arms and hands, ears, neck, hair, head, feet, toes and waist to bless the bride with prosperity. Significance of Jewelry in an Indian woman’s Life The significance of jewelry in the life of women in India is evident from the jewelry gifts they receive from their own birth to the birth of their babies.  Some ornaments like mangalsutra, nose ring and toe ring are considered to be integral parts of the makeup of a married Indian woman. Since ancient times, the tradition of gifting jewelry items has continued. The only difference is in the designs of the contemporary jewelry which has become modern in design to cater to the needs of the twenty first century women. Indian jewellery had witnessed several changes with every invasion and despite these influences; Indian jewelry maintained its distinct identity, blending foreign styles with indigenous craftsmanship to create a unique fusion. Influence of invaders on Indian traditional jewellery Mughal Influence: Mughal invaders brought intricate designs, incorporating Persian and Central Asian influences into Indian jewelry. Techniques like enameling and gemstone inlays became prominent. Indo-Greek Influence: The interaction with Indo-Greek invaders led to the use of Hellenistic designs and techniques, such as filigree work and the inclusion of coins in jewelry. British Colonial Era: The British influence during the colonial period shifted preferences towards more delicate and minimalistic styles. Victorian-era trends, such as lockets and cameos, found a place in Indian jewelry. Islamic Influence: Islamic invaders introduced geometric patterns, calligraphy, and arabesque designs, influencing the design elements of Indian jewelry, especially in regions with a significant Muslim population. Portuguese Influence: Portuguese explorers influenced Goan jewelry, introducing elements like floral motifs and incorporating Christian symbols into traditional designs.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/art-of-jewelry-traversed-from-ancient-to-modern-india/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Journey of Spices in India]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/journey-of-spices-in-india/ The history of spices in India reflects a fascinating journey of cultural exchange, economic prosperity, and the integration of Indian flavors into the global culinary landscape. No Indian dinner would be complete without spices, and no tale about the subcontinent would be complete. Spices are so intertwined with Indian history and culture that even Indian films are referred to as "masala movies" – masala being the Hindi term for spice. Every year, India produces more than two million tonnes of spices. It is one of the world's top exporters, accounting for more than 40% of the global spice trade. Today we will understand the history of Indian Spices: Ancient India The history of spices in India dates back thousands of years, making it the "Spice Bowl of the World". Herbs and spices have been used by Indian tribes for almost as long as the "human civilization of spices." Conquering tribes ranging from the Assyrians and Babylonians to the Arabians, Romans, Egyptians, Chinese, British, and Portuguese invaded India with the same purpose: to profit from the vast natural resources and origin of spices, according to the historians. The Rig Veda (about 6000 BC) and Yajurveda, Samaveda, and Atharveda provide the first written record on spices in India. During the Vedic period, information was mostly passed down orally from generation to generation via hymns. Several spices are mentioned in the Rig Veda, and the Yajur Veda also makes mention of black pepper. Indian spices abound in the highlands, tropical rain forests, marshes, marshy woods, fertile valleys, and lush green fields. The history of Indian spices is rooted in Mother Nature's richness and kindness. Many maritime journeys were undertaken to find a more cost-effective method of obtaining spices. To name a few, Ferdinand Magellan, Vasco da Gama, and Christopher Columbus. After travelling through Africa in 1497, the Portuguese Vasco da Gama found Kozhikode on India's southwest coast in 1498. He returned with a massive haul of nutmeg, cloves, cinnamon, ginger, and peppercorns. Role of Spices in Indian History Spices are often regarded as one of the most outstanding components of Indian cuisine. The complex flavours of Indian food do not come through in the absence of spices. Because of the exceptional flavour of Indian Spices in every kitchen, Indian food is becoming increasingly popular these days. Therefore it can be stated that Indian Spices and cuisine go hand in hand since traditional food items in India are seasoned with a diverse range of Spices. World Trade The history of spices in India made its way to Mesopotamia, Egypt, and Arabia centuries before the Greek and Roman civilizations. Later, Greek merchants would ship for the port marketplaces of south India to purchase different luxury commodities, among which spices were usually at the top of their list. Historians think that the Parthian wars were fought to keep trade routes to India open. Spices and other luxury commodities from India enticed numerous explorers to undertake voyages and crusades to the East over the years. The same Indian spices drove Arabian traders (of cinnamon and cassia) to lie about the origin of these spices to safeguard their economic interests. Because of these made-up legends, the ancient Greeks and Romans had some ridiculous theories about where these Eastern spices came from. Invaders and rulers have long sought India's golden mine of spices, from Genghis Khan of the Mongol Empire to the many rulers of the British Empire. Because of this increased interest in Indian spices, India eventually became the global hub for what became known as the "Spice Trade." The globe couldn't get enough of India's tastes, from cumin to coriander, saffron to sage, black pepper to black mustard seeds. Medicinal Properties There is a mention of spices in our ancient Indian texts. In fact, around the 4th Century BC, Sushruta, a renowned Indian surgeon used spices for various healing and antiseptic purposes. In 1000 BCE there was a thriving spice trade between India and other parts of the world. The principal Indian spices are coriander, cumin, turmeric, black mustard, and cayenne pepper. When combined in varied proportions the role of Indian Spices in Indian history provides some of the most heightened and exquisite tastes known to man. In the world of spices, Kerala, which is located in the southwest coast of India, is regarded as the spice garden of India. The tropical landscape of this region is conducive to the growth of a number of spices. Kerala is the spice bowl of India and it has earned this title due to its excellent landscape that nurtures the growth of many spices. Idukki and Wayanad are the most popular locations for apice growth in the region. Indian spices originated in the Indian subcontinent and the middle east in 2000 BCE. The Indian spices were cultivated in the 8th century BC in the gardens of Babylon. The history of spices in India is intertwined with the country's rich cultural, economic, and trade heritage. India has been a significant producer and exporter of spices for thousands of years. Here is an overview of the history of spices in India: Ancient Origins: The use of spices in India can be traced back to ancient times. Archaeological evidence suggests that as early as 2600 BCE, during the Indus Valley Civilization, various spices were used for culinary and medicinal purposes. Trade Routes: India's strategic location on ancient trade routes, including the famous Silk Road, played a crucial role in the exchange of spices with other civilizations. Spices like black pepper, cardamom, and cinnamon were highly sought after, and their trade contributed to India's economic prosperity. Ayurvedic Influence: In traditional Indian medicine, Ayurveda, spices have been an integral part of health and wellness practices. Many spices were believed to have medicinal properties and were used to treat various ailments. Arab and Persian Influence: During the medieval period, Arab and Persian traders were instrumental in further disseminating Indian spices to the West. The spice trade flourished, and spices became luxury commodities in Europe. European Spice Trade: In the 15th century, European powers, particularly the Portuguese, Dutch, and later the British, sought direct access to the spice-producing regions of India. This led to the exploration and establishment of maritime trade routes, contributing to the Age of Exploration. Colonial Control: The European colonial powers aimed to control the spice trade, leading to the establishment of trading posts and colonies in India. The Portuguese, Dutch, and British competed for dominance in the spice-producing regions, especially in Kerala. Monopoly of the British East India Company: The British East India Company played a significant role in monopolizing the spice trade during the colonial period. They controlled spice production, distribution, and trade routes, impacting the livelihoods of local spice farmers. Spice Plantations: The British introduced large-scale spice plantations in India, particularly in regions like Kerala and Karnataka. These plantations were focused on growing spices like black pepper, cardamom, and cinnamon for export. Post-Independence Revival: After gaining independence in 1947, India continued to be a major player in the global spice market. The government implemented policies to support spice cultivation, and India remained a significant exporter of various spices. Diverse Spice Production: Today, India is known for producing a wide variety of spices, including black pepper, cardamom, cinnamon, cloves, turmeric, cumin, coriander, and more. The country's diverse climate and geography contribute to the cultivation of various spices in different regions. Global Influence: Indian spices have not only shaped the country's culinary traditions but have also left a significant impact on global cuisine. The use of Indian spices is widespread in international cooking, contributing to the globalization of culinary practices.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/journey-of-spices-in-india/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[HISTORY OF INDIAN MARTIAL ARTS]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/history-of-indian-martial-arts/ The history of Indian martial arts is rich and diverse, spanning thousands of years and influenced by various cultural, regional, and historical factors. Here is an overview of the historical development of Indian martial arts. Among the most common terms today, sastra-vidya, is a compound of the words sastra (weapon) and vidya (knowledge). Dhanurveda derives from the words for bow (dhanushya) and knowledge (veda), the "science of archery" in Puranic literature, later applied to martial arts in general. The Vishnu Purana text describes dhanuveda as one of the traditional eighteen branches of "applied knowledge" or upaveda, along with military science. A later term, yuddha kala, comes from the words yuddha meaning fight or combat and kala meaning art or skill. The related term sastra kala (lit. weapon art) usually refers specifically to armed disciplines. Another term, yuddha-vidya or "combat knowledge", refers to the skills used on the battlefield, encompassing not only actual fighting but also battle formations and strategy. Martial arts are usually learnt and practiced in the traditional akharas. Antiquity (pre-Gupta) An Indus valley civilization seal shows some pictures which depicts martial arts. Dhanurveda: A section found in the Vedas (1500 BCE - 1100 BCE) contains references to martial arts. Indian epics contain the earliest accounts of combat, both armed and bare-handed. Most deities of the Hindu-Buddhist pantheon are armed with their own personal weapon, and are revered not only as master martial artists but often as originators of those systems themselves. The Mahabharata tells of fighters armed only with daggers besting lions, and describes a prolonged battle between Arjuna and Karna using bows, swords, trees, rocks and fists. The oldest recorded organized unarmed fighting art in the Indian subcontinent is malla-yuddha or combat-wrestling, codified into four forms in the Vedic Period. In Sanskrit literature the term dwandwayuddha referred to a duel, such that it was a battle between only two warriors and not armies. The Charanavyuha authored by Shaunaka mentions four upaveda (applied Vedas). Included among them are archery (dhanurveda) and military sciences (shastrashastra), the mastery of which was the duty (dharma) of the warrior class. Kings usually belonged to the kshatria (warrior) class and thus served as heads of the army. Many of the popular sports mentioned in the Vedas and the epics have their origins in military training, such as boxing (musti-yuddha), wrestling (maladwandwa), chariot-racing (rathachalan), horse-riding (aswa-rohana) and archery (dhanurvidya). Competitions were held not just as a contest of the players' prowess but also as a means of finding a bridegroom. Arjuna, Rama and Siddhartha Gautama all won their consorts in such tournaments. In the 3rd century, elements from the Yoga Sutras of Patanjali, as well as finger movements in the nata dances, were incorporated into the fighting arts. A number of Indian fighting styles remain closely connected to yoga, dance and performing arts. Some of the choreographed sparring in kalaripayat can be applied to dance and kathakali dancers who knew kalaripayat were believed to be markedly better than other performers. Until recent decades, the chhau dance was performed only by martial artists. Written evidence of martial arts in Southern India dates back to the Sangam literature of about the 2nd century BC to the 2nd century AD. The Akananuru and Purananuru describe the use of spears, swords, shields, bows and silambam in the Sangam era. The word kalari appears in the Puram (verses 225, 237, 245, 356) and Akam (verses 34, 231, 293) to describe both a battlefield and combat arena. Each warrior in the Sangam era received regular military training in target practice and horse riding. They specialized in one or more of the important weapons of the period including the spear (vel), sword (val), shield (kedaham), and bow and arrow (vil ambu). The combat techniques of the Sangam period were the earliest precursors to kalaripayat. References to "Silappadikkaram" in Sangam literature date back to the 2nd century. This referred to the silambam staff which was in great demand with foreign visitors. The ten fighting styles of northern sastra-vidya were said to have been created in different areas based on animals and gods, and designed for the particular geography of their origin.[citation needed] Tradition ascribes their convergence to the 6th-century university of Takshashila, ancient India's intellectual capital. Located in present-day Panjab, Pakistan, the Ramayana ascribes the city's founding to Bharata who named it after his son Taksha. From the 7th to the 5th centuries BC it was held in high regard as a great centre of trade and learning, attracting students from throughout present-day Pakistan and northern India. Among the subjects taught were the "military sciences", and archery was one of its prime arts. Classical period (3rd to 10th centuries) Like other branches of Sanskrit literature, treatises on martial arts become more systematic in the course of the 1st millennium AD. Vajra-musti, an armed grappling style, is mentioned in sources of the early centuries AD. The Sushruta Samhita (c. 4th century) identifies 108 vital points on the human body of which 64 were classified as being lethal if properly struck with a fist or stick. Sushruta's work formed the basis of the medical discipline ayurveda which was taught alongside various martial arts. Martial arts were not exclusive to the kshatriya caste, though the warrior class used them more extensively. The 8th-century text Kuvalaymala by Udyotanasuri recorded fighting techniques being taught at educational institutions, where non-kshatriya students from throughout the subcontinent "were learning and practicing archery, fighting with sword and shield, with daggers, sticks, lances, and with fists, and in duels (niyuddham)". The Gurjara-Pratihara came into power during the 7th century and founded a kshatriya dynasty in northern India which exceeded the preceding Gupta Empire. During this period, Emperor Nagabhata I (750–780 AD) and Mihir Bhoja I (836–890) commissioned various texts on martial arts, and were themselves practitioners of these systems. Shiva Dhanuveda was composed in this era. Middle Ages (11th to 15th centuries) Kalaripayat had developed into its present form by the 11th century, during an extended period of warfare between the Chera and Chola dynasties. The earliest treatise discussing the techniques of malla-yuddha is the Malla Purana (c. 13th century), unlike the earlier Manasollasa which gives the names of movements but no descriptions. Over a period of several centuries, invading Muslim armies managed to occupy much of present-day Pakistan and northern India. In response to the spread of Muslim rule, the kingdoms of South India united in the 14th century to found the Vijayanagara Empire. According to Italian traveller Pietro Della Valle, it was the custom for soldiers to specialise in their own particular weapon of expertise and never use any other even during war, "thereby becoming very expert and well practised in that which he takes to". Mughal era (1526–1857) After a series of victories, the Central Asian conqueror Babur established Mughal rule in north India during the 16th century. The Mughals were patrons of India's native arts, not only recruiting akhara-trained Rajput fighters for their armies but even practicing these systems themselves. The Ausanasa Dhanurveda Sankalanam dates to the late 16th century, compiled under the patronage of Akbar. Among them were said to be both native and Mughal wrestlers, slingers from Gujarat, Hindustani athletes, boxers, stone-throwers and many others. At court, there are a thousand gladiators always in readiness. Avid hunters, a popular sport among the Mughals was shikar or tiger-hunting. While often done with arrows and later even rifles, it was considered most impressive to kill a tiger with a hand-to-hand weapon such as a sword or dagger. A warrior who managed to best a tiger would be awarded the title of Pachmar. In the 16th century, Madhusudana Saraswati of Bengal organised a section of the Naga tradition of armed sannyasi in order to protect Hindus from the intolerant Mughal rulers. There is also a 17th-century Dhanurveda-samhita attributed to Vasistha. The pehlwani style of wrestling developed in the Mughal Empire by combining native malla-yuddha with influences from Persian varzesh-e bastani. During the Mughal period,Marathas became expert horsemen who favoured light armour and highly mobile cavalry units during war. Known especially as masters of swords and spears, their heavily martial culture and propensity for the lance is mentioned as early as the 7th century by Xuanzang. After serving the Dakshin sultanates of the early 17th century, the scattered Marathas united to found their own kingdom under the warrior Shivaji. Having learned the native art of mardani khela from a young age, Shivaji was a master swordsman and proficient in the use of various weapons. Modern period (1857—present) Indian martial arts underwent a period of decline after the full establishment of British colonial rule in the 19th century. The British colonial government banned kalaripayat in 1804 in response to a series of revolts. Silambam was also banned and became more common in the Malay Peninsula than its native Tamil Nadu. The British took advantage of communities with a heavily militaristic culture, characterising them as "martial races" and employing them in the armed forces. Sikhs – already known among Indians for their martial practices – were particularly valued by the colonists as soldiers and guards, and were posted throughout not only India but Southeast Asia and other parts of the British Empire. The resurgence of public interest in kalaripayat began in the 1920s in Tellicherry as part of a wave of rediscovery of the traditional arts throughout south India which characterised the growing reaction against British colonial rule. During the following three decades, other regional styles were subsequently revived such as silambam in Tamil Nadu, thang-ta in Manipur and paika akhada in . Agni Purana One of the earliest extant manual of Indian martial arts is in the Agni Purana (dated to between the 8th and the 11th century). The dhanurveda section in the Agni Purana spans chapters 248–251, categorizing weapons into thrown and unthrown classes and further divided into several sub-classes. It catalogs training into five major divisions for different types of warriors, namely charioteers, elephant-riders, horsemen, infantry, and wrestlers. Role of Women in Martial Arts The role of women in ancient India in martial arts varied across different regions and time periods. While societal norms and expectations often limited women's participation in certain activities, historical records and cultural texts indicate that women in ancient India did engage in martial arts to some extent. The Rigveda, one of the oldest Vedic texts, mentions women training in martial skills alongside men. It suggests that women in ancient India were not only involved in the arts and sciences but also in the martial aspects of warfare. Kalaripayattu, the ancient martial art of Kerala, traditionally included both men and women. Women practiced Kalaripayattu not only for self-defense but also for physical fitness and discipline. Silambam, the stick-fighting martial art of Tamil Nadu, is said to have been practiced by women as well. Historical references and folklore suggest that women in the region were skilled in Silambam for self-defense. In Sikh martial traditions, such as Gatka, women actively participated in training for self-defense. The Sikh Gurus emphasized equality, and historical accounts mention instances of Sikh women defending their communities.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/history-of-indian-martial-arts/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[History of Indian Classical Dances]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/history-of-indian-classical-dances/ Classical dances in India are rich cultural expressions that have evolved over centuries. Each classical dance form has its own unique style, repertoire, cultural significance and history. These classical dance forms are deeply rooted in Indian traditions, drawing inspiration from ancient texts, mythology, and historical events. They are characterized by a combination of precise techniques, intricate hand and eye movements, rhythmic footwork, and elaborate costumes. Indian classical dance serves not only as a form of artistic expression but also as a means of preserving and transmitting cultural heritage from one generation to the next. Each dance form has its own unique style, repertoire, and cultural significance, contributing to the vibrant tapestry of India's performing arts. Indian classical dance, or Shastriya Nritya, is an umbrella term for different regionally-specific Indian classical dance traditions, rooted in predominantly Hindu musical theatre performance, the theory and practice of which can be traced to the Sanskrit text Natya Shastra. The number of Indian classical dance styles ranges from six to eight to twelve, or more, depending on the source and scholar; the main organisation for Indian arts preservation, the Sangeet Natak Academy recognizes eight: Bharatanatyam, Kathak, Kuchipudi, Odissi, Kathakali, Sattriya, Manipuri and Mohiniyattam. Additionally, the Indian Ministry of Culture includes Chhau in its list, recognising nine total styles. Scholars such as Drid Williams add Chhau, Yakshagana and Bhagavata Mela to the list. Each dance tradition originates and comes from a different state and/or region of India; for example, Bharatanatyam is from Tamil Nadu in the south of India, Odissi is from the east coast state of Odisha, and Manipuri is from the northeastern state of Manipur. The music associated with these different dance performances consists many compositions in Hindi, Malayalam, Meitei (Manipuri), Sanskrit, Tamil, Odia, Telugu, and many other Indian-Subcontinent languages; they represent a unity of core ideas, and a diversity of styles, costumes and expression. Indian classical dancing started around 200 BCE in India, as a joyful and celebratory activity, often in devotion to Hindu deities. Many of the performances are choreographed to retell stories of the gods and other historical accounts. All styles of Indian classical dance are vibrant, expressive and spiritual. Dance performances usually take place at festivals, universities, various cultural events, and more. The dancers who perform these styles are usually professionals who have devoted years of study and practice in their respective style of Indian classical dance. In performances, the dancers move to the beat of the song or music that is playing; in some styles, such as Kathak, bells are worn around the ankles at times for added rhythmic effect when the feet are stomped. The dancer takes the role of the character that they are portraying in the performance, the composition being specific, and become emotionally connected with the story and the audience. When dancers perform classical Indian dancing they wear traditional clothes including sarees, lenghas, and kurtas. Usually, women are the main performers in Indian classical dancing, though men are not absent from the tradition. The costume for women usually consists of a long, colorful, handmade gown (worn without shoes), with an intricately embroidered pattern(s) and beading on it. For accessories, there is the use of much ornate jewelry, such as necklaces, rings, earrings, nose-rings, bracelets and anklets, sometimes with bells attached which ring each time the dancer stomps their foot in rhythm. The costume also includes a head-piece or some form of scarf, depending on the style. The women usually wear considerable amounts of facial makeup, not only to be noticeable from the audience, but to fully embody their character, according to the Oxford Handbook of Religion and the Arts. Types of Classical Dances According to the Illustrated Encyclopedia of Hinduisms, the Natya Shastra is the foundational treatise for classical dances of India, and this text is attributed to the ancient scholar Bharata Muni. Its first complete compilation is dated to between 200 BCE and 200 CE, but estimates vary between 500 BCE and 500 CE. The most studied version of the Natya Shastra text consists of about 6000 verses structured into 36 chapters. The text, states Natalia Lidova, describes the theory of Tandava dance (Shiva), the theory of rasa, of bhava, expression, gestures, acting techniques, basic steps, standing postures – all of which are part of Indian classical dances. Dance and performance arts, states this ancient text, are a form of expression of spiritual ideas, virtues and the essence of scriptures. Natya Shastra While the Natya Shastra is the revered ancient text in the Hindu tradition, there are numerous other ancient and medieval Sanskrit dance-drama related texts that further discuss and expand on the classical repertoire of performance arts, such as the Abhinaya Darpana, Abhinava Bharati, Natya Darpana, Bhava Prakasa and many others. The term "classical" (Sanskrit: "Shastriya") denotes the ancient Indian Shastra-based performing arts. The text Natya Shastra describes religious arts as a form as margi, or a "spiritual traditional path" that liberates the soul, while the folk entertainment is called desi, or a "regional popular practice". Indian classical dances are traditionally performed as an expressive drama-dance form of religious performance art, related to Vaishnavism, Shaivism, Shaktism, pan-Hindu Epics and the Vedic literature, or a folksy entertainment that includes story-telling from Sanskrit or regional language plays. As a religious art, they are either performed inside the sanctum of a Hindu temple, or near it. Folksy entertainment may also be performed in temple grounds or any fairground, typically in a rural setting by travelling troupes of artists; alternatively, they have been performed inside the halls of royal courts or public squares during festivals. However, this is not the case for Kathak, Manipuri and Chhau as it has their own uniqueness. Kathak can be also performed on courtyards of mosques and had Muslim elements while Manipuri had the huyen langlon genre which focuses on combat. Like Manipuri, Chhau also had elements on combat. Dance Forms The Natya Shastra mentions four Pravrittis (traditions, genres) of ancient dance-drama in vogue when it was composed – Avanti (Ujjain, central), Dakshinatya (south), Panchali (north, west) and Odra-Magadhi (east). Sources differ in their list of Indian classical dance forms. Encyclopædia Britannica mentions six dances. The Sangeet Natak Akademi has given recognition to eight Indian dances. The Indian government's Ministry of Culture includes nine dance forms. Scholars such as Drid Williams and others include Yakshagana and Bhagavata Mela to the nine classical Indian dances in the Sangeet Natak Akademi list. Each classical dance form has its own unique style, repertoire, and cultural significance. The classical dance forms recognised by the Sangeet Natak Akademi and the Ministry of Culture are: Bharatanatyam Originating from Tamil Nadu, Bharatanatyam is one of the oldest classical dance forms in India. It is known for its expressive facial movements, intricate footwork, and elaborate hand gestures called mudras. Bharatanatyam traditionally follows the Natya Shastra, an ancient Indian treatise on performing arts. Kathak Kathak originated in Northern India and is characterized by fast footwork, spins, and dynamic movements. It has influences from both Hindu and Muslim traditions, reflecting a blend of cultural elements. Kuchipudi Kuchipudi comes from the state of Andhra Pradesh and is known for its unique blend of dance and acting. Performers often enact mythological stories, and the dance style incorporates both masculine and feminine aspects. Odissi Hailing from the state of Odisha, Odissi is a dance form that originated in the temples, depicting stories from Hindu mythology. The dance is characterized by graceful movements, sculptural poses, and fluidity in the upper body. Kathakali Kathakali is a classical dance-drama from Kerala, combining elements of dance, drama, music, and ritual. Elaborate costumes, colorful makeup, and facial expressions are key features of Kathakali performances. Mohiniyattam Originating from Kerala, Mohiniyattam is a graceful dance form performed predominantly by women. The dance is known for its fluid movements, expressive eye gestures, and intricate hand gestures. Manipuri Manipuri dance comes from the northeastern state of Manipur and is often associated with the Ras Lila, a form of classical dance that depicts the love story of Radha and Krishna. It incorporates gentle, swaying movements and is characterized by a circular and spiral pattern. Sattriya Sattriya is a classical dance form from Assam, traditionally performed by male monks in monasteries called Sattras. It encompasses a variety of dance elements and is often associated with religious themes. In the early 20th century, there was a revival of interest in classical dances in India, thanks to efforts by scholars and practitioners like Rukmini Devi Arundale (Bharatanatyam) and Uday Shankar (a fusion of Indian and Western dance). Indian classical dances have gained international recognition, with performances and workshops held around the world, contributing to the global appreciation of Indian culture and art. All major classical Indian dance forms include in repertoire, three categories of performance in the Natya Shastra. These are Nritta, Nritya and Natya =Nritta : The Nritta performance is an abstract, fast and rhythmic aspect of the dance. The viewer is presented with pure movement, wherein the emphasis is the beauty in motion, form, speed, range and pattern. This part of the repertoire has no interpretative aspect, no telling of the story. It is a technical performance, and aims to engage the senses (Prakriti) of the audience. =Nritya : The Nritya is slower and expressive aspect of the dance that attempts to communicate feelings, storyline particularly with spiritual themes in Hindu dance traditions. In a Nritya, the dance-acting expands to include silent expression of words through gestures and body motion set to musical notes. The actor articulates a legend or a spiritual message. This part of the repertoire is more than sensory enjoyment, it aims to engage the emotions and mind of the viewer. =Natyam: The Natyam is a play, typically a team performance, but can be acted out by a solo performer where the dancer uses certain standardized body movements to indicate a new character in the underlying story. A Natya incorporates the elements of a Nritya The communication through symbols is in the form of expressive gestures (mudras or hastas) and pantomime set to music. The gestures and facial expressions convey the ras (sentiment, emotional taste) and bhava (mood) of the underlying story. In Hindu classical dances, the artist successfully expresses the spiritual ideas by paying attention to four aspects of a performance: =Angika (gestures and body language), =Vachika (song, recitation, music and rhythm), =Aharya (stage setting, costume, make up, jewelry), =Sattvika (artist's mental disposition and emotional connection with the story and audience, wherein the artist's inner and outer state resonates). =Abhinaya draws out the bhava (mood, psychological states).]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/history-of-indian-classical-dances/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[History of Perfume in India]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/history-of-perfume-in-india/ The word perfume is used today to describe scented mixtures and is derived from the Latin word, "per fumus," meaning through smoke. The word perfumery refers to the art of making perfumes. Perfume was refined by the Romans, the Persians and the Arabs. Although perfume and perfumery also existed in East Asia, much of its fragrances were incense based. But history of Indian perfumes holds a unique significance in the world history. Today we will deep dive and understand the very beginning of the perfume culture in the country and also its journey through ancient India to the modern one. According to a 1975 report, archaeologist Dr Paolo Rovesti found a terracotta distillation apparatus in the Indus valley together with oil containers made of the same material, carbon dated to 3000 BCE. Many evidences and scriptures mentioning the importance and use of fragrant material as perfumes and scents since ages in Indian culture and tradition have been reported. Perfumes are generally applied to pulse points such as the wrists, neck, and behind the ears. Comes in various forms, including eau de parfum, eau de toilette, and more. Mandu in Madhya Pradesh has a history filled with pursuits of pleasure in the form of a book called “The Ni’ Matnama or the book of Delights shared by William Dalrymple in his talk show titled “Scent and sensuality in India” at The Desert Museum Perfume and perfumery also existed in Indus civilization, which existed from 3300 BCE to 1300 BCE. One of the earliest distillations of Ittar was mentioned in the Hindu Ayurvedic text “Charaka Samhita” and “Sushruta Samhita”. The perfume references are part of a larger text called Brihat-Samhita written by Varahamihira, an Indian astronomer, mathematician, and astrologer living in the city of Ujjain. He was one of the ‘nine jewels’ in the court of the Maharaja of Malwa. Different types of perfumed articles, their natural sources, method of preparation, etc., have been treated in this text under the heading “Gandhayukti”, a term which stands for the art and science of perfumery. The perfume portion mainly deals with the manufacture of perfumes to benefit ‘royal personages and inmates of harems’. The text is written as Sanskrit shlokas with commentary by a 10th-century Indian commentator Utpala. According to the International Journal of Creative Research Thoughts’ research paper on Indian History Of Perfume, Its Evidences And Evolution From Different Era, the art and science behind the perfume and scented articles is not new to India, and that perfumery had developed as a science in ancient India and our country has contributed nothing less to this branch of science which now has reached a very advanced stage. Evidence of perfumes and scented materials in Vedas The Vedas are the earliest literary records of the Aryans. Since our main source of information about the Aryans is Vedic literature, this period is also called the Vedic age. The early Vedic period extends from 1500 BC to 1000 BC. There are four Vedas: the Rig Veda, the Yajur Veda, the Sama Veda and the Atharva Veda. The Vedas are generally admitted to be the source of Indian philosophical thought, religious practices, social customs, professions and functions of different social classes. In short Vedas are considered as almost all spiritual and secular conventions, observations and pursuits. Varied usages of perfumes along with individual beautification and medicinal purposes can be seen in Vedic literatures. In Rigveda-Srak is used for flower garlands and Aswins were called as Pushkarasrajau, wearing garlands of Lilies. Om Tryambakam yajamahe sugandhim pushtivardhanam, Urvaarukamivabandhanaan mrutyormukshiya maamrutat. (Rigveda. 59.12.1) (The word Sugandhi is used for Agni (the god of fire), well-wisher of men, who carries the oblations with his redolent-mouth. The fragrant mouthed Agni was also considered as augmenter of material prosperity and ensures of immortality through divine grace). In Rig-Veda collyrium (Anjana), perfumed unguents (Punya gandha or Surabhi), beautiful garments and flower garlands (Suvasah) were mentioned. The word Punya gandha was also mentioned in Atharvaveda. Striyo yah punyagandhastahsarvahsvapayaamsi (Rigveda.55.8) In Atharvaveda use of fragrant drugs like licorice (Glycyrrhiza glabra Linn.), Kushta (Saussurealappa C.B. Clarke ); Nalada (Vetiveria zizanioides Linn.) etc. were mentioned. In Atharvaveda, Kushta (Saussurealappa C.B. Clarke - a scented rhizome) was mentioned in many hymns as an important drug to relieve many diseases and to provide eternal life. Purana is a vast genre of Indian literature about a wide range of topics, particularly about legends and other traditional lore. Several of these texts are named after major Hindu deities such as Vishnu, Shiva, Brahma and Shakti. The Puranic genre of literature is found in both Hinduism and Jainism. The Puranic literature includes diverse topics such as cosmogony, cosmology, genealogies of gods, goddesses, kings, heroes, sages, and demigods, folk tales, pilgrimages, temples, medicine, astronomy, grammar, mineralogy, humor, love stories, as well as theology and philosophy. The content is highly inconsistent across the Puranas, and each Purana has survived in numerous manuscripts which are themselves inconsistent. The Hindu Maha Puranas are traditionally attributed to "Vyasa". Many other scattered references of the use of perfumed water, scented waters, scented oils, scented powders and other cosmetics can be observed in Valmiki Ramayana and also in Mahabharata. During these periods lamps were filled with perfumed oils; fragrant powders were used for face and body; bed sheets were variegated and scented; arrows and weapons were worshiped by applying sandal paste and decorating with flower garlands. In pre Buddhist period, people were trained in sixty four arts. Gandhayukti (The art of blending perfumes) is one among them. Lalitavistara mentioned that the young Bodhisattva had excelled in sixty four arts. Five Sikkhapadas of Khuddaka Pada contain few restrictions for Buddistic monks. The monks are prohibited from use of pomade (Perfume oil), perfumes and anointing the body. In another Buddhist text in Pali, namely, Brahmajala sutta, a list of procedures for bedecking, dressing, Uccaadana (anointing with perfumes), MaalaaVilepana (applying pomade and anointing and wearing flower garlands), Mukhacunaka (applying fragrant talcum powder to face) etc. were described. Contemporary Indian Literature Kautilya’s Arthashastra Kautilya’s Arthashastra is an ancient Indian Sanskrit treatise. The term ‘Arthashastra’ means textbook of Statecraft, economic policy, and military strategy. Arthashastra has the descriptions of many fragrant drugs, which were used as cosmetics like Sandalwood, Agaru (Aquilaria agallocha) and TailaParnika (Eucalyptus). Chandana (Sandalwood) was used as Anulepana (external application) and as beauty aid and fragrant material. Qualities of Sandalwood were mentioned as light, soft, moist (Asyana, not dry) as greasy as ghee, pleasant smell, adhesive to the skin, absorptive of heat, and comfortable to the skin. The perfume industry in ancient India was rich and diverse, reflecting the country's deep cultural and historical roots. Here are some interesting facts about the perfume industry in old India: Use of Natural Ingredients Perfumes in ancient India were primarily made from natural ingredients such as flowers, herbs, spices, and essential oils. These ingredients were often sourced locally and were known for their aromatic and therapeutic properties. Development of Attars Attar, also known as Ittar, is a traditional Indian perfume that dates back to ancient times. The art of making attar involves the distillation of flower petals, herbs, and spices into a fragrant oil. Popular attars included rose, jasmine, sandalwood, and agarwood. Indian perfumers used exotic and rare ingredients in their formulations. Agarwood (oud), derived from the Aquilaria tree, was highly prized for its rich and distinctive fragrance. It was often used in the creation of high-quality perfumes. Ayurvedic Influence The use of fragrances in ancient India was deeply connected to Ayurveda, the traditional system of medicine. Fragrant herbs and oils were not only valued for their pleasant scents but also for their perceived therapeutic benefits. Religious Significance Perfumes held significant importance in religious rituals and ceremonies. Aromatic substances were often used in temples and during religious ceremonies to create a sacred atmosphere. The use of incense and fragrant oils was a common practice. Mughal Patronage The Mughal rulers, who had a profound influence on Indian culture and society from the 16th to the 19th centuries, were great patrons of the perfume industry. They brought with them a love for luxurious scents and contributed to the refinement of perfume-making techniques. Distinct Regional Styles Different regions of India developed their own unique styles of perfumery, influenced by local flora and cultural preferences. For example, Kannauj in Uttar Pradesh became renowned for producing traditional Indian attars. Trade and Cultural Exchange India's strategic location along the ancient trade routes facilitated the exchange of perfumes and aromatic materials with other civilizations, including those in the Middle East and Southeast Asia. This cultural interchange influenced the evolution of Indian perfumery. Personal Grooming and Social Customs Perfumes were not only associated with religious rituals but also played a role in personal grooming and social customs. The use of fragrances was considered a sign of refinement and status, and it was common for people to apply perfumes on special occasions. Traditional Techniques Perfume-making in ancient India involved traditional techniques such as distillation and enfleurage. These methods were passed down through generations and contributed to the unique and artisanal nature of Indian perfumery. The perfume industry in old India was characterized by a deep appreciation for natural scents, a connection to traditional healing practices, and a cultural significance that extended beyond personal adornment. The legacy of these ancient perfume traditions continues to influence modern perfumery in India today. Places of Ittar Production in India Ittar or attar is derived from natural sources such as flowers, herbs, and spices. The production of ittar is an ancient and highly skilled craft, and it is associated with specific regions in India known for their expertise in perfumery. Some of the notable regions where ittar is produced in India include: Kannauj, Uttar Pradesh: Kannauj is often considered the perfume capital of India. It has a long-standing tradition of producing attars using traditional methods of distillation. Rose, jasmine, sandalwood, and agarwood attars are particularly famous from this region. Kasauli, Himachal Pradesh: Kasauli, nestled in the Himalayan foothills, is known for producing natural fragrances and essential oils. The cool climate and abundant flora contribute to the production of high-quality attars. Bhavnagar, Gujarat: Bhavnagar in Gujarat is known for its production of traditional Indian attars. The region is especially renowned for its rose attar, which is extracted from the Rosa damascena variety of roses. Basti, Uttar Pradesh: Basti, located in Uttar Pradesh, is another region with a history of attar production. The craft has been passed down through generations, and attars from this region often feature a blend of various aromatic ingredients. Bengaluru, Karnataka: Bengaluru, in the southern state of Karnataka, has a growing market for natural perfumery. The city is known for its production of sandalwood-based attars, taking advantage of the region's sandalwood resources. Madurai, Tamil Nadu: Madurai, in the southern state of Tamil Nadu, is famous for its jasmine cultivation. The city is known for producing exquisite jasmine attars, capturing the fragrance of the locally grown flowers. Aurangabad, Maharashtra: Aurangabad in Maharashtra is known for its production of various traditional Indian perfumes, including attars. The region benefits from a diverse range of aromatic plants and flowers. Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh: Varanasi, one of the oldest cities in the world, has a tradition of producing attars. The attars from this region often incorporate elements of spirituality and are used in religious ceremonies. These regions showcase the diverse geographical and climatic conditions of India, contributing to the variety of attars produced across the country. Each region has its unique expertise, and the traditional methods of attar production continue to be preserved and passed down through generations.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/history-of-perfume-in-india/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[History of Railway in India]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/history-of-railway-in-india/ Indian Railways boasts one of the world's largest railway networks, spanning over 67,000 kilometers. Rail transport in India consists of primarily of passenger and freight shipments along an integrated rail network. Indian Railways (IR), a statutory body under the ownership of the Ministry of Railways of the Government of India, operates India's national railway system. It is the primary owner and operator of rail operations throughout the country including suburban rail in major metros. Majority of the metro urban rail networks are operated by independent bodies constituted for the purpose of the respective operations. Private owned rails exist in few places, mostly used to connect freight to the integrated rail network. Inter-city rail services are operated primarily by Indian Railways though efforts have been made to introduce privately operated trains as recently as 2022. The national rail network comprised total route length of 68,907 km (42,817 mi), with more than 129,000 km (80,000 mi) of track and 8,000+ stations and is the fourth-largest in the world. It is one of the busiest networks in the world, transporting more than 11 billion passengers and 1.416 billion tonnes of freight annually. As of October 2023, more than 60,813 km (37,787 mi) of all the routes have been electrified with 25 KV AC electric traction. The rolling stock consisted of 318,196 freight wagons, 84,863 passenger coaches, 14,781 locomotives and other multiple units owned by Indian Railways apart from rail-sets operated by metro rail corporations. History 1832–1852: Industrial railways In 1832, the proposal to construct the first railway line in India at Madras was made. In 1835, a railway track was constructed between Red Hills and Chintadripet in Madras and became operational in 1837. It was hauled by a rotary steam engine imported from England and was used for ferrying granite. The Madras Railway was established in 1845. Temporary railway lines were built such as the Godavari Dam Construction Railway at Dowleswaram by Arthur Cotton to supply stone for the construction of a dam over the Godavari River in 1845 and the Solani aqueduct railway, built by Proby Cautley in Roorkee to transport construction materials for an aqueduct over the Solani river in 1851. ON 1 August 1949, the Great Indian Peninsular Railway was incorporated in 1849 with a guarantee system providing free land and guaranteeing five-percent rates of return to private English companies building railways was finalized on 17 August 1849. In 1852, a steam locomotive imported from England was tried at Byculla. 1853–1924: Passenger railways and expansion In 1853, the first passenger train on 1,676 mm (5 ft 6 in) broad gauge ran for 34 kilometres (21 mi) between Bombay and Thane which had 14-carriages carrying 400 people, hauled by three steam locomotives: the Sahib, Sindh and Sultan. The Great Southern of India Railway Company was established with its headquarters in England in 1853. The Thane viaducts, the first railway bridges, were built over the Thane creek when the Mumbai-Thane line was extended to Kalyan in May 1854. Eastern India's first passenger train ran 39 km (24 mi) from Howrah, near Kolkata, to Hoogly on 15 August 1854. The construction of 97 km (60 mi) line in the South between Royapuram in Madras and Arcot started in 1853, which became operational on 1 July 1856. The first workshops were established by GIPR at Byculla in 1854 and Madras Railway at Perambur in 1856. The Bombay, Baroda, and Central India Railway (BB&CI) was incorporated in 1855 and Eastern Bengal Railway in 1858. The Carnatic Railway was founded in 1869. In 1879, the Nizam's Guaranteed State Railway was established which built railway lines across the then Hyderabad State. In 1877, an Ajmer built F-1/734 Steam Locomotive became the first indigenously built locomotive in India. East Coast State Railway was established in 1890. In 1897, lighting in passenger coaches was introduced with Jodhpur Railway, the first to introduce electric lighting as standard fixtures. In 1908, Madras Railway merged with Southern Mahratta Railway to form the Madras and Southern Mahratta Railway. Pamban bridge, the first sea bridge was opened on 24 February 1914. In 1920, electric lighting of signals was introduced between Dadar and Currey Road in Bombay. 1925–1946: Electrification and further expansion The first railway budget was presented in 1924 in India. The Oudh and Rohilkhand Railway was merged with the East Indian Railway Company (EIR) in the same year. On 3 February 1925, the first electric train ran between Victoria Terminus (VT) and Kurla, hauled by a SLM electric locomotive on 1500 V DC traction. Later, the VT–Bandra section was electrified and the first Electric Multiple Units (EMU) were introduced in with 1.5KV DC units imported were from Cammell Laird and Uerdingenwagonfabrik. On 1 April 1929, Grand Trunk Express commenced operations between Peshawar in the North Western Railway and Mangalore with two coaches detached and connected to Madras further. The Frontier Mail made its inaugural run between Bombay and Peshawar in 1928. Technical advancements led to automatic colour light signals become operational between Bombay and Byculla in 1928. In the subsequent years, the route from Bombay to Poona was electrified and in June 1930, the first deluxe train, Deccan Queen began running, hauled by a WCP-1 locomotives with seven coaches along the route. The Grand Trunk express commenced operating as a dedicated daily train between Madras and Delhi from 1 September 1930. Chennai suburban railway started operating in 1931 with a single metre gauge line from Chennai Beach to Tambaram. In 1944, all the railway companies were taken over by the Government. 1947–1983: Zonal re-organisation and further developments The first locomotive manufacturing unit at Chittaranjan was commissioned in 1950. In December 1950, the Central Advisory Committee for Railways approved the plan for re-organising Indian Railways into six regional zones with the Southern (14 April 1951), Central (5 November 1951), and Western (5 November 1951) zones being the first to be created. On 14 April 1952, the Northern Railway, the Eastern Railway and the North Eastern Railway were created. In 1952, fans and lights were mandated for all compartments in passenger trains and sleeping accommodations were introduced in coaches. The first diesel locomotive used in India was fabricated by North British Locomotive Company in 1954. On 1 August 1955 the South-Eastern Railway was split from the Eastern Railway, and, the following year, divisional systems of administration were set up for the various regional zones. The first rail coaches were manufactured in India from 1956 when the Integral Coach Factory was established at Madras. In 1956, the first air-conditioned train plied between Howrah and New Delhi. In 1958, the North-Eastern Railway split to form a new Northeast Frontier Railway. In 1957, Indian Railways adopted 25 kV AC traction with the first trial runs operating with the WAM-1 locomotives in 1959 and commercial services beginning in August 1960. In 1969, the Government of India announced the introduction of a new express train capable of reaching speeds of up to 120 km/h (75 mph) in the railway budget and the first Rajdhani Express was flagged off from New Delhi to Howrah in March 1969. In 1974, Indian Railways endured a 20-day strike. In 1979, the Main Line Electrification Project was reconstituted into the Central Organisation for Railway Electrification (CORE). In 1980, the WAP-1 electric locomotives reached a speed of 130 km/h (81 mph). 1984–present: Rapid transit and later developments A typical red-colored ICF coach used by the Indian Railways till the late 1990s. The first metro rail was introduced in Calcutta on 24 October 1984 with the line between Esplanade and Bhowanipore. In 1986, computerized ticketing and reservations were introduced by Indian Railways. In 1988, the first Shatabdi Express was introduced between New Delhi and Jhansi. Two years later, the first self-printing ticket machine (SPTM) was introduced in Delhi. In 1993, air-conditioned three-tier and sleeper were introduced. In 1995, Chennai MRTS became the first operational elevated railway line in India. In 1995, Delhi Metro Rail Corporation, a joint venture between Government of India and Government of Delhi was established. Centralized computer reservation system was deployed in Delhi, Mumbai and Chennai in September 1996, coupon validating machines (CVMs) were introduced at Mumbai CSMT in 1998 and the nationwide concierge system began operation on 18 April 1999. In 1999, the South East Central Railway zone was established and on 6 July 2002, the East Coast, South Western, South East Central, North Central, and West Central zones were created. The Indian Railways website went online in February 2000. Indian Railways Catering and Tourism Corporation (IRCTC) was incorporated in 1999 and online ticketing was introduced on 3 August 2002 through IRCTC. The first line of the Delhi Metro was inaugurated on 24 December 2002. In 2012, Western Railway switched completely to AC traction with Central Railway following it in 2016. On 1 February 2014, Mumbai Monorail became the first operational monorail system in India. In 2015, the first Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) powered trains were rolled out. On 5 April 2016, Gatimaan Express, then India's fastest train with a maximum speed of 160 km/h (99 mph), made its first run from New Delhi to Agra. The central government approved the merger of the Rail and General budgets from 2017. On 31 March 2017, Indian Railways announced a target of electrifying the entire rail network would be electrified by 2023. In March 2020, Indian Railways announced a nationwide shutdown of passenger service to combat the COVID-19 pandemic in India with the freight operations continuing to transport essential goods. The railways resumed passenger services in a phased manner in May 2020. Introduced in 2019, Vande Bharat Express operating on a train-set built by ICF, is the fastest train in India Starting in the 2010s, various infrastructure modernization projects have been undertaken including high-speed rail, redevelopment of 400 stations, doubling tracks to reduce congestion, refurbishing of coaches, Global Positioning System (GPS)-enabled tracking of trains and modernization of locomotives. .]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/history-of-railway-in-india/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[The Indian Museum, Kolkata]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-indian-museum-kolkata/ The Indian Museum originated from the Asiatic Society of Bengal which was created by Sir William Jones in 1784. The concept of having a museum arose in 1796 from members of the Asiatic Society as a place where man-made and natural objects collected could be kept, cared for and displayed. The objective began to look achievable in 1808 when the Society was offered suitable accommodation by the Government of India in the Chowringhee-Park Street area. On February 2, 1814, Nathaniel Wallich, a Danish botanist, who had been captured in the siege of Serampore but later released, wrote to the council of the Asiatic Society for the formation of a museum out of his own collection and that of the Asiatic Society in Calcutta, volunteering his service as a Curator wherein he proposed five sections—an archaeological, ethnological, a technical section and a geological and zoological one.[12] The council readily agreed and the Museum was created, with Wallich named the Honorary Curator and then Superintendent of the Oriental Museum of the Asiatic Society. Wallich also donated a number of botanical specimens to the museum from his personal collection. In 1815, Mr William Lloyd Gibbons, Asst Secretary and Librarian, was appointed Joint Secretary of the Museum. After the resignation of Wallich, curators were paid salaries by the Asiatic Society ranging from Rs 50 to Rs 200 a month. However, in 1836, when the bankers of the Asiatic Society (Palmer and Company) became insolvent, the Government began to pay the salary of the Curator from its public funds since a large part of the collection was that of the surveyors of Survey of India. A temporary grant of Rs 200 per month was sanctioned for maintenance of the museum and library, and J. T. Pearson of the Bengal Medical Service was appointed curator, followed shortly by John McClelland and, after the former's resignation, by Edward Blyth. In 1840, the Government took a keen interest in geology and mineral resources, and this led to an additional grant of Rs 250 per month for the geological section alone. In 1851 when the Geological Survey of India came into being with the advent of Sir Thomas Oldham, a rented building at 1, Hastings Road now K N Roy Road, the present site of the New Secretariat became its office. The geological collection of the Government of India 'Museum of Economic Geology' at the Asiatic Society, were then transferred to this site in 1856. The Asiatic Society geological collection were however held back with the condition that it would be handed over to the GSI once a Museum for all its collection came into being. It was way back in 1837 that Sir James Princeps, then-Secretary of the Asiatic Society, had written to the Government asking for a Museum paid for by the state. A movement for a full-fledged Museum was thereafter keenly pursued over a decade, and later, with Sir Thomas Oldham, then Superintendent of the Geological Survey of India, at the helm, it gained momentum. The thrust for a full-fledged Museum was held up due to the intervention of the revolt of the sepoys of the East India Company. The matter was pursued again, once things settled down after India came under the Crown. Thereafter the First Indian Museum Act was passed in 1866 and the foundation of the Indian Museum at its present site laid in 1867. In 1875 the present building on Chowringee Road, presently Jawaharlal Nehru Road, designed by W L Granville in consultation with Sir Thomas Holland, on Chowringee was completed. In 1877 after the retirement of Sir Thomas Oldham in 1876 the Geological Survey of India including the Museum of Economic Geology shifted here from its rented accommodation on 1 Hastings Road. This building had been designated as the site for not just the Asiatic Societies, Oriental Museum's collection and the Economic Geology collection of the Geological Survey of India but also to hold the offices of both. The Asiatic Society however relinquished its rights preferring to maintain its autonomy from the government. The Geological Survey of India is till date headquartered at the buildings of the Indian Museum Complex and holds exclusive rights over the Geological galleries of the Indian Museum. The building parallel to Sudder Street commenced in 1888 and occupied in 1891. The next building block at right angle to Sudder Street was erected in 1894. Half of this building was consigned to the Geological Survey of India but by 1912 it was wholly transferred to it. The Zoological and Anthropological sections of the museum gave rise to the Zoological Survey of India in 1916, which in turn gave rise to the Anthropological Survey of India in 1945.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-indian-museum-kolkata/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[An Odyssey to the Oldest Museums in the World]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/an-odyssey-to-the-oldest-museums-in-the-world/ Come along with us as we uncover the captivating history and cultural significance of these incredible museums. As we initiate our journey through the time, it becomes evident that we are going to comprehend about one of the oldest museums in the world. They are not just repositories of art and history but also gateways to our collective human heritage. From Rome to Russia, from Florence to London, these cultural institutions have preserved and celebrated our past, inspiring generations with their vast and diverse collections. Whether you’re an art lover, a history enthusiast, or simply curious about the world, a visit to these museums is a voyage through time you won’t soon forget. Discover the ancient origins of museums as we explore some beautiful oldest museums in the world, housing timeless treasures that have stood the test of time. These institutions have preserved and showcased priceless artifacts, artworks, and historical treasures for centuries. From ancient civilizations to modern wonders, these museums hold the keys to our collective past. Come along with us as we uncover the captivating history and cultural significance of these incredible museums: Capitoline Museums, Rome, Italy It is founded in 1471 and its notable Features: Roman art and artifacts, Capitoline Wolf, Marcus Aurelius. Boldly claiming the top spot, the Capitoline Museums in Rome stand as the world’s oldest public museums, founded in 1471. Built upon the ancient Capitoline Hill, these museums house a diverse collection of Roman art and artifacts, including iconic statues like the Capitoline Wolf and the Marcus Aurelius equestrian statue. The Capitoline Museums are also home to the She-Wolf Room, where the legendary bronze statue of the she-wolf nurturing Romulus and Remus can be admired. Vatican Museums, Vatican City It was founded in 1506 and its notable Features: Sistine Chapel, Raphael’s School of Athens, vast art collection. A treasure trove of artistic masterpieces, the Vatican Museums trace their origins back to 1506 when Pope Julius II displayed his private collection. Today, this ensemble of museums showcases renowned works such as Michelangelo’s Sistine Chapel ceiling and Raphael’s School of Athens, providing an immersive experience of world-renowned art and culture. The Vatican Museums boast an impressive collection of over 70,000 works of art, making it one of the largest and most diverse collections in the world. Uffizi Gallery, Florence, Italy It was founded in 1581 and its notable Features: Italian Renaissance art, Birth of Venus, renowned masterpieces. The Uffizi Gallery, established in 1581, is a testament to the flourishing Renaissance era in Florence. This architectural marvel houses an extensive collection of Italian Renaissance art featuring masterpieces by Botticelli, Leonardo da Vinci, and Michelangelo. The Uffizi is a pilgrimage site for art lovers worldwide. The Birth of Venus, Botticelli’s iconic masterpiece depicting the goddess emerging from the sea, is among the most celebrated artworks in the Uffizi Gallery. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, England Its notable features are Ancient Egypt artifacts, Greek sculptures, and diverse art collection. Founded in 1683, the Ashmolean Museum holds the distinction of being the world’s first university museum. This institution showcases an astonishing range of art and artifacts spanning from ancient Egypt to modern times. Visitors can marvel at Egyptian mummies, Greek sculptures, and renowned works by Turner, Van Gogh, and Picasso. The Ashmolean Museum’s founding collection was donated by Elias Ashmole, a polymath, and antiquarian who bequeathed his curiosities to the University of Oxford. Kunstkamera, Saint Petersburg, Russia Founded in 1714, the museum’s notable Features are Peter the Great’s curiosities, and anthropological artifacts. The Kunstkamera, established by Peter the Great in 1714, is Russia’s oldest museum. It houses Peter’s diverse collection of natural and anthropological curiosities, including ethnographic artifacts, anatomical oddities, and rare specimens. The Kunstkamera offers a fascinating glimpse into Peter the Great’s passion for knowledge and exploration. One of Kunstkamera’s most intriguing exhibits is the collection of malformed fetuses in jars, showcasing the historical understanding of human development. British Museum, London, England Founded in 1753, its notable Features: Rosetta stone, Elgin Marbles, and extensive Egyptian collection. The British Museum, founded in 1753, is a global hub for art and antiquities. With an astonishing collection spanning over two million years of human history, this institution showcases iconic treasures such as the Rosetta Stone and the Elgin Marbles. The British Museum’s exhibits offer a comprehensive look into cultures from around the world. The British Museum houses the largest collection of Egyptian artifacts outside of Egypt, including the impressive Egyptian mummy collection. Hermitage Museum, Saint Petersburg, Russia Founded in 1764, the notable Features of the museum are three million objects, Winter Palace, opulent interiors. Closing our list is the Hermitage Museum, founded in 1764 by Catherine the Great. This colossal museum complex houses over three million objects, including renowned artworks by Rembrandt, Michelangelo, and Monet. The opulent interiors and vast collection make the Hermitage a true gem of Russian culture. The Hermitage Museum’s Winter Palace is a masterpiece of Russian Baroque architecture and serves as the main building of this grand institution. Louvre Museum, Paris, France Founded in 1793, it is the world’s largest art museum. An icon of art and culture, the Louvre Museum traces its roots back to 1793, when it was transformed from a royal palace into a public museum. Boasting an unparalleled collection of over 38,000 objects, the Louvre is home to masterpieces like Leonardo da Vinci’s Mona Lisa and the Venus de Milo. The Louvre Museum is not only the world’s largest art museum but also one of the most visited, attracting millions of visitors annually. Rijksmuseum Museum, Amsterdam, Netherlands The Notable features of this museum, founded in 1800, are Dutch art, Rembrandt, Vermeer, and Van Gogh masterpieces. The Rijksmuseum, founded in 1800, is dedicated to preserving Dutch art and history. Founded in 1798 and moved to its current location in 1808, the museum showcases a vast collection of 8,000 art and historical objects spanning from the years 1200 to 2000. With masterpieces by renowned artists such as Rembrandt, Frans Hals, and Johannes Vermeer, the Rijksmuseum is a treasure trove of Dutch artistic heritage. Moreover, it proudly claims the title of the largest art museum in the country, captivating and enchanting countless visitors from all walks of life each year. Rijksmuseum is home to Rembrandt’s renowned painting “The Night Watch,” which holds the distinction of being both the museum’s largest artwork and a masterpiece of its collection. Prado Museum, Madrid, Spain Its notable features are Spanish masterpieces, Las Meninas, and rich European art collection. Established in 1819, the Prado Museum in Madrid showcases an exceptional collection of European art, particularly Spanish masterpieces. Art enthusiasts can admire iconic works by Goya, Velázquez, and El Greco, immersing themselves in the rich cultural heritage of Spain. Alongside the Thyssen-Bornemisza Museum and the Museo Reina Sofía, it forms Madrid’s Golden Triangle of Art, recognized as a UNESCO World Heritage site in 2021. The Prado Museum houses Las Meninas, Diego Velázquez’s renowned painting that captures a moment in the life of the Spanish royal court, according to the www.oldest.org.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/an-odyssey-to-the-oldest-museums-in-the-world/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Story of India’s Space ProgramME]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/story-of-indias-space-programme/ In 2023, India became the fourth nation to successfully land a spacecraft on the Moon. The success of the Chandrayaan-3 mission helped establish India as a capable space power and bolstered its growing space ambitions. The history of India's space program is in many ways the inverse of the history of the U.S. and Russia’s programs. While these superpowers were racing to outdo each other with symbolic, high-profile achievements that culminated in the Apollo Moon landings, India focused on the practical and immediate benefits of space. That has recently started to change. Buoyed by the success of Chandrayaan-3 and a desire to compete with China, India has announced ambitious human spaceflight plans that include space stations and a Moon landing. Today, we will understand the journey of India’s space program which began with the inception of Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), which is the space agency of India. The organisation is involved in science, engineering and technology to harvest the benefits of outer space for India and the mankind. ISRO is a major constituent of the Department of Space (DOS), Government of India. The department executes the Indian Space Programme primarily through various Centres or units within ISRO, according to the ISRO reports. ISRO was previously the Indian National Committee for Space Research (INCOSPAR), set up by the Government of India in 1962, as envisioned by Dr. VikramA Sarabhai. ISRO was formed on August 15, 1969 and superseded INCOSPAR with an expanded role to harness space technology. DOS was set up and ISRO was brought under DOS in 1972. The prime objective of ISRO/DOS is the development and application of space technology for various national needs. To fulfil this objective, ISRO has established major space systemsfor communication, television broadcasting and meteorological services; resources monitoring and management; space-based navigation services. ISRO has developed satellite launch vehicles, PSLV and GSLV, to place the satellites in the required orbits. ISRO has its headquarters in Bengaluru. Its activities are spread across various centres and units. Launch Vehicles are built at VikramSarabhai Space Centre (VSSC), Thiruvananthapuram; Satellites are designed and developed at U R Rao Satellite Centre (URSC), Bengalure; Integration and launching of satellites and launch vehicles are carried out from Satish Dhawan Space Centre (SDSC), Sriharikota; Development of liquid stages including cryogenic stage is carried out at Liquid Propulsion Systems Centre (LPSC), Valiamala& Bengaluru; Sensors for Communication and Remote Sensing satellites and application aspects of the space technology are taken up at Space Applications Centre (SAC), Ahmedabad and Remote Sensing satellite data reception processing and dissemination is entrusted to National Remote Sensing Centre (NRSC), Hyderabad. EARLY DAYS OF FORMATION In the early days of ISRO, rocket parts were often transported on bicycles and bullock carts. Modern space research in India can be traced to the 1920s, when scientist S. K. Mitra conducted a series of experiments sounding the ionosphere through ground-based radio in Kolkata. Later, Indian scientists like C.V. Raman and Meghnad Saha contributed to scientific principles applicable in space sciences. After 1945, important developments were made in coordinated space research in India by two scientists: Vikram Sarabhai, founder of the Physical Research Laboratory at Ahmedabad, and Homi Bhabha, who established the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research in 1945. Initial experiments in space sciences included the study of cosmic radiation, high-altitude and airborne testing, deep underground experimentation at the Kolar mines—one of the deepest mining sites in the world—and studies of the upper atmosphere. These studies were done at research laboratories, universities, and independent locations. In 1950, the Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) was founded with Bhabha as its secretary. It provided funding for space research throughout India. During this time, tests continued on aspects of meteorology and the Earth's magnetic field, a topic that had been studied in India since the establishment of the Colaba Observatory in 1823. In 1954, the Aryabhatta Research Institute of Observational Sciences (ARIES) was established in the foothills of the Himalayas. The Rangpur Observatory was set up in 1957 at Osmania University, Hyderabad. Space research was further encouraged by the government of India. In 1957, the Soviet Union launched Sputnik 1 and opened up possibilities for the rest of the world to conduct a space launch. 1970s and 1989s Under the government of Indira Gandhi, INCOSPAR was superseded by ISRO. Later in 1972, a space commission and Department of Space (DoS) were set up to oversee space technology development in India specifically. ISRO was brought under DoS, institutionalising space research in India and forging the Indian space programme into its existing form. India joined the Soviet Interkosmos programme for space cooperation and got its first satellite Aryabhatta in orbit through a Soviet rocket. Efforts to develop an orbital launch vehicle began after mastering sounding rocket technology. The concept was to develop a launcher capable of providing sufficient velocity for a mass of 35 kg (77 lb) to enter low Earth orbit. It took 7 years for ISRO to develop Satellite Launch Vehicle capable of putting 40 kg (88 lb) into a 400-kilometre (250 mi) orbit. An SLV Launch Pad, ground stations, tracking networks, radars and other communications were set up for a launch campaign. The SLV's first launch in 1979 carried a Rohini technology payload but could not inject the satellite into its desired orbit. It was followed by a successful launch in 1980 carrying a Rohini Series-I satellite, making India the seventh country to reach Earth's orbit after the USSR, the US, France, the UK, China and Japan. RS-1 was the third Indian satellite to reach orbit as Bhaskara had been launched from the USSR in 1979. At the same time, another solid-fuelled rocket Augmented Satellite Launch Vehicle based upon SLV-3 was being developed, and technologies to launch satellites into geostationary orbit (GTO). ASLV had limited success and multiple launch failures; it was soon discontinued. Alongside, technologies for the Indian National Satellite System of communication satellites and the Indian Remote Sensing Programme for earth observation satellites were developed and launches from overseas initiated. The number of satellites eventually grew and the systems were established as among the largest satellite constellations in the world, with multi-band communication, radar imaging, optical imaging and meteorological satellites. 1990s The arrival of PSLV in 1990s became a major boost for the Indian space programme. With the exception of its first flight in 1994 and two partial failures later, PSLV had a streak of more than 50 successful flights. PSLV enabled India to launch all of its low Earth orbit satellites, small payloads to GTO and hundreds of foreign satellites. Along with the PSLV flights, development of a new rocket, a Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle (GSLV) was going on. India tried to obtain upper-stage cryogenic engines from Russia's Glavkosmos but was blocked by the US from doing so. As a result, KVD-1 engines were imported from Russia under a new agreement which had limited success and a project to develop indigenous cryogenic technology was launched in 1994, taking two decades to reach fulfillment. 21st century GAGANYAAN In 2009, the Indian Space Research Organisation proposed a budget of ₹124 billion (equivalent to ₹310 billion or US$3.9 billion in 2023) for its human spaceflight programme. An uncrewed demonstration flight was expected after seven years from the final approval and a crewed mission was to be launched after seven years of funding. A crewed mission initially was not a priority and left on the backburner for several years. A space capsule recovery experiment in 2014 and a pad abort test in 2018 were followed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi's announcement in his 2018 Independence Day address that India will send astronauts into space by 2022 on the new Gaganyaan spacecraft. To date, ISRO has developed most of the technologies needed, such as the crew module and crew escape system, space food, and life support systems. The project would cost less than ₹100 billion (US$1.3 billion) and would include sending two or three Indians to space, at an altitude of 300–400 km (190–250 mi), for at least seven days, using a GSLV Mk-III launch vehicle. Also, in 2003, when China sent humans into space, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee urged scientists to develop technologies to land humans on the Moon and programmes for lunar, planetary and crewed missions were started. ISRO launched Chandrayaan-1 in 2008, purportedly the first probe to verify the presence of water on the Moon, and the Mars Orbiter Mission in 2013, the first Asian spacecraft to enter Martian orbit, making India the first country to succeed at this on its first attempt. Subsequently, the cryogenic upper stage for GSLV rocket became operational, making India the sixth country to have full launch capabilities. A new heavier-lift launcher LVM3 was introduced in 2014 for heavier satellites and future human space missions. Extraterrestrial exploration Chandrayaan-1 Chandrayaan-1 was India's first mission to the Moon. The robotic lunar exploration mission included a lunar orbiter and an impactor called the Moon Impact Probe. ISRO launched it using a modified version of the PSLV on 22 October 2008 from Satish Dhawan Space Centre. It entered lunar orbit on 8 November 2008, carrying high-resolution remote sensing equipment for visible, near infrared, and soft and hard X-ray frequencies. During its 312-day operational period (two years were planned), it surveyed the lunar surface to produce a complete map of its chemical characteristics and three-dimensional topography. Chandrayaan-2 Chandrayaan-2, the second mission to the Moon, which included an orbiter, a lander and a rover. It was launched on a Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle Mark III (GSLV Mk III) on 22 July 2019, consisting of a lunar orbiter, the Vikram lander, and the Pragyan lunar rover, all developed in India. It was the first mission meant to explore the little-explored lunar south pole region. The objective of the Chandrayaan-2 mission was to land a robotic rover to conduct various studies on the lunar surface. The Vikram lander’s crash-landing was caused by a software glitch. The lunar orbiter was efficiently positioned in an optimal lunar orbit, extending its expected service time from one year to seven. It was planned that there will be another attempt to soft-land on the Moon in 2023, without an orbiter. Chandrayaan-3 Chandryaan-3 is India's second attempt to soft-land on the Moon after the partial failure of Chandrayaan-2. The mission will only include a lander-rover set and will communicate with the orbiter from the previous mission. On 23 August 2023, ISRO became the first space agency to successfully land a spacecraft on the lunar south pole region, and only the fourth space agency ever to land on the Moon. Mars: The Mangal The Mars Orbiter Mission (MOM), informally known as Mangalyaan (eng: ''MarsCraft'' ) was launched into Earth orbit on 5 November 2013 by the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) and has entered Mars orbit on 24 September 2014. India thus became the first country to have a space probe enter Mars orbit on its first attempt. It was completed at a record low cost of $74 million. MOM was placed into Mars orbit on 24 September 2014. The spacecraft had a launch mass of 1,337 kg (2,948 lb), with 15 kg (33 lb) of five scientific instruments as payload. The National Space Society awarded the Mars Orbiter Mission team the 2015 Space Pioneer Award in the science and engineering category. SOLAR POWER Aditya-L1 On 2 September 2023, ISRO launched the 400 kg (880 lb) Aditya-L1 mission to study the solar corona. It is the first Indian space-based solar coronagraph to study the corona in visible and near-infrared bands. The main objective of the mission is to study coronal mass ejections (CMEs), their properties (the structure and evolution of their magnetic fields for example), and consequently constrain parameters that affect space weather. On 6 January 2024, Aditya-L1 spacecraft, India's first solar mission, has successfully entered its final orbit around the first Sun-Earth Lagrangian point (L1), approximately 1.5 million kilometers from Earth. IN DAYS TO COME ISRO is developing and operationalising more powerful and less pollutive rocket engines so it can eventually develop much heavier rockets. It also plans to develop electric and nuclear propulsion for satellites and spacecrafts to reduce their weight and extend their service lives. Long-term plans may include crewed landings on Moon and other planets as well. ]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/story-of-indias-space-programme/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[The Story of India’s Space Program]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-story-of-indias-space-program/ Today, we will understand the journey of India’s space program which began with the inception of Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), which is the space agency of India. In 2023, India became the fourth nation to successfully land a spacecraft on the Moon. The success of the Chandrayaan-3 mission helped establish India as a capable space power and bolstered its growing space ambitions. The history of India's space program is in many ways the inverse of the history of the U.S. and Russia’s programs. While these superpowers were racing to outdo each other with symbolic, high-profile achievements that culminated in the Apollo Moon landings, India focused on the practical and immediate benefits of space. That has recently started to change. Buoyed by the success of Chandrayaan-3 and a desire to compete with China, India has announced ambitious human spaceflight plans that include space stations and a Moon landing. Today, we will understand the journey of India’s space program which began with the inception of Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), which is the space agency of India. The organisation is involved in science, engineering and technology to harvest the benefits of outer space for India and the mankind. ISRO is a major constituent of the Department of Space (DOS), Government of India. The department executes the Indian Space Programme primarily through various Centres or units within ISRO, according to the ISRO reports. ISRO was previously the Indian National Committee for Space Research (INCOSPAR), set up by the Government of India in 1962, as envisioned by Dr. VikramA Sarabhai. ISRO was formed on August 15, 1969 and superseded INCOSPAR with an expanded role to harness space technology. DOS was set up and ISRO was brought under DOS in 1972. The prime objective of ISRO/DOS is the development and application of space technology for various national needs. To fulfil this objective, ISRO has established major space systemsfor communication, television broadcasting and meteorological services; resources monitoring and management; space-based navigation services. ISRO has developed satellite launch vehicles, PSLV and GSLV, to place the satellites in the required orbits. ISRO has its headquarters in Bengaluru. Its activities are spread across various centres and units. Launch Vehicles are built at VikramSarabhai Space Centre (VSSC), Thiruvananthapuram; Satellites are designed and developed at U R Rao Satellite Centre (URSC), Bengalure; Integration and launching of satellites and launch vehicles are carried out from Satish Dhawan Space Centre (SDSC), Sriharikota; Development of liquid stages including cryogenic stage is carried out at Liquid Propulsion Systems Centre (LPSC), Valiamala& Bengaluru; Sensors for Communication and Remote Sensing satellites and application aspects of the space technology are taken up at Space Applications Centre (SAC), Ahmedabad and Remote Sensing satellite data reception processing and dissemination is entrusted to National Remote Sensing Centre (NRSC), Hyderabad. EARLY DAYS OF FORMATION In the early days of ISRO, rocket parts were often transported on bicycles and bullock carts. Modern space research in India can be traced to the 1920s, when scientist S. K. Mitra conducted a series of experiments sounding the ionosphere through ground-based radio in Kolkata. Later, Indian scientists like C.V. Raman and Meghnad Saha contributed to scientific principles applicable in space sciences. After 1945, important developments were made in coordinated space research in India by two scientists: Vikram Sarabhai, founder of the Physical Research Laboratory at Ahmedabad, and Homi Bhabha, who established the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research in 1945. Initial experiments in space sciences included the study of cosmic radiation, high-altitude and airborne testing, deep underground experimentation at the Kolar mines—one of the deepest mining sites in the world—and studies of the upper atmosphere. These studies were done at research laboratories, universities, and independent locations. In 1950, the Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) was founded with Bhabha as its secretary. It provided funding for space research throughout India. During this time, tests continued on aspects of meteorology and the Earth's magnetic field, a topic that had been studied in India since the establishment of the Colaba Observatory in 1823. In 1954, the Aryabhatta Research Institute of Observational Sciences (ARIES) was established in the foothills of the Himalayas. The Rangpur Observatory was set up in 1957 at Osmania University, Hyderabad. Space research was further encouraged by the government of India. In 1957, the Soviet Union launched Sputnik 1 and opened up possibilities for the rest of the world to conduct a space launch. 1970s and 1989s Under the government of Indira Gandhi, INCOSPAR was superseded by ISRO. Later in 1972, a space commission and Department of Space (DoS) were set up to oversee space technology development in India specifically. ISRO was brought under DoS, institutionalising space research in India and forging the Indian space programme into its existing form. India joined the Soviet Interkosmos programme for space cooperation and got its first satellite Aryabhatta in orbit through a Soviet rocket. Efforts to develop an orbital launch vehicle began after mastering sounding rocket technology. The concept was to develop a launcher capable of providing sufficient velocity for a mass of 35 kg (77 lb) to enter low Earth orbit. It took 7 years for ISRO to develop Satellite Launch Vehicle capable of putting 40 kg (88 lb) into a 400-kilometre (250 mi) orbit. An SLV Launch Pad, ground stations, tracking networks, radars and other communications were set up for a launch campaign. The SLV's first launch in 1979 carried a Rohini technology payload but could not inject the satellite into its desired orbit. It was followed by a successful launch in 1980 carrying a Rohini Series-I satellite, making India the seventh country to reach Earth's orbit after the USSR, the US, France, the UK, China and Japan. RS-1 was the third Indian satellite to reach orbit as Bhaskara had been launched from the USSR in 1979. At the same time, another solid-fuelled rocket Augmented Satellite Launch Vehicle based upon SLV-3 was being developed, and technologies to launch satellites into geostationary orbit (GTO). ASLV had limited success and multiple launch failures; it was soon discontinued. Alongside, technologies for the Indian National Satellite System of communication satellites and the Indian Remote Sensing Programme for earth observation satellites were developed and launches from overseas initiated. The number of satellites eventually grew and the systems were established as among the largest satellite constellations in the world, with multi-band communication, radar imaging, optical imaging and meteorological satellites. 1990s The arrival of PSLV in 1990s became a major boost for the Indian space programme. With the exception of its first flight in 1994 and two partial failures later, PSLV had a streak of more than 50 successful flights. PSLV enabled India to launch all of its low Earth orbit satellites, small payloads to GTO and hundreds of foreign satellites. Along with the PSLV flights, development of a new rocket, a Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle (GSLV) was going on. India tried to obtain upper-stage cryogenic engines from Russia's Glavkosmos but was blocked by the US from doing so. As a result, KVD-1 engines were imported from Russia under a new agreement which had limited success and a project to develop indigenous cryogenic technology was launched in 1994, taking two decades to reach fulfillment. 21st century GAGANYAAN In 2009, the Indian Space Research Organisation proposed a budget of ₹124 billion (equivalent to ₹310 billion or US$3.9 billion in 2023) for its human spaceflight programme. An uncrewed demonstration flight was expected after seven years from the final approval and a crewed mission was to be launched after seven years of funding. A crewed mission initially was not a priority and left on the backburner for several years. A space capsule recovery experiment in 2014 and a pad abort test in 2018 were followed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi's announcement in his 2018 Independence Day address that India will send astronauts into space by 2022 on the new Gaganyaan spacecraft. To date, ISRO has developed most of the technologies needed, such as the crew module and crew escape system, space food, and life support systems. The project would cost less than ₹100 billion (US$1.3 billion) and would include sending two or three Indians to space, at an altitude of 300–400 km (190–250 mi), for at least seven days, using a GSLV Mk-III launch vehicle. Also, in 2003, when China sent humans into space, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee urged scientists to develop technologies to land humans on the Moon and programmes for lunar, planetary and crewed missions were started. ISRO launched Chandrayaan-1 in 2008, purportedly the first probe to verify the presence of water on the Moon, and the Mars Orbiter Mission in 2013, the first Asian spacecraft to enter Martian orbit, making India the first country to succeed at this on its first attempt. Subsequently, the cryogenic upper stage for GSLV rocket became operational, making India the sixth country to have full launch capabilities. A new heavier-lift launcher LVM3 was introduced in 2014 for heavier satellites and future human space missions. Extraterrestrial exploration Chandrayaan-1 Chandrayaan-1 was India's first mission to the Moon. The robotic lunar exploration mission included a lunar orbiter and an impactor called the Moon Impact Probe. ISRO launched it using a modified version of the PSLV on 22 October 2008 from Satish Dhawan Space Centre. It entered lunar orbit on 8 November 2008, carrying high-resolution remote sensing equipment for visible, near infrared, and soft and hard X-ray frequencies. During its 312-day operational period (two years were planned), it surveyed the lunar surface to produce a complete map of its chemical characteristics and three-dimensional topography. Chandrayaan-2 Chandrayaan-2, the second mission to the Moon, which included an orbiter, a lander and a rover. It was launched on a Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle Mark III (GSLV Mk III) on 22 July 2019, consisting of a lunar orbiter, the Vikram lander, and the Pragyan lunar rover, all developed in India. It was the first mission meant to explore the little-explored lunar south pole region. The objective of the Chandrayaan-2 mission was to land a robotic rover to conduct various studies on the lunar surface. The Vikram lander’s crash-landing was caused by a software glitch. The lunar orbiter was efficiently positioned in an optimal lunar orbit, extending its expected service time from one year to seven. It was planned that there will be another attempt to soft-land on the Moon in 2023, without an orbiter. Chandrayaan-3 Chandryaan-3 is India's second attempt to soft-land on the Moon after the partial failure of Chandrayaan-2. The mission will only include a lander-rover set and will communicate with the orbiter from the previous mission. On 23 August 2023, ISRO became the first space agency to successfully land a spacecraft on the lunar south pole region, and only the fourth space agency ever to land on the Moon. Mars: The Mangal The Mars Orbiter Mission (MOM), informally known as Mangalyaan (eng: ''MarsCraft'' ) was launched into Earth orbit on 5 November 2013 by the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) and has entered Mars orbit on 24 September 2014. India thus became the first country to have a space probe enter Mars orbit on its first attempt. It was completed at a record low cost of $74 million. MOM was placed into Mars orbit on 24 September 2014. The spacecraft had a launch mass of 1,337 kg (2,948 lb), with 15 kg (33 lb) of five scientific instruments as payload. The National Space Society awarded the Mars Orbiter Mission team the 2015 Space Pioneer Award in the science and engineering category. SOLAR POWER Aditya-L1 On 2 September 2023, ISRO launched the 400 kg (880 lb) Aditya-L1 mission to study the solar corona. It is the first Indian space-based solar coronagraph to study the corona in visible and near-infrared bands. The main objective of the mission is to study coronal mass ejections (CMEs), their properties (the structure and evolution of their magnetic fields for example), and consequently constrain parameters that affect space weather. On 6 January 2024, Aditya-L1 spacecraft, India's first solar mission, has successfully entered its final orbit around the first Sun-Earth Lagrangian point (L1), approximately 1.5 million kilometers from Earth. IN DAYS TO COME ISRO is developing and operationalising more powerful and less pollutive rocket engines so it can eventually develop much heavier rockets. It also plans to develop electric and nuclear propulsion for satellites and spacecrafts to reduce their weight and extend their service lives. Long-term plans may include crewed landings on Moon and other planets as well.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-story-of-indias-space-program/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Story of Women Monarchs in India]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/story-of-women-monarchs-in-india/ Women monarchs in India were no exception of the valour and administrative prowess claimed by their male counterparts. Joan Ruth Bader Ginsburg was an American jurist who served as an associate justice of the Supreme Court of the United States once said “Women belong in all places where decisions are made … It shouldn’t be that women are the exception.” This quote was relevant in all realms of life for women even in the world of monarchy. When the imperialism led by Britishers were making inroads in all the continents of the globe it was also bringing an acceptance towards the female head at the helm of the affairs. Women monarchs in India were no exception of the valour and administrative prowess claimed by their male counterparts. Today we will deep dive and provide details about the powerful women monarchs who carved niche in their work and etched their names in the history of the country. As a matter of fact, if we scour through the history of India one tends to come across the achievements of mostly men, while having to hunt more to unearth the feats of women. This isn't only due to the fact that women tend to be denied access to power—the stories of women who fought their circumstances against all odds are often buried. These are remarkable stories of resilience and defiance that deserve to be told, heard and shared. The list of women monarchs, who roared in the history, is endless but we are trying to show light on the lives of a few of these royal tigresses: Ahilya Bai Holkar: The Philosopher Queen When she was eight years old, Ahilya Bai Holkar was taken to Indore by Malhar Rao – one of the chief generals of the Maratha general Baji Rao I - to marry his 10 year old son, Khande Rao. She was given a prince’s education at a time when there existed a superstition that if a woman learnt to read, her husband would die. Malhar Rao relied heavily on Ahilya Bai. When Khande Rao was killed during a siege, all his queens rushed to commit sati but her father in law implored Ahilya Bai not to do so. When her son died, Ahilya saw no reason why she could not herself become the official ruler. Gangadhar Yashwant, the diwan, was so horrified by this that he wrote to Raghoba, the uncle of the young peshwa, inviting him to invade Malwa. Ahilya Bai formed a small army of around 500 women. She then wrote a letter to Raghoba, saying that he could only gain infamy by battling with women—to win would be a dishonour, and to lose a still greater one. To save face, Raghoba then sent a message claiming he had only come to Indore to offer his condolences on the death of Ahilya Bai’s son. He was royally entertained for a month. Rani Mangammal: The Builder of Highways When Chokkanath Nayak became the king of Madurai in 1662, he was married to Mangammal, the daughter of a general. Chokkanath suffered in the many wars he habitually initiated. When he died his kingdom was financially distressed, bled by all the wars he had fought with his neighbours and lost. Mangammal staunchly refused to commit sati and, after her son died of smallpox, assumed power as regent on behalf of her infant grandson. Mangammal’s rule was quite different from that of her husband. Where he had been constantly embroiled in wars, which had drained the kingdom of its resources, Mangammal often made treaties with former foes, and was more interested in the welfare of her subjects. Mangammal also invested heavily in infrastructure. The highway she had built from Kanyakumari to Madurai was named after her, and is still called the Mangammal Salai. Mangammal was very shrewd at handling military affairs. The Marathas kept raiding Madurai and Mangammal eventually declared war on them in 1700. As the army spilled into the kingdom, Mangammal realized that her army would be unable to hold off the excellent Maratha cavalry. In a stroke of genius, she stealthily sent off her troops to harry Tanjore in the absence of the troops that would defend it. As the troops turned back to defend their territory they were ambushed at a river crossing. This happened at a time when even Aurangzeb was having trouble fighting off the Marathas! Madurai and Tanjore ended up signing a peace treaty. Rani Chennamma: The Queen Who Challenged Aurangzeb In 1664, Somesekara Nayak became the ruler of Keladi, in Karnataka. At a fair, his eye fell upon the young Chenamma, the daughter of a Lingayat merchant. He overruled the objections of his ministers who were horrified at his choice and he married her regardless. She received a royal education in politics and began to involve herself in administration. When the king gradually fell fatally ill as a result of being drugged by Bharame Mahut (the stepfather of one of the king’s royal mistresses), Chennamma maintained order with the help of the court ministers, chief amongst whom was Thimanna Naik. The sultan of neighbouring Bijapur saw this as an opportune moment to conquer the kingdom. The queen, bereaved and overwhelmed by the king’s death, secretly left with her troops for Bhuvanagiri, a fort hidden in the jungles of Keladi. There she was joined by Thimanna Naik, who helped her repel the Bijapur forces. She was crowned ruler in her own right in 1671. Once, when Shivaji’s 19-year-old son Rajaram asked Chenamma for shelter from Aurangzeb and his forces, the Rani aided him, leaving her ministers aghast. Aurangzeb’s army made its way to Keladi but were harrowed by relentless rains and guerrilla attacks by the Rani’s forces. Aurangzeb called Chenamma a ‘female bear’. Begum Samru: The Dealmaker Begum Samru, picked up from a Chawri Bazar brothel by a European traveller, was a remarkable woman who went on to rule the kingdom of Sardhana (in present-day Meerut) for 55 years. At the end of the 18th century, Walter Reinhardt Sombre, an Austrian mercenary, encountered the charming 15-year-old dancer and moved her into his harem. The quick-witted girl became his companion and comrade in arms as he offered his military services to various nobles. The couple became very influential in the Mughal court, quickly becoming favourites of both Shah Alam II and his vizier Najaf Khan. After Sombre’s death just two years later, his son was next in line to inherit the jagir. However, Begum Samru managed to get Sombre’s troops to support her and used her influence with Najaf Khan to get Sardhana allotted to her. She held court in Sardhana, wearing a masculine turban and smoking a hookah. She would lead her troops in battle, even coming to the rescue of the hapless Mughal Shah Alam many a time. He gave her the title zebunnisa, or ornament among women. Lakshmibai Newalkar, The Great Warrior Lakshmibai Newalkar born Manikarnika Tambe (1828 —1858) was the Maharani consort of the princely state of Jhansi in Maratha Empire from 1843 to 1853 by marriage to Maharaja Gangadhar Rao Newalkar. She was one of the leading figures in the Indian Rebellion of 1857, who became a national hero and symbol of resistance to the British rule in India for Indian nationalists. Born into a Karhada Brahmin family in Banares, Lakshmibai married the Maharaja of Jhansi, Gangadhar Rao, in 1842. When the Maharaja died in 1853, the British East India Company under Governor-General Lord Dalhousie refused to recognize the claim of his adopted heir and annexed Jhansi under the Doctrine of Lapse. The Rani was unwilling to cede control and joined the rebellion against the British in 1857. She led the successful defense of Jhansi against Company allies, but in early 1858 Jhansi fell to British forces under the command of Hugh Rose. The Rani managed to escape on horseback and joined the rebels in capturing Gwalior, where they proclaimed Nana Saheb as Peshwa of the revived Maratha Empire. She died in June 1858 after being mortally wounded during the British counterattack at Gwalior. Several patriotic songs have been written about the Rani. The most famous composition about Rani Lakshmi Bai is the Hindi poem Jhansi ki Rani written by Subhadra Kumari Chauhan. An emotionally charged description of the life of Rani Lakshmibai, it is often taught in schools in India. Rani Velu Nachiyar-The Warrior Queen Rani Velu Nachiyar, 1730 -1796, was a queen of Sivaganga estate from 1780–1790. She was the first Indian queen to wage war with the East India Company in India. She is known by Tamils as Veeramangai ("brave woman"). With the support of Hyder Ali's army, feudal lords, the Maruthu Brothers, Dalit commanders, and Thandavarayan Pillai, she fought the East India Company. She married the king of Sivagangai, with whom she had a daughter. When her husband, Muthu Vaduganatha Periyavudaya Thevar was killed in a battle with EIC soldiers in 1780 at KalaiyarKoil, she was drawn into the conflict. Velu Nachiyar ran away from Sivagangai as a fugitive and sought the help of Hyder Ali. Hyder Ali helped her with 5,000 soldiers and gunpowder weapons. After eight years of planning along with support of many feudal lords, Tipu Sultan, Marudhu brothers and Thandavarayan Pillai she fought against the British East India Company. Nachiyar reinherited the kingdom of her husband and ruled it for ten more years. Gond Rani Durgavati The Gond Rani Durgavati (1524–1564) ruled for 15 years before losing her life in a battle with Mughal emperor Akbar's general Asaf Khan in 1564. She was the Queen Regent of Gondwana in 1550-1564 A.D. She was wed to King Dalpat Shah, the son of King Sangram Shah of Gondwana. She served as regent of Gondwana during the minority of her son, Vir Narayan, from 1550 until 1564. She is chiefly remembered for defending Gondwana against the Mughal Empire. Razia Sultan: The Moghul Queen Raziyyat-Ud-Dunya Wa Ud-Din, 1205 -1240, popularly known as Razia Sultana, was a ruler of the Delhi Sultanate in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent. She was the first female Muslim ruler of the subcontinent, and the only female Muslim ruler of Delhi. Another epitome of how women should stand up for what they believe in, Razia refused to be addressed as ‘Sultana.’ This was because she felt the term was a reference to her gender. As the fifth Mamluk dynasty ruler, she was no stranger to battle. She even took charge of the administration of the dynasty and associated with the best Sultans of Delhi. She believed not just in ruling, but also the welfare of the land, and established schools, academies, research centres, and public libraries. However, Malik Ikhtiar-ud-din Altunia, then governor of Bhatinda, was not in favour of all this and conspired to have Razia be dethroned. The plan succeeded, and in the attempt of reclaiming the throne, this first and last woman Sultan of Delhi died at the young age of 35. Rani Didda Didda (c. 924 CE – 1003 CE), also known as The Catherine of Kashmir, was the last ruler of Utpala dynasty from 980 CE to 1003 CE. She first acted as regent for her son and various grandsons from 958 CE to 980 CE, and from 980 CE as sole ruler and monarch. Her persona led eminent archaeologist MA Stein to comment that “The statesmanlike instinct and political ability which we must ascribe to Didda in spite of all the defects of her character, are attested by the fact that she remained to the last in peaceful possession of the Kashmir throne…”. She is one of the very few female monarchs in Indian history. Rani Abbakka Chowta  Rani Abbakka Chowta was the first Tuluva Queen of Ullal who fought the Portuguese in the latter half of the 16th century. She belonged to the Chowta dynasty who ruled over parts of coastal Karnataka (Tulu Nadu), India. Their capital was Puttige. The port town of Ullal served as their subsidiary capital. The Portuguese made several attempts to capture Ullal as it was strategically placed. But Abbakka repulsed each of their attacks for over four decades. For her bravery, she came to be known as Abhaya Rani (The fearless queen). She was also one of the earliest Indians to fight European colonialism and is sometimes regarded as the 'first woman freedom fighter of India'. In the state of Karnataka, she is celebrated along with Rani Kittur Chennamma, Keladi Chennamma, Rani Chennabhairadevi and Onake Obavva, as the foremost women warriors and patriots.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/story-of-women-monarchs-in-india/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[History of Majestic Forts in India]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/history-of-majestic-forts-in-india/ India is extremely rich in its culture and heritage and it is apparent by the royal existence of around one thousands of forts. The Archaeological Survey of India is an Indian government agency that is responsible for archaeological research and the conservation and preservation of cultural historical monuments, including forts, in the country. It was founded in 1861 by Alexander Cunningham during the British Raj who also became its first Director-General. The existence of the earliest forts in India have been substantiated by documentation and excavation. In the medieval times, the architecture of the forts had both Hindu and Muslim influence. The forts constructed by the British initially opted for simple designs. The existing castles are continually modified and many of them are privately owned. Most of the forts in India are actually castles or fortresses. But when the British Government in India were cataloguing them in the 17th–19th century they used the word forts as it was common in Britain then. All fortifications whether European or Indian were termed forts. Thereafter this became the common usage in India. In local languages, the fort names are suffixed by local word for fort thus usage of the Sanskrit word durga, or Urdu word qila or the Hindi word garh or gad in Rajasthan, and Maharashtra is common. For example, Suvarnadurg, Mehrangarh, Sudhagad etc. Three major methods were used for the construction of ancient Indian forts. The first consisted of earthen ramparts. Often they were constructed of the sand which was dug out of the ditch surrounding the fort. The second of rubble with earth on the outside which was sturdier. The third type of construction was with stone and masonry work. The last was the strongest. Often materials from demolished forts were reused in the building of new forts. By 4th Century BCE, fortified cities were common in India. The largest ones were between the city of Mathura (on the Yamuna River) and Magadha (on the Ganges). Another series of forts in the south, was on the Ujjain (on the Narmada) leading into the Deccan. These are inferred by the remains of fort walls and bastions seen on excavation at Rajagriha and at several sites in the Gangetic plain notably Kaushambi. At the latter site huge walls of burnt brick, which look like they have been battered. There are few descriptions of these ancient structures. The most noted is the one by Megasthenes, an ambassador of Seleucus I Nicator to the court of Chandragupta Maurya. He describes Pataliputra as being guarded by a ditch with wooden walls. The fort had 570 towers and 54 gates with colonnaded halls decorated with gold and silver. One such hall has been excavated and is one of the oldest stone structures in India. Ancient India There are six types of forts in the Indian history and each of these types had its own advantages and disadvantages. For example, according to the Manusmrti, the forest fort suffers from monkey attacks, the earthen forts get swarmed with rodents, the water forts were plagued by diseases etc. The Manusmṛti considers the Hill fort to be the best defensive structure. Some Sanskrit text consider hill forts to be the abode of gods and hence auspicious. The Mahabharata describes the Human fort as the most effective fortification. Medieval India There were several changes to the construction and design of forts with the advent of the Muslims, closely followed by the introduction of artillery in the 16th century. These changes were similar to the changes that took place in Western forts with the advent of gunpowder, i.e. the lowering of walls, thickening of walls, further pushing out of bastions etc. The construction of a citadel in the center and putting in more area between the citadel and the walls was characteristic of Muslim forts (influenced in turn by the Norman mote and bailey). Classic examples of such structures are the Golkonda and Berar forts. The gates of medieval Indian forts were highly decorated. Two distinct styles are seen. The Hindu style with a lintel, and the Mughal style with an arch. Gates in Indian forts were often high and wide to allow elephants to pass. Often they had rows of sharp, stout iron spikes to dissuade an attacking army from using elephants to break down the gates. Such a gate with spikes can be seen on the Shaniwarwada fort, Pune. The walls of the forts were often looked higher from the outside than the inside as the forts made use of the natural rock formations on hills. This not only gave an illusion of greater height but also lead to the lower walls of the fort to be entirely made up of natural rock providing almost a perfect defense against the use of a battering ram or war elephants to tear down the walls. The main gate to the forts was located mostly facing north direction, this was to avoid its deterioration by the rains, winds and the sun. British Era The British established trading posts along the coast with the advent of the East India Company in the country. The need for security against local rajas as well as other European rival nations led to the construction of forts at each post. Mumbai fort, Fort William in Kolkata, Fort St George in Chennai were the main bastions constructed. These cities developed from the small townships outside the forts. Parsimony of the East India Company, non-availability of trained engineers and use of local materials and artisans resulted in the simple design and construction initially. The vulnerability of these earlier forts, hostilities with the French and the growing might of the Company resulted in stronger and more complex designs for the second round of construction, the design of Fort St George reflecting the influences of the French engineer Vauban. Post-Independence No Indian forts were destroyed by sudden disasters, there are several which were abandoned due to the ambitions of their rulers and have consequently deteriorated over time. Very few castles have survived unchanged since the early middle ages or even since the 14th-15th centuries: most of those built in the 10th-15th centuries were later rebuilt and altered. Castles were still used as living quarters until the 19th-20th centuries, and so were continually modified. Even now, some of them are private property. Popular forts in India In the most prominent remnants of Indian history, the first thing that pops up in mind is its majestic forts. Indulged into several historical tales, the forts of India are the live witness of the several royal legends of India. Red Fort, Delhi Red Fort of Delhi is among the major attractions in the capital city of India. Built using red sandstone, the fort is situated in clamor of Old Delhi. The fort used to be the residence of the Mughal emperors of India, until 1857. The main gate of the fort is called as Lahore Gate, which attracts a huge crowd on eve of Independence Day. The fort was built by Emperor Shah Jehan in 17th century. Agra Fort, Agra Humayun was crowned at the Red Fort in Agra. It was later renovated by the Mughal emperor Akbar from 1565 and the present-day structure was completed in 1573. It served as the main residence of the rulers of the Mughal dynasty until 1638, when the capital was shifted from Agra to Delhi. The fort can be more accurately described as a walled city built by red stone. It was later renovated by Shah Jahan. Amber Fort, Jaipur The magnetism of this incredible fort of Jaipur is such that even the scorching sun of May and June can’t stop tourists from exploring this architectural marvel. Built with the blend of Rajputana and Mughal architectural style, the fort is positioned over a hilltop enjoying the view of Lake Mayota. Junagarh Fort Bikaner Originally called as Chintamani, Junagarh Fort is one of the very few forts of Rajasthan that are not built over a hilltop. The fort complex was constructed under the supervision of Karan Chand – a Prime Minister of Raja Rai Singh, who ruled between 1571 and 1611 AD. The construction of the walls and associated moat of the fort was started in the year 1589 and finished in 1594. Mehrangarh Fort, Jodhpur Mehrangarh Fort is the true symbol of power and honor in Jodhpur. The breathtakingly majestic fort in Jodhpur is the real glory of the city and the main base of its tourism. The fort was constructed during 1460 by Rao Jodha and is positioned 410 feet above the city. The fort is surrounded with magnificent thick walls and one can witness the marks of cannonballs on these walls. Jaisalmer Fort, Jaisalmer Located in the city of Jaisalmer, Jaisalmer Fort is among the largest fortifications of the world. It was constructed in 1156 AD by the Rajput ruler Rawal Jaisal. The fort is proudly located amidst the sandy stretch of the great Thar Desert. Its immense yellow sandstone walls appear yellowish-brown during the day and turns shades as sun changes its position. Gwalior Fort Gwalior Gwalior Fort is an 8th century strikingly magnificent hill fort. The moment sunrays fall on the fort, it shines like a beautiful jewelry enhancing the beauty of Gwalior. The fort features artistic sculptures and sapphire paintings on its walls that enrich its splendour in every way. The fort has a place called Gujari Mahal that is converted into an archaeological museum. Golkonda Fort Hyderabad Also recognized as Golconda or Golla konda, Golkonda Fort is a huge citadel in Southern India. The fort is situated 11 KM west of Hyderabad. The fort was originally constructed by the Kakatiya dynasty as a part of their western defenses. It was erected on a granite hill that is 480 feet high and encircled by colossal battlements. This fort was built again to enhance its mightiness by Rani Rudrama Devi and her successor Prataparudra. Chittorgarh Fort, Chittorgarh Chittorgarh Fort is among the largest forts of India situated in Chittorgarh. The fort grandly spreads over a hill of 180 meters height and positioned over an area of 692 acres. The magnificent fort was mostly ruled by Rajput kings, until it was finally discarded in 1568 after being captured by Emperor Akbar in 1567. Jhansi Fort Jhansi Jhansi Fort was built in 1613 by Raja Bir Singh Ji Deo – king of Orchha. It is situated on the rocky hill known as Bangra. The fort has 10 gates, including Khandero Darwaja, Chand Darwaja, Datia Darwaza, Sainyar Darwaja, Unnao Darwaja, Orchha Darwaja, Jharna Darwaja, Sagar Darwaja and Laxmi Darwaja. The fort features a great collection of sculptures that give an insight into the historical legacy of Bundelkhand. Categories of Ancient Indian forts With course of time, most structures have decayed and are lost but India's legacy of ancient forts is seen mostly in the shastras (ancient Indian treatises) and in the reliefs on stupas. On some of the early relief work, the carvings indicate that ancient Indian forts have crenellations, embrasures, and sloping walls. The Arthashastra the Indian treatise on military strategy describes six major types of forts differentiated by their major modes of defenses: Jala-durga (Water fort) =Antardvipa-durga (island fortress): surrounded by natural (sea or river) water bodies. E.g. Murud-Janjira. =Sthala-durga (plain fortress): surrounded by artificial moats or irrigated by a river e.g. Deeg Fort, Lohagarh Fort. Dhanvana- or Maru-durga (Desert Fort): Surrounded by an arid area of at least 5 yojanas (73 km). Giri-durga (Hill fort) =Prantara-durga: Located on a flat hill summit. E.g. medieval forts such as Chittor, Gwalior and Ranthambore. =Giri-parshva-durga: The fortifications and civilian structures extend down to the hill slope (not just the summit). =Guha-durga: Located in a valley surrounded by hills, where the outposts and the signal towers are located. Vana-durga (Forest fort): Surrounded by a dense forest over a distance of at least 4 kroshas (14.6 km). =Khanjana-durga, built on a fen surrounded by thorny forests. =Sthambha-durga, built in the forest among tall trees; lacks sufficient water sources. Mahi-durga (Earthen fort) =Mrid-durga: surrounded by earthen walls =Parigha-durga: Surrounded by earthen walls, as well as stone or brick walls. The walls are at least 5.4 m high and their width is half of their height, the smallest of which is 2.7 m wide. =Panka-durga: Surrounded by fens or quicksand Nri-durga (Human fort)]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/history-of-majestic-forts-in-india/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Story of the highest civilian award: Bharat Ratna]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/story-of-the-highest-civilian-award-bharat-ratna/ ‘Bharat Ratna’, the highest civilian Award of the country, was instituted in the year 1954. Any person without distinction of race, occupation, position or sex is eligible for these awards. It is awarded in recognition of exceptional service/performance of the highest order in any field of human endeavour. The recommendations for Bharat Ratna are made by the Prime Minister himself to the President. No formal recommendations for this are necessary, according to the ministry of home affairs data. The number of annual awards is restricted to a maximum of three in a particular year. On conferment of the award, the recipient receives a Sanad (certificate) signed by the President and a medallion. The Award does not carry any monetary grant. In terms of Article 18 (1) of the Constitution, the award cannot be used as a prefix or suffix to the recipient's name. However, should an award winner consider it necessary, he/she may use the following expression in their biodata/letterhead/visiting card etc. to indicate that he/she is a recipient of the award: ‘Awarded Bharat Ratna by the President’ or ‘Recipient of Bharat Ratna Award’. The Bharat Ratna is conferred in recognition of "exceptional service/performance of the highest order", without distinction of race, occupation, position or gender. The award was originally limited to achievements in the arts, literature, science, and public services, but the Government of India expanded the criteria to include "any field of human endeavor" in December 2011. The recommendations for the award are made by the Prime Minister to the President. The recipients receive a Sanad, certificate, signed by the President and a peepal-tree leaf-shaped medallion with no monetary grant associated with the award. Bharat Ratna recipients rank seventh in the Indian order of precedence. The first recipients of the Bharat Ratna were: the former Governor-General of the Union of India C. Rajagopalachari, the former President of the Republic of India Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan; and the Indian physicist C. V. Raman, who were honoured in 1954. Since then, the award has been bestowed upon 53 individuals, including 18 who were awarded posthumously. The original statutes did not provide for posthumous awards but were amended in January 1966 to permit them to honor former Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri, the first individual to be honored posthumously. In 2014, cricketer Sachin Tendulkar, then aged 40, became the youngest recipient, while social reformer Dhondo Keshav Karve was the oldest recipient when he was awarded on his 100th birthday. Though usually conferred on India-born citizens, the award has been conferred on one naturalized citizen, Mother Teresa, and on two non-Indians: Abdul Ghaffar Khan (born in British India and later a citizen of Pakistan) and Nelson Mandela, a citizen of South Africa. The Bharat Ratna, along with other personal civil honours, was briefly suspended from July 1977 to January 1980, during the change in the national government; and for a second time from August 1992 to December 1995, when several public-interest litigations challenged the constitutional validity of the awards. In 1992, the government's decision to confer the award posthumously on Subhas Chandra Bose was opposed by those who had refused to accept the fact of his death, including some members of his extended family. Following a 1997 Supreme Court decision, the press communiqué announcing Bose's award was cancelled; it is the only time when the award was announced but not conferred. Inception of the Awards On 2 January 1954, a press communique was released from the office of the secretary to the President announcing the creation of two civilian awards—Bharat Ratna (Jewel of India), the highest civilian award, and the three-tier Padma Vibhushan, classified into "Pehla Warg" (Class I), "Dusra Warg" (Class II), and "Tisra Warg" (Class III), which rank below the Bharat Ratna. On 15 January 1955, the Padma Vibhushan was reclassified into three different awards; the Padma Vibhushan, the highest of the three, followed by the Padma Bhushan and the Padma Shri. The award was briefly suspended twice in its history. The first suspension occurred when Morarji Desai, who was sworn in as the fourth Prime Minister in 1977, withdrew all personal civil honours on 13 July 1977. The suspension was rescinded on 25 January 1980, after Indira Gandhi became the Prime Minister. The award was suspended again in mid-1992, when two Public-Interest Litigations were filed, one in the Kerala High Court and another in the Madhya Pradesh High Court, challenging the "constitutional validity" of the awards. The awards were reintroduced by the Supreme Court in December 1995, following the conclusion of the litigation. There is no formal provision that recipients of the Bharat Ratna should be Indian citizens. It has been awarded to a naturalised Indian citizen, Mother Teresa in 1980, and to two non-Indians, Abdul Ghaffar Khan of Pakistan in 1987 and the former South African president Nelson Mandela in 1990. Sachin Tendulkar, at the age of 40, became the youngest person and first sportsperson to receive the honour. Dhondo Keshav Karve was the oldest living recipient when he was awarded on his 100th birthday on 18 April 1958. As of 2024, the award has been conferred upon 50 people with 15 posthumous declarations. A few of the conferments have been criticized for honoring personalities only after they received global recognition. The award for Mother Teresa was announced in 1980, a year after she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Satyajit Ray received an Academy Honorary Award in 1992 followed by the Bharat Ratna the same year. In 1999, Amartya Sen was awarded the Bharat Ratna, a year after his 1998 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences. Bharat Ratna cannot be used as a prefix or suffix, however recipients may identify themselves as "Awarded Bharat Ratna by the President" or "Recipient of Bharat Ratna Award". The award does not carry any monetary benefits, but the award includes the following entitlements: • The medallion and miniature • A Sanad (certificate) signed by the President of India • Treatment as a state guest by state governments when traveling within a state • Indian missions abroad requested to facilitate recipients when requested • Entitlement to a diplomatic passport • Placed seventh in the Indian order of precedence • Concessional fare on the flag carrier Air India. Bharat Ratna in 2024 Bharat Ratna has been conferred to former deputy prime minister Lal Krishna Advani and Karpoori Thakur, Bihar's former chief minister and a well-known socialist leader. On Friday PM Modi also announced the Bharat Ratna award to Chaudhary Charan Singh, PV Narasimha Rao, both former prime ministers, along with MS Swaminathan, also known as the father of the green revolution. Lal Krishna Advani Bharatiya Janata Party stalwart and former deputy prime minister Lal Krishna Advani has been awarded the Bharat Ratna. He has been associated with the party since its establishment in 1980. Apart from this Advani served as both the home minister and deputy Prime Minister under the leadership of Atal Bihari Vajpayee from 1999 to 2004. Current PM Narendra Modi disclosed that Advani would be bestowed with India's highest civilian honour on 3 February, 2024. He served as the president of the BJP three times. He was elected to the Lok Sabha for the first time in 1989 where he served seven terms. In 1992, he was alleged to have been part of the Demolition of the Babri Masjid, but was acquitted by the courts due to lack of evidence. Following the same, he was one of the chief proponents of the movement to build a temple over the disputed Ram Janmabhoomi site in Ayodhya and the subsequent rise of Hindutva politics in the late 1990s. He has served as leader of opposition in both the houses. He was the minister of home affairs from 1998 to 2004 and deputy prime minister from 2002 to 2004. He served in the Indian parliament until 2019 and is credited for rise of BJP as a major political party. In 2015, he was awarded the Padma Vibhushan, India's second highest civilian honour.. Narasimha Rao In a line-up post on X, PM Modi said that as a distinguished scholar and statesman, Narasimha Rao served India extensively in various capacities. "Delighted to share that our former Prime Minister, PV Narasimha Rao Garu, will be honoured with the Bharat Ratna. As a distinguished scholar and statesman, Narasimha Rao Garu served India extensively in various capacities. He is equally remembered for the work he did as Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, Union Minister, and as a Member of Parliament and Legislative Assembly for many years. His visionary leadership was instrumental in making India economically advanced, laying a solid foundation for the country's prosperity and growth," the PM said. Born on June 28, 1921, in Karimnagar, Telangana, being an agriculturist and an advocate, Narsimha Rao joined politics and held some important portfolios. He was the Minister of Law and Information, 1962-64; Law and Endowments, 1964-67; Health and Medicine, 1967 and Education, 1968-71, Government of Andhra Pradesh. He was the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh from 1971-73 and General Secretary of the All India Congress Committee from 1975-76. Chaudhary Charan Singh Chaudhary Charan Singh (23 December 1902 – 29 May 1987) was an Indian politician and a freedom fighter. He served as the 5th prime minister of India and 5th Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. Charan Singh followed Mahatma Gandhi in non-violent struggle for independence from the British Government, and was imprisoned several times. In 1930, he was sent to jail for 12 years by the British for contravention of the salt laws. He was jailed again for one year in November 1940 for individual Satyagraha movement. In August 1942 he was jailed again by the British under DIR and released in November 1943. He served as the 5th Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh in 1970 before serving as the 5th prime minister of India beteween 28 July 1979 and 14 January 1980. Though a Congress member for most of his life, he later founded his own political party Lokdal in 1980. Historians and people alike frequently refer to him as the "Champion of India's peasants" "It is the good fortune of our government that former Prime Minister of the country Chaudhary Charan Singh is being honoured with Bharat Ratna. This honour is dedicated to his incomparable contribution to the country. He had dedicated his entire life to the rights and welfare of farmers. Be it the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh or the Home Minister of the country, even as an MLA, he always gave impetus to nation-building. He also stood firm against the Emergency. His dedication to our farmer brothers and sisters and his commitment to democracy during the Emergency are inspiring to the entire nation," PM posted on X. MS Swaminathan. Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Friday announced Bharat Ratna for agricultural scientist MS Swaminathan. Swaminathan, a prominent figure in Indian agriculture famed for his leading role in India's 'Green Revolution', will be conferred the honour posthumously.On September 28, last year Swaminathan passed away at the age of 98 at his residence in Chennai. The Government of India is conferring the Bharat Ratna on Dr MS Swaminathan, in recognition of his monumental contributions to our nation in agriculture and farmers' welfare. He played a pivotal role in helping India achieve self-reliance in agriculture during challenging times and made outstanding efforts towards modernizing Indian agriculture. His visionary leadership has not only transformed Indian agriculture but also ensured the nation's food security and prosperity. Born on August 7, 1925, Mankombu Sambasivan Swaminathan, established the MS Swaminathan Research Foundation (MSSRF) in Chennai in 1988. Karpoori Thakur Bihar's former chief minister and a well-known socialist leader will be posthumously honoured with Bharat Ratna. Popularly known as referred to as 'Jan Nayak' (people's leader), Thakur will become the 49th recipient of this prestigious award.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/story-of-the-highest-civilian-award-bharat-ratna/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[History of Indian Postal Stamps]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/history-of-indian-postal-stamps/ Indian postal stamps offer a captivating journey through the nation’s history, culture, and technological advancements. Stamps effectively serve as the currency of the letter world. They determine how quickly your mail will make it to its final destination. And by having your letter “stamped”, it’s basically a way of letting the post-office know that you’ve paid for the shipping. But beyond their role as facilitators of communication, stamps themselves carry messages embedded in their usage and imagery. Functionally, stamps signify that appropriate payment has been made for the service of transporting a letter. Symbolically, stamps express meaning for a variety of actors. Interestingly, Indian postal systems for efficient military and governmental communications had developed long before the arrival of Europeans. When the Portuguese, Dutch, French, Danish and British conquered the Marathas who had already defeated the Mughals, their postal systems existed alongside those of many somewhat independent states. The British East India Company gradually annexed the other powers on the sub-continent and brought into existence a British administrative system over most of modern-day India, with a need to establish and maintain both official and commercial mail systems. Although the Indian Post Office was established in 1837, Asia’s first adhesive stamp, the Scinde Dawk, was introduced in 1852 by Sir Bartle Frere, the East India Company’s administrator of the province of Sind. The Indian postal system developed into an extensive, dependable and robust network providing connectivity to almost all parts of India, Burma, the Straits Settlements and other areas controlled by the East India Company (EIC). Based on the model postal system introduced in England by the reformer, Rowland Hill, efficient postal services were provided at a low cost and enabled the smooth commercial, military and administrative functioning of the EIC and its successor, the British Raj. The Imperial Posts co-existed with the several postal systems maintained by various Indian states, some of which produced stamps for use within their respective dominions, while British Indian postage stamps were required for sending mail beyond the boundaries of these states. Telegraphy and telephony made their appearance as part of the Posts before becoming separate departments. After the independence of India in 1947, the Indian postal service continues to function on a countrywide basis and provides many valuable, low cost services to the public of India. The Post in ancient and medieval India The history of India’s postal system begins long before the introduction of postage stamps. The antecedents have been traced to the systems of the Persian Empire instituted by Cyrus the Great and Darius I for communicating important military and political information. The Atharvaveda (or Arthveda) which is one of the oldest books in the world, records a messenger service in ancient India millenniums ago. Systems for collecting information and revenue data from the provinces are mentioned in Chanakya’s Arthashastra (meaning military strategy and skill)(c. 3rd century BCE). In ancient times the kings (or Raja), emperors (or Maharaja), rulers, zamindars (or the feudal lords) protected their land through the intelligence services of specially trained police or military agencies and courier services to convey and obtain information through runners, messengers and even through pigeons in most parts of India. The chief of the secret service, known as the Daakpaal (postmaster), maintained the lines of communication ... The people used to send letters to [their] distant relatives through their friends or neighbors. Dak Chowki of Sher Shah Suri’s period, Wazirabad, Punjab, Pakistan The first Sultan of Delhi, before the Mughals colonised India, Qutb-ud-din Aybak was Sultan for only four years, 1206–1210, but he founded the Mamluk Dynasty and created a messenger post system. This was expanded into the dak chowkis, a horse and foot runner service, by Alauddin Khalji in 1296. Sher Shah Suri (1541–1545) replaced runners with horses for conveyance of messages along the northern Indian high road, today known as the Grand Trunk Road, which he constructed between Bengal and Sindh over an ancient trade route at the base of the Himalayas, the Uttarapatha BRITISH ERA The East India Company took constructive steps to improve the existing postal systems in India when, in 1688, they opened a post office in Bombay followed by similar ones in Calcutta and Madras. Lord Clive further expanded the services in 1766 and in 1774 Warren Hastings made the services available to the general public. The fee charged was two annas per 100 miles. The postmarks applied on these letters are very rare and are named ‘Indian Bishop Marks’ after Colonel Henry Bishop, the Postmaster General of the United Kingdom who introduced this practice in Britain. The Post Office Department of the East India Company was first established on 31 March 1774 at Calcutta, followed in 1778 at Madras and in 1792 at Bombay. After 1793, when Cornwallis introduced the Regulation of the Permanent Settlement, the financial responsibility for maintaining the official posts rested with the zamindars. Alongside these, private dawk mail systems sprang up for the commercial conveyance of messages using hired runners. The Post Office Act XVII of 1837 provided that the Governor-General of India in Council had the exclusive right of conveying letters by post for hire within the territories of the East India Company. Section XX required all private vessels to carry letters at prescribed rates for postage. A handstamp was applied to preadhesive ship letters. The mails were available to certain officials without charge, which became a controversial privilege as the years passed. On this basis the Indian Post Office was established on 1 October 1837. The Scinde District Dawk 1852 red sealing wafer Scinde Dawk, Asia’s first adhesive stamp. The use of the Scinde Dawk adhesive stamps to signify the prepayment of postage began on 1 July 1852 in the Scinde/Sindh district, as part of a comprehensive reform of the district’s postal system. The new stamps were embossed individually onto paper or a wax wafer. The shape was circular, with “SCINDE DISTRICT DAWK” around the rim and the British East India Company’s Merchant’s Mark as the central emblem. They were used until October 1854, and then officially suppressed. EAST INDIA POSTAGE A new design for stamps, with Queen Victoria in an oval vignette inside a rectangular frame, was inscribed “EAST INDIA POSTAGE”. The first of these became available in 1855. They continued in use well after the British government took over the administration of India in 1858, following the 1857 Rebellion against the East India Company’s rule. From 1865 the Indian stamps were printed on paper watermarked with an elephant’s head. The volume of mail moved by the postal system increased relentlessly, doubling between 1854 and 1866, then doubling again by 1871. The Post Office Act XIV introduced reforms by 1 May 1866 to correct some of the more apparent postal system deficiencies and abuses. Postal service efficiencies also were introduced. In 1854 Spain had printed special stamps for official communications, but in 1866 India was the first country to adopt the simple expedient of overprinting ‘Service’ on postage stamps and ‘Service Postage’ on revenue stamps. This innovation became widely adopted by other countries in later years. INDIA POSTAGE Another four new designs appeared, one at a time, between 1874 and 1876. A complete new set of stamps was issued in 1882 for the Empire of India that had been proclaimed five years earlier, in 1877. The designs consisted of the usual Victoria profile, in a variety of frames, inscribed “INDIA POSTAGE”. The watermark also changed to a star shape. These stamps were heavily used and are still quite common today. Three stamps, featuring a detail from Heinrich von Angeli’s 1885 portrait of Queen Victoria, in 2, 3 and 5 rupee denominations, were introduced in 1895. Other existing designs were reprinted in new colours in 1900. In 1902 a new series depicting King Edward VII generally reused the frames of the Victoria stamps, with some color changes, and included values up to 25 rupees. The 1911 stamps of King George V were more florid in their design. It is reported that George V, a philatelist, personally approved these designs. In 1919 a 1½ anna stamp was introduced, inscribed “ONE AND HALF ANNA”, but in 1921 this changed to “ONE AND A HALF ANNAS”. In 1926 the watermark changed to a pattern of multiple stars. The first pictorial stamps appeared in 1931. The set of six, showing the fortress of Purana Qila, Delhi and government edifices, was issued to mark the government’s move from Calcutta to New Delhi. Another pictorial set of seven stamps, also showing buildings, commemorated George V’s Silver Jubilee in 1935. The stamps issued in 1937 depicted various forms of mail transports, with King George VI’s effigy appearing on the higher values. A new issue in 1941, constrained by the austerity of World War II, consisted of rather plain designs using minimal amounts of ink and paper. A victory issue in January 1946 was followed in November 1947 by a first Dominion issue, whose three stamps were the first to depict the Ashoka Pillar and the new flag of India (the third showed an aeroplane). FIRST STAMP OF INDEPENDENT INDIA  The First Stamp of Independent India was issued on 21 November 1947. It depicts the Indian Flag with the patriots’ slogan, Jai Hind (Long Live India), on the top right hand corner. A memorial to Mahatma Gandhi was issued 15 August 1948 on the first anniversary of Independence. Exactly one year later a definitive series appeared, depicting India’s broad cultural heritage, mostly Hindu, Buddhist, Muslim, Sikh and Jain temples, sculptures, monuments and fortresses. A subsequent issue commemorated the inauguration of the Republic of India on 26 January 1950. Definitives included a technology and development theme in 1955, a series all showing the map of India in 1957, denominated in naye paisa (decimal currency), and a series with a broad variety of images in 1965. Satrunjaya, Jain temple complex near Palitana, 15 August 1949. Indian stamps reflect the country’s old and rich cultural heritage. The old inscription of “INDIA POSTAGE” was replaced in 1962 with “ INDIA”, though three stamps issued between December 1962/January 1963 carried the earlier inscription. India has printed stamps and postal stationery for other countries, mostly neighbours. Countries which have had stamps printed in India include Burma (before independence), Nepal, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Portugal, and Ethiopia. The Department of Posts, operating as India Post, is a government-operated postal system, simply referred to within India as “the post office”. With its far-flung reach and its presence in remote areas, the Indian postal service provides many services such as small savings banking and financial services. As of 31 March 2011, the Indian Postal Service has 154,866 post offices, of which 139,040 (89.78%) are in rural areas and 15,826 (10.22%) are in urban areas. It has 25,464 departmental POs and 129,402 ED BPOs. At the time of independence, there were 23,344 post offices, which were primarily in urban areas. India has been divided into 22 postal circles, each circle headed by a Chief Postmaster General. Each Circle is further divided into Regions comprising field units, called Divisions, headed by a Postmaster General, and further divided into units headed by SSPOs & SPOs and Sub Divisions headed by ASPs and IPS.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/history-of-indian-postal-stamps/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Evolution of Indian States and UTs]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/evolution-of-indian-states-and-uts/ The reorganization of states in 1956 aimed at linguistic homogeneity, fostering a sense of identity. Evolution of Indian States in India Currently, India has 28 States 8 Union territories but before independence August 15, 1947, India was divided into 565 princely states. These indigenous princely states believed in independent governance, which was the biggest obstacle in building a strong India. At this time India had three types of states: 1. Territories of British India 2. Princely states 3. The colonial territories of France and Portugal After the Indian independence; 562 princely states had nodded to join the Indian Confederation except Hyderabad, Junagadh, Bhopal and Kashmir. Since the Indian independence the boundaries of the Indian states keep on changing year by year. From 565 princely states and 17 provinces before partition, to 14 states and 6 Union Territories following the Reorganisation of States in 1956 to 29 states and 7 union territories in 2014, now after the bifurcation of Jammu & Kashmir to 28 states and 9 Union Territories after it. The historical events and conditions gave rise to the Indian states. More reasonable governmental change has been an increasing necessity since independence. Grounds of formation of Indian States Indian States were created considering regional languages and financial, economic, and administrative management. India had 27 states in 1951. The initial integration of princely states with the rest of India was purely an ad-hoc arrangement. There were growing demands from different regions, particularly South India, for the reorganisation of states on a linguistic basis. Various commissions were established by the Government to look into the demands of the re-organisation of states. State Reorganisation Commissions There are some important commissions constituted for the Reorganisation of the State such as the Dhar Commission, JVP Committee and Fazal Ali Commission. Dhar Commission (June 1948) This commission was constituted in June 1948 to assess the feasibility of the linguistic organisation of states. The Commission recommended the reorganization of States on the basis of the following criteria: =Geographical contiguity =Financial self-reliance =Administrative viability =Potential for development =Dhar Commission- Significance 1. The Dhar Commission: In its report, came out strongly against the formation of provinces exclusively or even mainly along linguistic considerations. It emphasized that the country faced larger, more pressing national challenges. The Dhar Commission was echoing the strong opinions of every single key figure in the Constituent Assembly. The recommendations of the Dhar Commission created much resentment. 2. JVP Committee (December 1948) Another committee was set up consisting of Jawahar Lal Nehru, Vallahbhai Patel and Pattabhi Sitaramayya. The committee was named after the first letters of their first names i.e., it was known as the JVP committee. This committee was set up in December 1948 and submitted its report in April 1949. It formally rejected language as the basis for the reorganisation of states. The committee rejected the linguistic factor of reorganization of the states. It reaffirmed the Dhar Commission's position in its report in 1949. It recommended the reorganization of States on the basis of security, unity and economic prosperity of the nation. The Committee also recommended that the creation of new provinces be delayed for a few years so that they could focus on other important issues and not be distracted by this one. Potti Sreeramulu, a prominent Telugu leader was demanding Andhra State be carved out of Madras state. To get his demands met, he went on a hunger strike. However, he died in December 1952 (15 December). To calm the massive uproar of the people, the first reorganization of the state on a linguistic basis was Andhra state was created by separating Telugu-speaking areas from Madras state. 3. State Reorganisation Commission (Fazal Ali Commission) The Creation of Andhra Pradesh intensified the demand for the creation of states on a linguistic basis in other regions as well. The Government was forced to re-examine the whole question. Thus, a new commission, known as the State Reorganisation (Fazal Ali Commission), was set up. The Fazal Ali commission was a three-member State Reorganisation Commission that was set up in December 1953. Its other two members were K.M. Panikkar and H.N. Kunzru. The commission submitted its report in September 1955. It broadly accepted the idea of reorganizing states on the basis of linguistic similarities but rejected the idea of one state, one language. It acknowledges 4 major factors for the reorganization of states: 1. First, Linguistic and Cultural similarities; 2. Second, strengthen and preserve the unity and integrity of India; 3. Third, administrative, financial and economic considerations and 4. Fourth planning and promotion of people’s welfare 5. State Reorganisation Commission Outcome The Government accepted these recommendations with minor changes. States Reorganisation Act 1956 and the 7th Amendment Act 1956 were passed. The distinction between Part-A and Part-B states was repealed and Part-C states were abolished. Some of the states were merged with adjacent states while others were designated as union territories (The term ‘Union territories’ was not there in the original constitution; it was introduced for the first time by the 7th constitutional amendment). In November 1956, India was composed of 14 States and 6 Union Territories: States Reorganisation Act 1956 The Parliament passed the State Reorganisation Act in November 1956 on the recommendation of the State Reorganisation Commission (Fazl Ali Commission). It provided for 14 states and 6 territories that were governed centrally. The 7th Constitutional 1956 Amendment Act was passed to replace the four types of states, known as Part A, B, C, and D State Reorganisation Act 1956 has added a new Article-350A, which carries out one of the key recommendations of the State Reorganisation Commission addressing the safeguard for linguistic minorities. The States Reorganisation Act, of 1956 did not make a drastic reorganisation. To create the larger Andhra Pradesh State, the former Part B State of Hyderabad was merged with Andhra State. The former Part B State of Mysore became a more significant State of Karnataka with additional territories transferred from the States of Madras (Tamil Nadu) and Bombay. The State of Kerala was carved of the former Part B State of Travancore-Cochin with new territories acquired from the State of Madras. The chronology of states' bifurcation in India after 1956: 1960 - Bombay state split into Maharashtra and Gujarat 1963 - Nagaland carved out of Assam 1966 - Haryana and Himachal Pradesh carved out of Punjab state 1972 - Meghalaya , Manipur and Tripura were formed 1975 - Sikkim became part of Indian union 1987 - Goa and Arunachal Pradesh became states (earlier these were UTs) 2000 - Uttaranchal (out of UP), Jharkhand (out of Bihar) and Chhattisgarh (out of Madhya Pradesh) were formed Telangana (out of Andhra Pradesh), when it was eventually created in 2014, became India's 29th state. Various Statehood Demands in India at Present Vidarbha: It comprises the Amravati and Nagpur divisions of eastern Maharashtra. The State Reorganisation Act of 1956 recommended the creation of Vidarbha state with Nagpur as the capital, but instead it was included in Maharashtra state, which was formed on May 1, 1960. Reason for demand: Backwardness of region due to the neglect of successive state governments Delhi: 69th Constitutional Amendment Act, 1991, inserted Article 239AA in Indian constitution which grants Special Status to Delhi among Union Territories (UTs). The amendment does not provide Delhi with the recognition of a full fledged state as Public Order, Police & Land in NCT of Delhi fall within the domain and control of Central Government. To gain the control of such substantive powers, Delhi government is aspiring for full statehood. In 2011, then UP Chief Minister and Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief, Mayawati, passed a resolution in the Assembly to split UP into four smaller states – Purvanchal, Bundelkhand, Awadh Pradesh and Paschim Pradesh – in the interest of providing better administration. The resolution later got stuck with the Congress government at the centre. Harit Pradesh: It consists of agriculturally dominated districts of Western Uttar Pradesh. Purvanchal: It is a geographic region of north-central India, which comprises the eastern end of Uttar Pradesh state. Bodoland: The Bodos are the largest ethnic and linguistic community in northern Assam. Saurashtra: The movement for separate Saurashtra state was initiated in 1972 by Ratilal Tanna. Lack of better water supply to the region, lack of job opportunities and subsequent youth migration have been cited as major reasons for the demand of statehood. Saurashtra is also linguistically different from the rest of the state. Gorkhaland is a proposed state covering areas inhabited by the ethnic Gorkha (Nepali) people, namely Darjeeling hills and Dooars in the northern part of West Bengal.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/evolution-of-indian-states-and-uts/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[History of Indian Tax Devolution System]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/history-of-indian-tax-devolution-system/ Tax devolution refers to the distribution of tax revenues between the central government and the state governments. The office of the country’s finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman recently said on the micro blogging platform X that the Devolution of Direct Taxes to states happens as per the recommendation given by the Finance Commission. The SGST goes 100 per cent to the states. IGST is collected because it involves a lot of inter-state payments and is periodically reviewed by the GST Council. Because the states should get money in their hands, roughly 50 per cent is divided and then periodically it is readjusted to actuals. CGST is divided as per the advice of the Finance Commission. The rate of devolution to the states has nothing to do with the Government of India and it is recommended by the Finance Commission. “I don't have the right to change as per my whims & fancies that I like a state or not. Implementation of Finance Commission's recommendation is done without any kind of fear or partiality. The systems are well placed. These are false narratives promoted by the vested interests to suit their agenda. If the state government is spending on something it's not supposed to spend on, I'm not questioning it. They can do it but then don't put the blame on the Centre. If the expenditure is going into areas which can't be sustained by your budget, then I'm not answerable for it. Constitutionally, unless the Finance Commission permits me, I can't do things. I don't have discretion to play around with the recommendations of the Finance Commission,” Sitharaman said in response to a question raised by MP Adhir Chowdhury during Question Hour in Lok Sabha. Irked off these updates in the tax devolution, Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah came to Delhi and protest at Jantar Mantar. Here the question arises on Tax Devolution many people don’t know about its nitty gritty. Let’s dive deep on the history and evolution of the Tax Devolution today. History of Tax Devolution The Finance Commissions: Before understanding and comprehending the history of Tax devolution one should know the commencement of the Finance Commissions way back in the history. These Commissions are periodically constituted by the President of India under Article 280 of the Indian Constitution to define the financial relations between the central government of India and the individual state governments. This Article 280(3)(a) of the Constitution of India mandates that the Finance Commission has the responsibility to make recommendations regarding the division of the net proceeds of taxes between the Union and the states. The First Commission was established in 1951 under The Finance Commission (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, 1951. Fifteen Finance Commissions have been constituted since the promulgation of Indian Constitution in 1950. Individual commissions operate under the terms of reference which are different for every commission, and they define the terms of qualification, appointment and disqualification, the term, eligibility and powers of the Finance Commission. As per the constitution, the commission is appointed every five years and consists of a chairman and four other members. The Devolution of Taxes to states happens as per the recommendation given by the Finance Commission. Tax devolution refers to the distribution of tax revenues between the central government and the state governments. It is a constitutional mechanism established to allocate the proceeds of certain taxes among the Union and the states in a fair and equitable manner. Distribution of Tax Proceeds: The Finance Commission recommends the distribution of the net proceeds of taxes between the Union government and the state governments. This ensures a fair and equitable sharing of tax revenues, taking into account the fiscal capacities and needs of the states. The Finance Commission determines the principles and quantum of grants-in-aid to states that require financial assistance. It assesses the financial needs of states and recommends measures to allocate funds from the consolidated funds of the states. Augmenting Resources of Local Governments: The Finance Commission suggests measures to augment the consolidated fund of a state in order to supplement the resources of Panchayats and Municipalities in that state. The Finance Commission's functioning is characterized by extensive consultations with all levels of governments, promoting the principle of cooperative federalism. It engages in consultations with the central government, state governments, and other stakeholders to gather inputs and ensure a participatory approach in decision-making. The recommendations of the Finance Commission are aimed at improving the quality of public spending and promoting fiscal stability. By evaluating the financial position of the Union and state governments, the Commission provides guidance on fiscal management, resource allocation, and expenditure priorities. What is the 15th Finance Commission? The Finance Commission is a constitutional body that determines the method and formula for distributing the tax proceeds between the Centre and states, and among the states as per the constitutional arrangement and present requirements. Under Article 280 of the Constitution, the President of India is required to constitute a Finance Commission at an interval of five years or earlier. The 15th Finance Commission was constituted by the President of India in November 2017, under the chairmanship of NK Singh. Its recommendations will cover a period of five years from the year 2021-22 to 2025-26. Separate heads of taxation are no head of taxation in the Concurrent List (Union and the States have no concurrent power of taxation).[8] The list of thirteen Union heads of taxation and the list of nineteen State heads are given below: Central government of India]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/history-of-indian-tax-devolution-system/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Evolution of Indian Parliament]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/evolution-of-indian-parliament/ After independence, the Constituent Assembly of India was elected to write the Constitution, which came into force on January 26, 1950. The Assembly was disbanded, and succeeded by the Parliament of India, which is active to this day. During British rule, the legislative branch of India was the Imperial Legislative Council, which was created in 1861 via the Indian Councils Act of 1861and disbanded in 1947, when India gained independence. Following independence, the Constituent Assembly of India was elected to write the Constitution of India. It was adopted by the Constituent Assembly on 26th November 1949 and came into force on 26th January 1950, the Constituent Assembly of India was disbanded, and succeeded by the Parliament of India, which is active to this day. The constitution is the supreme law of India. This is a written document which lays down the framework demarcating fundamental basic code, structure, procedures, powers, and duties of Government and its organizations and rights & duties of the citizen. At the time of its adoption, the Constitution contained 395 Articles and 8 Schedules and was about 145,000 words long, making it the longest national Constitution to ever be adopted. The Parliament Parliament is the supreme legislative body of India. The Indian Parliament comprises of the President and the two Houses - Rajya Sabha (Council of States) and Lok Sabha (House of the People). The President has the power to summon and prorogue either House of Parliament or to dissolve Lok Sabha. The first general elections under the new Constitution were held during the year 1951-52 and the first elected Parliament came into existence in April, 1952. The Constitution of India, republican in character and federal in structure, embodies the salient features of the parliamentary system. It provides for a Parliament for the Union consisting of the President and the two Houses, namely, the Rajya Sabha (Council of States) and the Lok Sabha (House of the People); a Union Executive, drawn from both the Houses of Parliament and collectively responsible to the Lok Sabha. Ensuring thereby an intimate relationship between the Union Executive and Parliament; a head of the State called the President of India, acting on the aid and advice of the Union Council of Ministers; a number of States with basic provisions, parallel to those for the Union in respect of the Executive and Legislature of each State; Rule of law; independent Judiciary and a permanent Civil Service. The Parliament in India is not a sovereign body, it functions within the bounds of a written Constitution. The authority and jurisdiction of Parliament are limited by the distribution of powers between the Union and the States and by the incorporation of a code of justifiable fundamental rights in the Constitution. There is also provision for judicial review which means that all laws passed by Parliament must be in conformity with the provisions of the Constitution and liable to be tested for constitutionality by an independent Judiciary. All these provisions tend to qualify the nature and extent of the authority and jurisdiction of Parliament. The biggest law-making assembly of India is Parliament, which constitutes President, Lok Sabha, and Rajya Sabha. Interesting facts about the first and old building of the Parliament and its function are presented below: =Edwin Lutyens and Herbert Baker are the architects who designed the model of Parliament. The stone laying for the inauguration of constructing parliament was made on 12 February,1921. The construction was completed in January 18 1927 after 6 years. =The inauguration of parliament building was made by the then Indian Viceroy, Lord Irwin. The area of Parliament compound is about 6 Acres. There are 12 doors for entry into the parliament. The central hall is in the middle of parliament mandir. It was in central hall, the transfer of British governance to Indians took place and was in August 151947. =The area of Lok Sabha Hall in Parliament is 446 square meters. The seats in Lok Sabha are arranged in the manner of Horse Shed. There are around 550 seats for the members of Lok Sabha. =The floor is covered with green color carpet in Lok Sabha. The members of ruling party are seated in right side, whereas opposition party members are seated in left side of Lok Sabha. Red colored carpet is covered in the floors of Rajya Sabha. = There are around 250 seats for the members in Rajya Sabha. The seats in Rajya Sabha are arranged in the manner of Semi Circle. =The members of Rajya Sabha were elected directly by the people. The duration of each member of Lok Sabha is five years. Speaker is the Presiding Officer of Lok Sabha. =President can arrange the joint meeting of both Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. =GV Mavalankar is the first Lok Sabha speaker of parliament. =Lok Sabha came into existence in 1952 April 17. The first meeting was conducted in 1952 May 13. Rajya Sabha is the continuous assembly of Parliament, and it cannot be dismissed. Six years is the duration of each Rajya Sabha assembly. =The total members of Rajya Sabha are 250. Of these 250 members, 12 members were nominated by the president. It was in 1952 April 3, Rajya Sabha came into existence. =The major difference between lok sabha and rajya sabha interior is the colour of the furniture. Lok Sabha is usually green in colour and Rajya Sabha is red. Lok Sabha The Lok Sabha is composed of representatives of people chosen by direct election on the basis of Universal Adult Suffrage. The Constitution of India allows for a maximum of 550 members in the House, with 530 members representing the States and 20 representing the Union Territories. At present, the Lok Sabha has 543 seats filled by elected representatives. The term of the Lok Sabha, unless dissolved, is five years from the date appointed for its first meeting. However, while a proclamation of emergency is in operation, this period may be extended by Parliament by law for a period not exceeding one year at a time and not extending in any case, beyond a period of six months after the proclamation has ceased to operate. As per the provision of Article 79 of Indian Constitution, the House of the People, the Lok Sabha is the lower House of the parliament. Lok Sabha is composed of representatives of the people chosen by direct election on the basis of the adult suffrage. The maximum strength of the House envisaged by the Constitution is 552. Budget in Parliament Ours is a parliamentary system of Government based on the Westminster model. The Constitution has, therefore, vested the power over the purse in the hands of chosen representatives of the people, thus sanctifying the principle ‘no taxation without representation’. Preparation of Budget for the approval of the Legislature is a constitutional obligation of the Government, both at the Centre and the State levels. Legislative prerogative over taxation, legislative control over expenditure and executive initiative in financial matters are some of the fundamental principles of the system of parliamentary financial control. There are specific provisions in the Constitution of India incorporating these tenets. Rajya Sabha The Rajya Sabha should consist of not more than 250 members - 238 members representing the States and Union Territories, and 12 members nominated by the President. Rajya Sabha is a permanent body and is not subject to dissolution. However, one third of the members retire every second year, and are replaced by newly elected members. Each member is elected for a term of six years. The Vice President of India is the ex-officio Chairman of Rajya Sabha. The House also elects a Deputy Chairman from among its members. Besides, there is also a panel of "Vice Chairmen" in the Rajya Sabha. The senior most minister, who is a member of Rajya Sabha, is appointed by the Prime Minister as Leader of the House, according to india.gov.in data. Council of States i.e. Rajya Sabha is the Upper House of the Indian Parliament. Rajya Sabha consists of the representatives of the States and the Union Territories and persons nominated by the President of India. The Vice-President of India is the ex-officio Chairman of Rajya Sabha. Rajya Sabha also chooses from amongst its Members, a Deputy Chairman. In the absence of the Chairman, Deputy Chairman preside, according to https://sansad.in/rs. Old Building (Samvidhan Sadan) The old Parliament House (Samvidhan Sadan) is located in New Delhi. It was designed by Edwin Lutyens and Herbert Baker, who were made responsible for the planning and construction of New Delhi by the British government, as the home of the Central Legislative Assembly, the Council of State, and the Chamber of Princes. The construction of the building took six years, and the opening ceremony was performed on 18 January 1927 by the viceroy and governor-general of India, Lord Irwin. The construction cost for the building was ₹8.3 million (US$100,000). The building is 21 metres (70 ft) tall, 170 metres (560 ft) in diameter and covers an area of 2.29 hectares (5.66 acres). The Central Hall consists of the chambers of the Lok Sabha, the Rajya Sabha, and the Library hall. Surrounding these three chambers is the four-storeyed circular structure providing accommodations for members and houses parliamentary committees, offices and the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs. The center and the focus of the building is the Central Hall. It consists of chambers of the Lok Sabha, the Rajya Sabha, and the Library Hall, and between them lie garden courts. Surrounding these three chambers is the four-storeyed circular structure providing accommodations for ministers, chairmen, parliamentary committees, party offices, important offices of the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha Secretariat, and also the offices of the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs. The Central Hall is circular in shape and the dome is 30 metres (98 ft) in diameter. It is a place of historical importance. The Indian Constitution was framed in the Central Hall. The Central Hall was originally used in the library of the erstwhile Central Legislative Assembly and the Council of States. In 1946, it was converted and refurbished into the Constituent Assembly Hall. New Building (Sansad Bhavan) A new parliament building was inaugurated on May 28, 2023.[14] The old building, an 85-year-old structure suffers from inadequacy of space to house members and their staff and is thought to suffer from structural issues. The building also needs to be protected because of its heritage tag. The new building, with a built-up area of approximately 65,000 sq m and a distinctive triangular shape, optimally utilizes space. It houses an expanded Lok Sabha hall, accommodating up to 888 seats, and a larger Rajya Sabha hall, accommodating up to 384 seats, with the Lok Sabha capable of accommodating up to 1,272 seats for joint sessions of Parliament. The Lok Sabha hall draws inspiration from India's national bird, incorporating a peacock theme, while the Rajya Sabha hall is designed with a lotus theme, reflecting India's national flower. Additionally, a state-of-the-art Constitutional Hall symbolically and physically places Indian citizens at the heart of democracy. Prime Minister Narendra Modi laid the foundations for the new Parliament building on 10 December 2020. With an estimated cost of ₹9.71 billion, the new building was inaugurated in 2023. The first session in the New Parliament took place on 19 September 2023. 2001 Terrorist attack On 13 December 2001, Indian Parliament was attacked by an Islamic terrorist group. The perpetrators were Lashkar-e-Taiba (Let) and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) terrorists. The attack led to the deaths of five terrorists, six Delhi Police personnel, two Parliament Security Services personnel, and a gardener, which totaled 14 fatalities. The incident led to increased tensions between India and Pakistan, resulting in the India–Pakistan standoff. 2023 Indian Parliament breach On 13 December 2023, two protestors breached the parliament and entered the Lok Sabha. The parliament security breach was organized by six protestors where two of the accused Sagar Sharma and D Manoranjan, jumped into the chamber from the visitor's gallery, and opened a yellow smoke canister, in an attempt to reach the Speaker's Chair. While outside the parliament, two others, Neelam Devi and Amol Shinde opened aerosol canister releasing a color smoke. The sixth individual, Vishal Sharma, was caught meters away from the parliament after filming and uploading the video of the protest outside Parliament to the social media platforms. The leader of the protestors was Lalit Jha who is affiliated with the Samyabadi Subhas Sabha, a non-governmental organisation in West Bengal, and calls himself teacher on his Instagram profile. The Delhi police told the court that it was well planned attack on the parliament and all the nabbed accused could be affiliated with terrorist organizations. While the police have not officially revealed a motive, both media reports and statements from the families of the accused suggest that the protesters, who were reportedly unemployed, sought to articulate their frustration with the government's policies. Day after the security breach, MP Derek O'Brien of the Rajya Sabha and 13 MPs of Lok Sabha from the Congress and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam parties, were suspended until 22 December for protesting against a security breach in the parliament. A week after the breach, 78 MPs were suspended, most of them part of the INDIA alliance.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/evolution-of-indian-parliament/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Shaping up of Education in India Post: Independence]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/shaping-up-of-education-in-india-post-independence/ Education is an important element in the struggle for human rights. It is the means to help our children and our people rediscover their identity and thereby increase their self-respect. Education in India is a Concurrent List subject, that is both the Indian central government, and the state governments have responsibility for enacting and implementing education policy. The central board and most of the state boards uniformly follow the "10+2" pattern of education.  In this pattern, study of 10 years is done in schools and 2 years in Junior colleges (Maharashtra) or Higher Secondary Schools(most other states), and then 3 years of study for a bachelor's degree. The first 10 years is further subdivided into 8 years of elementary education (5 years Primary School and 3 years Middle School), 2 years of Secondary education followed by 2 years of Higher Secondary Schools or Junior colleges. This pattern originated from the recommendation of the Education Commission of 1964–66. The education is imparted through recognized institutions in the country that comprise of primary school, secondary school, special schools, intermediate schools, colleges and universities which follow courses as prescribed by universities or boards and are also open for inspection by these authorities. Today, we will deep dive on the evolution of school education system in the country. Education in India is primarily managed by the state-run public education system, which falls under the command of the government at three levels: central, state and local. Approximate ratio of the total number of public schools to private schools in India is 10:3. The Parliament of India enacted the Right to Education Act 2009 to grapple with the downward spiral of the education system and poor learning outcomes. The act aims towards providing free and compulsory elementary education to kids between the age group of 6 years to 14 years, according to the government report. Education in India covers different levels and types of learning, such as early childhood education, primary education, secondary education, higher education, and vocational education. It varies significantly according to different factors, such as location (urban or rural), gender, caste, religion, language, and disability. Challenges and Awareness Education in India faces many challenges and opportunities, such as improving access and quality, reducing disparities and dropouts, increasing enrolment and completion rates, enhancing learning outcomes and employability, strengthening governance and accountability, promoting innovation and technology, and addressing the impact of COVID-19 pandemic. It is influenced by various policies and programmes at the national and state levels, such as the National Education Policy 2020, the Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan, the Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan, the Midday Meal Scheme, the Beti Bachao Beti Padhao Scheme, and the National Digital Education Architecture. It is also supported by various stakeholders and partners, such as UNICEF, UNESCO, World Bank, civil society organizations, academic institutions, private sector entities, and media outlets. India and Pakistan were partitioned and given independence in 1947, after which there was remarkable improvement in scientific and technological education and research; illiteracy, however, remained high. The new constitution adopted by India did not change the overall administrative policy of the country. Education continued to be the prime responsibility of the state governments, and the union (central) government continued to assume responsibility for the coordination of educational facilities and the maintenance of appropriate standards in higher education and research and in scientific and technical education. In 1950 the government of India appointed the Planning Commission to prepare a blueprint for the development of different aspects of life, including education. Thereafter, successive plans (usually on a five-year basis) were drawn and implemented. The main goals of these plans were (1) to achieve universal elementary education, (2) to eradicate illiteracy, (3) to establish vocational and skill training programs, (4) to upgrade standards and modernize all stages of education, with special emphasis on technical education, science, and environmental education, on morality, and on the relationship between school and work, and (5) to provide facilities for high-quality education in every district of the country. From 1947 the government of India also appointed three important commissions for suggesting educational reforms. The University Education Commission of 1949 made valuable recommendations regarding the reorganization of courses, techniques of evaluation, media of instruction, student services, and the recruitment of teachers. The Secondary Education Commission of 1952–53 focused mainly on secondary and teacher education. The Education Commission of 1964–66 made a comprehensive review of the entire field of education. It developed a national pattern for all stages of education. The commission’s report led to a resolution on a national policy for education, formally issued by the government of India in July 1968. This policy was revised in 1986. The new policy emphasized educational technology, ethics, and national integration. A core curriculum was introduced to provide a common scheme of studies throughout the country. The national department of education was a part of the Ministry of Human Resource Development, headed by a cabinet minister. A Central Advisory Board of Education counseled the national and state governments. There were several autonomous organizations attached to the Department of Education. The most important bodies were the All-India Council of Technical Education (1945), the University Grants Commission (1953), and the National Council of Educational Research and Training (1961). The first body advised the government on technical education and maintained standards for the development of technical education. The second body promoted and coordinated university education and determined and maintained standards of teaching, examination, and research in the universities. It had the authority to enquire into the financial methods of the universities and to allocate grants. The third body worked to upgrade the quality of school education and assisted and advised the Ministry of Human Resource Development in the implementation of its policies and major programs in the field of education. According to a report by Britannica, the central government ran and maintained about 1,000 central schools for children of central government employees. It also developed schools offering quality education to qualified high achievers, irrespective of ability to pay or socioeconomic background. The seventh five-year plan (1985–90) specified that one such vidyalaya would be set up in each district. The state governments were responsible for all other elementary and secondary education. Conditions, in general, were not satisfactory, although they varied from state to state. Higher education was provided in universities and colleges. From the 1950s to the ’80s, the number of educational institutions in India tripled. The primary schools, especially, experienced rapid growth because the states gave highest priority to the universalization of elementary education in order to fulfill the constitutional directive of providing universal, free, and compulsory education for all children up to the age of 14. Most, but not all, children had a primary school within 1 km (0.6 mile) of their homes. A large percentage of these schools, however, were understaffed and did not have adequate facilities. The government, when it revised the national policy for education in 1986, resolved that all children who attained the age of 19 years by 1990 would have five years of formal schooling or its equivalent. Plans were also made to improve or expand adult and nonformal systems of education. Dissension among political parties, industrialists, businessmen, teacher politicians, student politicians, and other groups and the consequent politicization of education hampered progress at every stage, however. India's first Minister of Education Maulana Abul Kalam Azad was the country’s first Minister of Education and he envisaged strong central government control over education throughout the country, with a uniform educational system. Since the country's independence in 1947, the Indian government sponsored a variety of programmes to address the problems of illiteracy in both rural and urban India. The Union government established the University Education Commission (1948–1949), the Secondary Education Commission (1952–1953), University Grants Commission and the Kothari Commission (1964–66) to develop proposals to modernise India's education system. The Resolution on Scientific Policy was adopted by the government of Jawaharlal Nehru, India's first Prime Minister. The Nehru government sponsored the development of high-quality scientific education institutions such as the Indian Institutes of Technology. In 1961, the Union government formed the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) as an autonomous organisation that would advise both the Union and state governments on formulating and implementing education policies. 2020 In 2019, the then Ministry of Education released a Draft New Education Policy 2019, which was followed by a number of public consultations it discusses reducing curriculum content to enhance essential learning, critical thinking and more holistic experiential, discussion-based and analysis-based learning. It also talks about a revision of the curriculum and pedagogical structure from a 10+2 system to a 5+3+3+4 system design in an effort to optimise learning for students based on cognitive development of children. On 29 July 2020, the cabinet approved a new National Education Policy with an aim to introduce several changes to the existing Indian education system which will be introduced in India till 2026. Education policy is prepared by the Central Government and State Governments at national and state levels respectively. The National Policy on Education (NPE), 1986, has provided for environment awareness, science and technology education, and introduction of traditional elements such as Yoga into the Indian secondary school system. A significant feature of India's secondary school system is the emphasis on inclusion of the disadvantaged sections of the society. Professionals from established institutes are often called to support in vocational training. Another feature of India's secondary school system is its emphasis on profession based vocational training to help students attain skills for finding a vocation of his/her choosing. A significant new feature has been the extension of SSA to secondary education in the form of the Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan. Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan (RMSA) which is the most recent initiative of Government of India to achieve the goal of universalisation of secondary education (USE). It is aimed at expanding and improving the standards of secondary education up to class X.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/shaping-up-of-education-in-india-post-independence/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[‘The Reservation! Recognition of social harmony, equality, unity and integrity of India’]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-reservation-recognition-of-social-harmony-equality-unity-and-integrity-of-india/ Intellectuals have often been divided over reservation in India. The differences over reservation have been going on since before independence, not just now. If we look at it, the trend of reservation in Indian society was started by the British. The British did not want a ‘united India’ but an India divided into castes, societies and sects. Divided Hindus and Muslims and then started dividing Hindus. During the Mughal era, all Hindus were equal. This means that whether upper caste or upper caste, the one who was ready to read the Kalma was fine and the one who was not was a slave or enemy. The British did not pay attention to the castes of Muslims. Because Muslims were more fanatic than Hindus. If an attempt was made to divide Muslims into castes, the British could have suffered losses. Secondly, even after 700 years of Mughal rule, the number of Hindus in India was large. Therefore, dividing Hindus into castes and sects was easy for them and necessary for running the government. On the one hand, the British kept on exploiting the poor by giving patronage to the kings, princes, kings and feudal lords and on the other hand, they kept increasing the hatred towards the upper castes among the poor and Dalits. Anyway, There is a thousand years old history of dividing Hindus among themselves. The system of reservation which was created by the British to divide the Indian society became synonymous with social harmony, equality, unity and integrity in independent India. Now a law of 33 percent reservation for women has also been made in India. Reservation before independence Quota systems favoring certain castes and other communities existed in British colonial India. In 1882 and 1891, the seeds of division of Indian society or rather reservation were sown. At the instigation of the British, Maharaja Chhatrapati Shahu of Kolhapur state introduced reservation in favor of non-Brahmin and backward classes. The first attempt to provide free education to Dalits was made in 1902. Hostels were also built for them. He also tried to ensure that people thus educated found suitable employment, and appealed for both a class-free India and the abolition of untouchability. In 1902 itself, provision of 50 percent reservation for backward communities was made. In 1918, at the behest of several non-Brahmin organizations criticizing Brahmin dominance in the administration, Raja Nalawadi Krishnaraja Wadiyar of Mysore formed a committee to implement reservation for non-Brahmins in government jobs and education. On 16 September 1921, the first Justice Party came in to existence. British government passed the first Communal Government Order (G.O. 613), thereby becoming the first elected body in Indian legislative history to legislate on reservation, which has since become the standard throughout the country . Privious to this, British Parliament at Westminster incorporated elements of reservation in the Government of India Act of 1909 and also took several other measures regarding before independence. An important thing that emerged from the Round Table Conference of June 1932 was that British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald proposed the Communal Award. According to which Indian Muslims, Sikhs, Indian Christians and Anglo-Indians were given separate representation from the overall Indian Hindu society. Baba Saheb Bhimrao Ambedar was present there when this resolution was being passed. Depressed classes were assigned a number of seats to be filled by election from constituencies, roughly corresponding to STs and SCs, in which only citizens falling under STs and SCs could vote. Other general category people did not have the right to vote on those seats. Whereas ST/SC people could vote on other seats. After opposition from Mahatma Gandhi, Ambedkar agreed to common voting constituency. He got in exchange 141 seats were reserved category or Dalit candidates in the elections. But one part of the Communal Award remained applicable in India, that is, separate constituencies from hindus were created for the Sikh community. This means that the ploy of the British to separate the Sikhs from the Hindus was successful. Muslims constituencies were already seprated. In the history of slavery reservation, it was called Poona Act. After Independence Baba Saheb Bhimrao Ambedkar made the Constitution of independent India and the articles of 330 of the Constitution, the members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are given representation in the Lok Sabha on the basis of population ratio, hence SC-ST quota has been given a place in it as per the present legal system. When reservation was implemented for the first time, its time limit was only 10 years. Some major initiatives were taken in favor of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SC and ST) after India's independence in 1947, in favor of OBC (Other Backward Castes) after 1980s and for the general category poor in 2019. The first program regarding reservation in India was started in 1950. A common form of caste discrimination in India was the practice of untouchability. The Constitution of independent India declared this practice illegal Punishable . In 1954, the Ministry of Education suggested that 20 per cent seats should be reserved for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in educational institutions, with provision for relaxation of 5 per cent in the minimum qualifying marks for admission to classes, wherever necessary. Needed In 1982, the government decided that 15 percent and 7.5 percent of vacancies in public sector and government-aided educational institutions should be reserved for SC and ST candidates respectively. Earlier in 1979, a significant change began when the Mandal Commission or Socially and Educationally Backward Classes (SEBC) Commission was established to assess the condition of the socially and educationally backward classes. The Commission did not have accurate population figures for OBCs. Therefore 1931 census data was utilised. In 1980, the Commission's report recommended that a reserved quota of 27 percent should be implemented for OBCs. The Commission's report called for similar changes for admission to institutions of higher education, except where states already had more liberal systems. The recommendations were not implemented in central government jobs until the 1990s. In 2019 the government announced 10% reservation in educational institutions and government jobs for the economically weaker section of the general category. Article 15(4) The Article 15(4) of The Constitution of India says in: "Nothing contained in [Article 15] or clause (2) of Article 29 shall be construed as a provision for the State to prevent any socially and educationally backward class and citizens belonging to the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes." No special provisions will be prevented from being made for the advancement of these above classes." Article 46 of the Constitution states that "The Governmnet shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and particularly the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation." When reservation began to be linked to vote politics rather then social upliftment, the Supreme Court of India ruled in 1992 that reservation could not exceed 50 percent, anything above that would violate the equal access guaranteed by the Constitution. Thus the Supreme Court drew one Lakshman line of reservation. The most recent amendment to the Constitution, done in 2019, is more than 50%. Apart from this, there are some states where reservation exceeds the limit of 50 percent, although some cases are pending in the Supreme Court. In the state of Tamil Nadu, caste-based reservation is 69 percent and applies to about 87 percent of the population. On 7 November 2022, the Supreme Court of India, while delivering judgment on Janhit Abhiyan vs Union of India Writ Petition (Civil) No (s) of 2019, held that the 103rd Amendment of the Constitution providing 10% reservation for unreserved economically weaker sections is valid. The Supreme Court also held that the limit of 50% is not applicable on this EWS reservation. Affirmative action on economic grounds can go a long way in eliminating caste-based reservations. This constitutional amendment increased the total reservation in central institutions to 59.50%. Nari Shakti Vandan Act i.e. 33 percent reservation for women 27 years ago, a proposal to reserve 33 percent elections for women was brought in the Indian Parliament. Governments kept coming and going. But the law could not be made. But in the second term of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the new Parliament House, the first law became the Women's Reservation Act. However, the impact of this law will be clearly visible after the delimitation of legislative and parliamentary constituencies. This means that in the 2029 general elections, there will be only women candidates on 33 percent seats. 33 percent women representatives will be seen on the seats of Lok Sabha, Rajya Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies. Affirmative action or similar policies exist in various forms in several countries to address historical inequalities and promote diversity. Here are a few examples: 1. United States: Affirmative action in the U.S. aims to address past and present discrimination against minorities. It involves policies in education and employment, promoting opportunities for African Americans, Hispanics, and other underrepresented groups. 2. South Africa: After the end of apartheid, South Africa implemented Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) policies to address historical imbalances in employment and ownership. These policies aim to uplift the previously disadvantaged black population. 3. Brazil: Brazil has implemented affirmative action policies in higher education, known as cotas, to increase access for Afro-Brazilians and indigenous people. This includes reserved quotas for admissions in public universities. 4. Malaysia: Malaysia has implemented policies such as the New Economic Policy (NEP) to address economic disparities among different ethnic groups. It includes affirmative action in areas like education and business to benefit the Malay majority. 5. Canada: While Canada does not have affirmative action at the federal level, some provinces have implemented policies to increase representation of indigenous people and other minority groups in various sectors. 6. Norway: Norway has implemented gender quotas for corporate boards, requiring a certain percentage of women to be represented. This is not a form of affirmative action based on race or ethnicity but focuses on gender diversity. It's important to note that the specifics of these policies vary widely, and their effectiveness and acceptance also differ among the respective societies. Affirmative action remains a complex and debated topic globally, with each country adapting approaches based on its unique historical context and societal needs.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-reservation-recognition-of-social-harmony-equality-unity-and-integrity-of-india/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[The Journey of Indian Rupee]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-journey-of-indian-rupee/ Indian rupee was in fashion and widely accepted way before the Independence. Let’s deep dive and understand the journey of Indian rupee. Rupee in the country had traversed a long journey. It witnessed lots of changes, twists and turns, and also demonetization twice. India won its independence on 15th August, 1947. During the period of transition India retained the monetary system and the currency and coinage of the earlier period. While Pakistan introduced a new series of coins in 1948 and notes in 1949, India brought out its distinctive coins on 15th August, 1950. Ancient Times The history of the rupee traces back to ancient times in the Indian subcontinent. The mention of rpya by Pini is seemingly the earliest reference in a text about coins. The term in Indian subcontinent was used for referring to a coin. The word "rupee" is derived from a Sanskrit word "rpya", which means "wrought silver", and maybe also something stamped with an image or a coin. Arthashastra, written by Chanakya, prime minister to the first Maurya emperor Chandragupta Maurya (c. 340–290 BC), mentions silver coins as rpyarpa. In the intermediate times there was no fixed monetary system as reported by the Great Tang Records on the Western Regions. Mughal Era Sher Shah Suri, during his five-year rule from 1540 to 1545, set up a new civic and military administration and issued a coin of silver, weighing 178 grains, which was also termed Rupiya. The Mughal rulers issued coins etched with the Hindu deities in 1604–1605. The coins depicting Ram and Sita were issued in both silver and gold; minting ended right after Akbar's death in 1605.The silver coin remained in use during the Mughal period, Maratha era, as well as in British India. The Indian rupee was a silver-based currency during much of the 19th century, which had severe consequences on the standard value of the currency, as stronger economies were on the gold standard. British Rule During British rule, and the first decade of independence, the rupee was subdivided into 16 annas. Each anna was subdivided into 4 pices. So one rupee was equal to 64 pice (paisa) and 192 pies as 1 Pice was equal to 3 pies. In 1957, decimalisation occurred and the rupee was divided into 100 naye paise. After a few years, the initial "naye" was dropped. For many years in the early and mid-20th century, the Indian rupee was the official currency in several areas that were controlled by the British and governed from India; areas such as East Africa, Southern Arabia and the Persian Gulf.In the intermediate times there is no fixed monetary system as reported by the Da Tang Xi Yu Ji. The British settlements in Western India, South India, and the Eastern Province of Bengal (Calcutta) independently developed different coinages in consonance with the local acceptability of the coins for the purposes of trade.East India Company minted rupee in Bombay, Calcutta and Madras. The coins of Bengal were developed in the Mughal style and those of Madras mostly in a South Indian style. The English coins of Western India developed along Mughal as well as English patterns. It was only in AD 1717 that the British obtained permission from the Emperor Farrukh Siyar to coin Mughal money at the Bombay mint. The British gold coins were termed Carolina, the silver coins Anglina, the copper coins Cupperoon and tin coins Tinny. By early 1830, the British had become the dominant power in India. The Coinage Act of 1835 provided for uniform coinage throughout India. The new coins had the effigy of William IV on the obverse and the value on the reverse in English and Persian. The coins issued after 1840 bore the portrait of Queen Victoria. The first coinage under the crown was issued in 1862 and in 1877 Queen Victoria assumed the title the Empress of India. The gold silver ratio widened during 1870–1910. Unlike India, Britain was on the gold standard. To meet the Home Charges (i.e., expenditure in England) the colonial government had to remit a larger number of rupees due to the ratio change; this necessitated increased taxation and unrest. The 1911 accession to the throne of the King-Emperor George V led to the famous "pig rupee". On the coin, the king appeared wearing the chain of the Order of the Indian Elephant. Through poor engraving, the elephant looked very much like a pig. The Muslim population was enraged and the image had to be quickly redesigned. Introduction of Paper Rupee Among the earliest issues of paper rupees include the Bank of Hindostan (1770–1832), the General Bank of Bengal and Bihar (1773–75, established by Warren Hastings), and the Bengal Bank (1784–1791). Acute shortage of silver during the First World War, led to the introduction of paper currency of one rupee and two and a half rupees. The silver coins of smaller denominations were issued in cupro-nickel. The Second World War led to experiments in coinage where the standard rupee was replaced by the "Quaternary Silver Alloy". The Quaternary Silver coins were issued from 1940. In 1947 these were replaced by pure Nickel coins. Post Independence Immediately after independence, the British coinage was continued. The monetary system remained unchanged at One Rupee consisting of 64 pice, or 192 pies. The "Anna Series" was introduced on 15 August 1950. This was the first coinage of the Republic of India. The King's image was replaced by the Ashoka's Lion Capital. With high inflation in the sixties, small denomination coins which had been made from bronze, nickel-brass, cupro-nickel, and aluminium-bronze were gradually minted in aluminium. This change commenced with the introduction of the new hexagonal 3 paise coin. A twenty paise coin was introduced in 1968 but did not gain much popularity. Over a period, cost-benefit considerations led to the gradual discontinuance of 1, 2 and 3 paise coins in the 1970s. Stainless steel coinage of 10, 25 and 50 paise was introduced in 1988 and of one rupee in 1992. The very considerable costs of managing note issues of 1, 2, and 5 led to the gradual replacement of notes by coins for these denominations in the 1990s. Since its Independence in 1947, Indian rupee was adopted as currency in the nation. During this period almost till mid 1960's Indian rupee was also a legal tender in Trucial States, Oman, Bahrain and Kuwait. The price of 16 Annas was 1 rupee in 1947. The demand for decimalization existed for over a century. Sri Lanka decimalised its rupee in 1869. The Indian Coinage Act was amended in September 1955 for the adoption of a decimal system for coinage from 1 April 1957. The rupee remained unchanged in value and nomenclature. It, however, was now divided into 100 'Paisa' instead of 16 Annas or 96 paisa or 64 Pice. For public recognition, the new decimal Paisa was termed 'Naya Paisa' until 1 June 1964 when the term 'Naya' was dropped. India won its independence on 15th August, 1947. During the period of transition India retained the monetary system and the currency and coinage of the earlier period. While Pakistan introduced a new series of coins in 1948 and notes in 1949, India brought out its distinctive coins on 15th August, 1950. Chronologically, the main considerations influencing the coinage policy of Republic India over time have been: • The incorporation of symbols of sovereignty and indigenous motifs on independence; • Coinage Reforms with the introduction of the metric system; • The need felt from time to time to obviate the possibility of the metallic value of coins rising beyond the face value; • The cost-benefit of coinisation of currency notes Independent India Issues could broadly be categorised as The Frozen Series 1947-1950 This represented the currency arrangements during the transition period upto the establishment of the Indian Republic. The Monetary System remained unchanged at One Rupee consisting of 192 pies. 1 Rupee = 16 Annas 1 Anna = 4 Pice 1 Pice = 3 Pies The Anna Series This series was introduced on 15th August, 1950 and represented the first coinage of Republic India. The King's Portrait was replaced by the Lion Capital of the Ashoka Pillar. A corn sheaf replaced the Tiger on the one Rupee coin. In some ways this symbolised a shift in focus to progress and prosperity. Indian motifs were incorporated on other coins. The monetary system was largely retained unchanged with one Rupee consisting of 16 Annas. The Decimal Series The move towards decimalisation was afoot for over a century. However, it was in September, 1955 that the Indian Coinage Act was amended for the country to adopt a metric system for coinage. The Act came into force with effect from 1st April, 1957. The rupee remained unchanged in value and nomenclature. It, however, was now divided into 100 'Paisa' instead of 16 Annas or 64 Pice. For public recognition, the new decimal Paisa was termed 'Naya Paisa' till 1st June, 1964 when the term 'Naya' was dropped. Naya Paisa Series 1957-1964 With commodity prices rising in the sixties, small denomination coins which were made of bronze, nickel-brass, cupro-nickel, and Aluminium-Bronze were gradually minted in Aluminium. This change commenced with the introduction of the new hexagonal 3 paise coin. A twenty paise coin was introduced in 1968 but did not gain much popularity. Aluminium Series 1964 onwards Over a period of time, cost benefit considerations led to the gradual discontinuance of 1, 2 and 3 paise coins in the seventies; Stainless steel coinage of 10, 25 and 50 paise, was introduced in 1988 and of one rupee in 1992. The very considerable costs of managing note issues of Re 1, Rs 2, and Rs 5 led to the gradual coinisation of these denominations in the 1990s. Contemporary Coins Currently, the government has stopped minting and printing Indian rupee of lower denomination. The highest denomination coin is of 20 rupees. Size of all coins become round and size got smaller. Indian currency began with a devaluation in 1949 due to devaluation of Pound sterling. However, since India's trade was largely in Pound sterling it did not register much impact like the two major devaluations of the rupee: In 1966 and 1991 in the face of economic crisis. From 1950, India ran continued trade deficits that increased in magnitude in the 1960s. Furthermore, the Government of India had a budget deficit problem and could not borrow money from abroad or from the private corporate sector, due to that sector's negative savings rate. The Indo-Pakistan War of 1965 led the US and other countries friendly towards Pakistan to withdraw foreign aid to India, which necessitated more devaluation. Another factor leading to devaluation was the drought of 1965/1966 which resulted in a sharp rise in prices. By 1979, it was trading at around 6 British pence. Finally, by the end of 1989, the Indian Rupee had plunged to an all-time low of 3 British pence. The Reserve Bank of India is India's central bank and regulatory body responsible for regulation of the Indian banking system. Reserve Bank of India and Government of India adopted multiple adjustments to Indian rupee following the Nixon shock of 1971 and Smithsonian Agreement. The currency gradually shifted from Par value system to pegged system and to basket peg by 1975. In 1991, India still had a fixed exchange system, where the rupee was pegged to the value of a basket of currencies of major trading partners. India started having the balance of payments problems since 1985, and by the end of 1990, it found itself in serious economic trouble. The government was close to default and its foreign exchange reserves had dried up to the point that India could barely finance three weeks’ worth of imports. As in 1966, India faced high inflation and large government budget deficits. This led the government to devalue the rupee. At the end of 1999, the Indian Rupee was devalued considerably. Revaluation In the period between 2000 and 2007, the Rupee stopped declining and stabilised ranging between 1$ = 44– 48. In late 2007, the Indian Rupee reached a record high of 39 Indian national rupee per United States dollars, on account of sustained foreign investment flows into the country. The trend reversed with the 2008 world financial crisis as Foreign investors transferred huge sums out to their own countries. 2013 Depreciation Due to stagnant reforms, and declining foreign investment, rupee started depreciating in the early 2013. Measures were announced by the government before this drop to prevent it from dropping further, but none managed to slow down the depreciation. After continued depreciation, and high inflation, the then Prime Minister of India, Manmohan Singh, made a statement in the Parliament of India on the issue. He was of the view that, the present depreciation is partly led by global factors as well as domestic factors. He also asked the political parties to help his government, tide over the crisis that the country was facing with rupee losing its value. 2016 Demonetisation 2016 saw the discontinuation of 500 and 1,000 notes due to the 2016 Indian bank note demonetisation and consequently the introduction of new a 500 note, and a 2,000 note- a first for the currency. Later on, new notes of old denominations viz. 10, 20, 50 and 100 were issued with old notes of the same value still being legal tender. A 200 note, also a first for the Indian Rupee, is currently in circulation. 2023 Currency recall In May 2023, the Reserve Bank of India started withdrawing the 2,000 notes from circulation.The 2,000 bank note which was introduced in 2016 however, will remain in legal tender until September 2023 according to RBI. One among the main reason of removing it from circulation is the low rate of its use to the Indian current market economy and its printing was stopped as of 2018 - 2019.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/the-journey-of-indian-rupee/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[MAKING OF THE SUPREME COURT OF INDIA]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/making-of-the-supreme-court-of-india/ Presidents come and go, but the Supreme Court goes on forever. It is a popular quote by renowned American Historian Henry Fowles Pringle in 1939. Since then over eight decades have passed but his quote still holds the same gravity and relevance. India has one of the oldest legal systems in the world. Its law and jurisprudence stretches back into the centuries, forming a living tradition which has grown and evolved with the lives of its diverse people. India's commitment to law is created in the Constitution which constituted India into a Sovereign Democratic Republic, containing a federal system with a Parliamentary form of Government in the Union and the States, an independent judiciary, guaranteed Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy containing objectives which though not enforceable in law are fundamental to the governance of the nation. SOURCES OF LAW According to the https://main.sci.gov.in/constitution, the fountain source of law in India is the Constitution which, in turn, gives due recognition to statutes, case law and customary law consistent with its dispensations. Statutes are enacted by Parliament, State Legislatures and Union Territory Legislatures. There is also a vast body of laws known as subordinate legislation in the form of rules, regulations as well as by-laws made by Central and State Governments and local authorities like Municipal Corporations, Municipalities, Gram Panchayats and other local bodies. This subordinate legislation is made under the authority conferred or delegated either by Parliament or State or Union Territory Legislature concerned. The decisions of the Supreme Court are binding on all Courts within the territory of India. As India is a land of diversities, local customs and conventions which are not against statute, morality, etc. are to a limited extent also recognised and taken into account by Courts while administering justice in certain spheres. ENACTMENT OF LAWS The Indian Parliament is competent to make laws on matters enumerated in the Union List. State Legislatures are competent to make laws on matters enumerated in the State List. While both the Union and the States have power to legislate on matters enumerated in the Concurrent List, only Parliament has power to make laws on matters not included in the State List or the Concurrent List. In the event of repugnancy, laws made by Parliament shall prevail over laws made by State Legislatures, to the extent of the repugnancy. The State law shall be void unless it has received the assent of the President, and in such case, shall prevail in that State. APPLICABILITY OF LAWS Laws made by Parliament may extend throughout or in any part of the territory of India and those made by State Legislatures may generally apply only within the territory of the State concerned. Hence, variations are likely to exist from State to State in provisions of law relating to matters falling in the State and Concurrent Lists. JUDICIARY One of the unique features of the Indian Constitution is that, notwithstanding the adoption of a federal system and existence of Central Acts and State Acts in their respective spheres, it has generally provided for a single integrated system of Courts to administer both Union and State laws. At the apex of the entire judicial system, exists the Supreme Court of India below which are the High Courts in each State or group of States. Below the High Courts lies a hierarchy of Subordinate Courts. Panchayat Courts also function in some States under various names like Nyaya Panchayat, Panchayat Adalat, Gram Kachheri, etc. to decide civil and criminal disputes of petty and local nature. Different State laws provide for different kinds of jurisdiction of courts. Each State is divided into judicial districts presided over by a District and Sessions Judge, which is the principal civil court of original jurisdiction and can try all offences including those punishable with death. The Sessions Judge is the highest judicial authority in a district. Below him, there are Courts of civil jurisdiction, known in different States as Munsifs, Sub-Judges, Civil Judges and the like. Similarly, the criminal judiciary comprises the Chief Judicial Magistrates and Judicial Magistrates of First and Second Class. CONSTITUTION OF SUPREME COURT On the 28th of January, 1950, two days after India became a Sovereign Democratic Republic, the Supreme Court came into being. The inauguration took place in the Chamber of Princes in the Parliament building which also housed India's Parliament, consisting of the Council of States and the House of the People. It was here, in this Chamber of Princes, that the Federal Court of India had sat for 12 years between 1937 and 1950. This was to be the home of the Supreme Court for years that were to follow until the Supreme Court acquired its own present premises. The inaugural proceedings were simple but impressive. They began at 9.45 a.m. when the Judges of the Federal Court - Chief Justice Harilal J.Kania and Justices Saiyid Fazl Ali, M. Patanjali Sastri, Mehr Chand Mahajan, Bijan Kumar Mukherjea and S.R.Das - took their seats. In attendance were the Chief Justices of the High Courts of Allahabad, Bombay, Madras, Orissa, Assam, Nagpur, Punjab, Saurashtra, Patiala and the East Punjab States Union, Mysore, Hyderabad, Madhya Bharat and Travancore-Cochin. Along with the Attorney General for India, M.C. Setalvad were present the Advocate Generals of Bombay, Madras, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, East Punjab, Orissa, Mysore, Hyderabad and Madhya Bharat. Present too, were the Prime Minister, other Ministers, Ambassadors and diplomatic representatives of foreign States, a large number of Senior and other Advocates of the Court and other distinguished visitors. Taking care to ensure that the Rules of the Supreme Court were published and the names of all the Advocates and agents of the Federal Court were brought on the rolls of the Supreme Court, the inaugural proceedings were over and put under part of the record of the Supreme Court. After its inauguration on January 28, 1950, the Supreme Court commenced its sittings in a part of the Parliament House. The Court moved into the present building in 1958. The building is shaped to project the image of scales of justice. The Central Wing of the building is the Centre Beam of the Scales. In 1979, two New Wings - the East Wing and the West Wing - were added to the complex. In all there are 19 Court Rooms in the various wings of the building. The Chief Justice's Court is the largest of the Courts located in the Centre of the Central Wing. The original Constitution of 1950 envisaged a Supreme Court with a Chief Justice and 7 puisne Judges - leaving it to Parliament to increase this number. In the early years, all the Judges of the Supreme Court sat together to hear the cases presented before them. As the work of the Court increased and arrears of cases began to cumulate, Parliament increased the number of Judges from 8 in 1950 to 11 in 1956, 14 in 1960, 18 in 1978, 26 in 1986, 31 in 2009 and 34 in 2019 (current strength). As the number of the Judges has increased, they sit in smaller Benches of two and three - coming together in larger Benches of 5 and more only when required to do so or to settle a difference of opinion or controversy. The Supreme Court of India comprises the Chief Justice and not more than 33 other Judges appointed by the President of India. Supreme Court Judges retire upon attaining the age of 65 years. In order to be appointed as a Judge of the Supreme Court, a person must be a citizen of India and must have been, for atleast five years, a Judge of a High Court or of two or more such Courts in succession, or an Advocate of a High Court or of two or more such Courts in succession for at least 10 years or he must be, in the opinion of the President, a distinguished jurist. Provisions exist for the appointment of a Judge of a High Court as an Ad-hoc Judge of the Supreme Court and for retired Judges of the Supreme Court or High Courts to sit and act as Judges of that Court. The Constitution seeks to ensure the independence of Supreme Court Judges in various ways. A Judge of the Supreme Court cannot be removed from office except by an order of the President passed after an address in each House of Parliament supported by a majority of the total membership of that House and by a majority of not less than two-thirds of members present and voting, and presented to the President in the same Session for such removal on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity. A person who has been a Judge of the Supreme Court is debarred from practising in any court of law or before any other authority in India. The proceedings of the Supreme Court are conducted in English only. Supreme Court Rules, 1966 and Supreme Court Rules 2013 are framed under Article 145 of the Constitution to regulate the practice and procedure of the Supreme Court. SUPREME COURT REGISTRY The Registry of the Supreme Court is headed by the Secretary General who is assisted in his work by eleven Registrars, and twenty five Additional Registrars etc. Article 146 of the Constitution deals with the appointments of officers and servants of the Supreme Court Registry. ATTORNEY GENERAL The Attorney General for India is appointed by the President of India under Article 76 of the Constitution and holds office during the pleasure of the President. He must be a person qualified to be appointed as a Judge of the Supreme Court. It is the duty of the Attorney General for India to give advice to the Government of India upon such legal matters and to perform such other duties of legal character as may be referred or assigned to him by the President. In the performance of his duties, he has the right of audience in all Courts in India as well as the right to take part in the proceedings of Parliament without the right to vote. In discharge of his functions, the Attorney General is assisted by a Solicitor General and twenty three Additional Solicitors General. SUPREME COURT ADVOCATES There are three categories of Advocates who are entitled to practise law before the Supreme Court of India:- (i) SENIOR ADVOCATES These are Advocates who are designated as Senior Advocates by the Supreme Court of India or by any High Court. The Court can designate any Advocate, with his consent, as Senior Advocate if in its opinion by virtue of his ability, standing at the Bar or special knowledge or experience in law the said Advocate is deserving of such distinction. A Senior Advocate is not entitled to appear without an Advocate-on-Record in the Supreme Court or without a junior in any other court or tribunal in India. He is also not entitled to accept instructions to draw pleadings or affidavits, advise on evidence or do any drafting work of an analogous kind in any court or tribunal in India or undertake conveyancing work of any kind whatsoever but this prohibition shall not extend to settling any such matter as aforesaid in consultation with a junior. (ii) ADVOCATES-ON-RECORD Only these Advocates are entitled to file any matter or document before the Supreme Court. They can also file an appearance or act for a party in the Supreme Court. (iii) OTHER ADVOCATES These are Advocates whose names are entered on the roll of any State Bar Council maintained under the Advocates Act, 1961 and they can appear and argue any matter on behalf of a party in the Supreme Court but they are not entitled to file any document or matter before the Court.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/making-of-the-supreme-court-of-india/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Chronicling Gyanvapi dispute]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/chronicling-gyanvapi-dispute/ The Hindus had begun the struggle over three decades ago to claim back the Gyanvapi Temple from the Muslims. This 33 years old struggle of Hindus remained tolerant and fair. Another significant fact is that currently 24 cases pertaining to Gyanvapi are pending in the court. So, this is not only end of struggle, but the process warrants more patience. Actually, before the current survey report of ASI, the Advocate Commissioner conducted the survey. Since questions were raised every time on the advocate survey. This time, Hindu side demanded a scientific survey before the court. For this survey, the lawyers of the Hindu side had to work hard from the District Court to the Supreme Court. Ultimately, the Supreme Court had directed the Allahabad High Court to take a call again after hearing the arguments of the Muslim side. Ultimately, the High Court ordered a scientific survey by the ASI and on 25 January 2024, the report of the survey was made public on the orders of the Court. As soon as this report public came in to public domain, The Hindu side’s lawyer Vishnu Jain put the report before the media at 10 pm and told that ASI has clearly mentioned that,  ‘on the basis of the evidence found during the survey, it can be said, “there a big temple structure was existed and Mosque was built on that.” After Gyanvapi’s survey report became public and continued to be in the media headlines, Vishwa Hindu Parishad National President Alok Kumar shared a video and text message on a social media platform. In which he said that the evidence collected and findings provided by the ASI prove that the religious character of this place of worship was in existence on August 15, 1947 and is a Hindu temple at present. Thus, also as per Section 4 of the Places of Worship Act, 1991, the structure should be declared a Hindu temple. At the same time, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad also suggested that Hindus be allowed to perform the Seva Puja of the Shivalinga found in the so-called Vazukhana area, and that the Intezamia Committee respectfully shift the mosque to some other suitable place. Let us now tell you how the ASI report became public on January 25, and what had happened there on...! Following the issuing the ASI survey report on the Gyanvapi complex from the Varanasi district court at 10 pm on Thursday, January 25th, a renewed wave in Hindus swept across India. This issue is not only resonating in North India but also reached the southern states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, and Tamil Nadu. The evidence unearthed by ASI during the survey drew the focus of Hindu-Sanatanis from North to South in India on this issue. Professor Alok Tripathi is the key person who prepared the ASI report and submitted to the court with the help of eight individuals holding doctorate degrees, including two Muslims. Drawing on references from various sources such as Shatapath Brahmana, Gopath Brahmana, Brahadranayaka Upanishad, Panini’s Ashtadhyayi, Mahabharata’s Anushasna Parva, and Buddhist texts like Mahavastu, Buddhacharita, and Jetakas, the team meticulously surveyed Gyanvapi. They also incorporated insights from the travel memoirs of European and Chinese travelers, including the notable Hwein Tsang. In their comprehensive report, the team, responding to court instructions and questions, addressed the seventh point in the ‘Brief Findings of Survey,’ explicitly stating that a this can be said, ‘A Big Hindu temple existed before the current structure was built. Additionally, the report highlighted that the Arabic-Persian inscription inside a room indicated the mosque’s construction in the 20th regnal year of Aurangzeb (1676-77 CE). Consequently, it was inferred that the pre-existing structure had been destroyed during Aurangzeb’s reign in the 17th century, with some parts modified and reused in the current structure. The Lawyers representing the Hindu side, Harishankar Jain and Vishnu Jain, asserted that Hindus should now be permitted to worship at the site. Key Highlights of Scientific Survey The ASI survey report spans 839 pages, presenting a thorough examination. Over 124 pieces of evidence supporting the existence of a Hindu temple are documented in the survey report. Rigorous scientific scrutiny was applied to analyze all the evidence. Inscriptions discovered in the survey are in Tamil, Telugu, Sanskrit, Granthik, and Nagari scripts. The survey uncovered idols of Dikpal, Dwarpal, Makar, Vishnu, Shiva, Ganesha, and other deities. The pre-mosque temple featured a spacious central chamber and a smaller chamber on the north side. During the 17th century, the temple was dismantled, and a portion was assimilated into the mosque. The mosque’s construction incorporated temple pillars and other elements with minimal alterations. Some pillars showed attempts to erase Hindu symbols. The western wall of the mosque is identified as a part of the original Hindu temple. Thirty-two Inscriptions and stone pillars serve as evidence for the existence of the initial Hindu temple. Inscriptions like Janardan, Rudra, Umeshwar, and ‘Mahamukti Mandap are found there.’ Traces of the temple persist in various parts of the mosque. Efforts were made during mosque construction to erase evidence from stone slabs. Terms and References of Survey Responding to court instructions, ASI aimed to determine if the existing structure was built atop a pre-existing temple. The investigation focused on the age and nature of the construction of the western wall using Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR). GPR was employed to explore beneath the western wall, basements, and domes of Gyanvapi. A comprehensive list of recovered artifacts, including idols, was compiled, with their ages verified through carbon dating. Pillars and platforms in Gyanvapi underwent scientific investigation to determine their age, construction style, and form. The age and construction style of the Gyanvapi structure were identified using carbon dating, GPR, and other scientific methods. Examination of recovered idols and religious items was a crucial aspect of the survey. Initiation and Execution of the Gyanvapi Survey Commencing on August 4, 2023, ASI initiated the survey with heightened security measures. The ASI team, led by Professor Alok Tripathi, Dr. Gautami Bhattacharya, Dr. Shubha Majumdar, Dr. Raj Kumar Patel, Dr. Avinash Mohanty, Dr. Izhar Alam Hashmi, Dr. Aftab Hussain, Dr. Neeraj Kumar Mishra and Dr. Experts like Vinay Kumar Roy were included. Considering the sensitivity of the survey, the court had banned media reporting during the survey. The court had ordered a survey to be conducted without causing any damage to the structure, but in view of the soil and debris, the debris was removed with the consent of all parties taking all precautions. There is a cordon of central security agencies all around Gyanvapi due to which it was difficult to go in and out of the mosque again and again. In this survey which lasted for four months, the ASI team and laborers worked continuously during the hot and humid monsoon days. There was no electricity in some of the cellars and in the early days surveys were carried out by torch and reflector light. While working in the basement, the ASI team also felt the lack of air and later the work was done by installing lights and fans. During the rainy season, the excavated area was covered with tarpaulin and a camp office of the survey was built. Court’s curiosity, instructions and survey The Varanasi district court had directed the ASI to survey the mosque complex in July 2023. While ordering the ASI survey, the District Judge of Varanasi had written in his order, “If a survey and scientific investigation of the plot and structure is done, then the true facts will come before the court, so that the case can be settled in the court in a just and proper manner.” Will be able to.” When this matter reached the Supreme Court, the Supreme Court directed the Superintending Archaeologist of Sarnath Circle of ASI to continue the survey of the land and building (mosque building) of Settlement Plot No. 9130 (existing Gyanvapi complex). The court wrote in its order that ASI will conduct the survey in such a way that there is no breakage. On the Supreme Court’s question, Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, on behalf of the Central Government, assured that neither excavation will be done nor the structure will be demolished during the survey. 4 Month Long Scientific Survey The ASI report made public said that based on its four-month long scientific study-survey, study of architectural remains, features, sculptures-artefacts, and inscriptions, it can be easily said that the existing structure was built a top on preexisted Hindu temple there. The Muslim side says that they too had received a copy of the ASI report late in the night and now the report is with the lawyers. SM Yasin, joint secretary of Anjuman Intezamia Masjid, which looks after the management of Gyanvapi Masjid, said, “This is a report, not a decision. Since the report is about 839 pages long, it will take time to study and analyze. Opinion will be taken from experts. Court “Will be taken up for consideration.” The mosque side believes that Muslims have been offering namaz in Gyanvapi Mosque for about 150 years before Akbar. SM Yasin says, “Ahead is Allah’s will. Our responsibility is to keep the mosque populated. Despair is forbidden, we have to be patient. Our appeal is to avoid arguments.” In its survey, ASI has not done a scientific survey of the sealed Vazukhana (Shivling) in Gyanvapi Mosque. Because the Supreme Court has sealed it, and had instructed the Varanasi police administration to protect the sealed place so that No one could reach there. But recently the Hindu side had filed a petition for cleaning the Argha of Shivalinga (Vuzukhana). Which was accepted by the Supreme Court. What is written in Maasir-e-Alamgiri ASI says that it is written in Aurangzeb’s biography Maasir-e-Alamgiri that Aurangzeb had ordered the governors of all his provinces to demolish the schools and temples of infidels. According to ASI, it is also mentioned in Jadunath Sarkar’s 1947 English translation of Maasir-e-Alamgiri. Quoting the English translation of Jadunath Sarkar’s Maasir-e-Alamgiri, ASI has written in its report that, “On 2 September 1669, it was recorded that following the orders of Aurangzeb, his officers demolished the temple of Vishwanath in Kashi. Temple Stones Used in Construction of Mosque ASI says that these inscriptions were already existed on the Hindu temple stones which were used in the construction and repair of the mosque. According to the ASI, basements were built in the eastern part of the mosque for worship and platforms and more space were also created in the mosque. The ASI report said that the pillars of the temple were used to build the basement in the eastern part. A basement used to house a pillar with bells, a lamp stand and Samvat inscriptions. Whereas at another place, idols of Hindu Gods and Goddesses buried under the soil were also recovered. Pillars According to the ASI report, the pillars of the pre-existing temple were slightly modified to enlarge the mosque and to create its courtyard. Careful examination of the pillars has revealed that they were originally part of a pre-existing Hindu temple. In order to use these pillars to build a mosque, a design of flowers was made next to the lotus pedestal present on them. The ASI says that the remaining part of the western wall of the existing structure (mosque) is a pre-existing Hindu temple. This western wall, according to the ASI, is “made of stone and decorated with horizontal moldings. This western wall consists of the remaining parts of the western chambers, the western projections of the central chamber and the western walls of the two chambers to the north and south.” The central chamber attached to the wall still exists as before and the two side chambers have been modified. The north and south entrances of the temple were converted into stairs and the stairs at the entrance of the northern hall are still in use. Central Hall and Main Entrance The ASI report says that the temple used to have a large central chamber and one chamber each in the north, south, east and west. According to ASI, the central chamber of the earlier structure (temple) is now the central chamber of the current structure (mosque). ASI believes that the main entrance to the central chamber of the temple was from the west which was blocked by stone masonry. And a block was built on the other side of the main entrance blocked with stone. Who were included in the survey team Archaeologist, Archaeological Chemist, Epigraphist, Surveyor, Photographer and other technical experts did the investigation and documentation. GPR (Ground Penetrating Radar) surveyors tried to find out what was beneath the ground. In this survey, ASI has found evidence of demolishing the grand Hindu temple in the Gyanvapi complex and building a mosque on its structure. All Evidences Deposited in the District Treasury ASI has deposited all the 250 evidence materials found in the survey in the treasury under the delivery of the District Magistrate. A list of this is also deposited in the court of the District Judge. In the survey report of ASI, the materials deposited in the treasury are also important evidence for the Hindu side. In the survey of Gyanvapi complex, fragmented statues, symbols, figures, door fragments, pitchers, elephants, horses, lotus flowers and other materials were found. These were handed over to the District Magistrate on November 6, 2023. The District Magistrate will also present all these materials in the court, if necessary, on the orders of the District Judge. Press conference of Hindu side’s lawyer Vishnu Jain On behalf of the Hindu side, senior Supreme Court advocate Vishnu Shankar Jain told the media that the survey proved that Gyanvapi was a big Hindu temple. It was demolished and converted into a mosque. Now a survey of the sealed warehouse will be requested. Vishnu Jain said that the report has proved the claim of the Hindu side to be true. In fact, the survey report of the Gyanvapi complex, except the seal shed, was filed by the ASI in the District Judge’s court on December 18, 2023. How the Gyanvapi Issue Came to the fore An application was filed in the district court for regular worship of Maa Shringar Gauri in the year 2021. During the hearing of Maa Shringar Gauri case, the District Judge’s court had ordered an ASI survey of the premises except the sealed area of Shivling (vuzukhana) of Gyanvapi. Maa Shringaar Gauri case was filed on 17 August 2021 in the court of Civil Judge Senior Division on behalf of Rakhi Singh, Sita Sahu, Rekha Pathak, Manju Vyas and Lakshmi Devi. On the orders of the court, survey action was taken in Gyanvapi on 6-7 May 2022 under the leadership of an Advocate Commissioner. After this, from 14 to 16 May 2022, three Advocate Commissioners conducted a survey in the Gyanvapi campus. On May 16, 2022 itself, it was claimed that Shivalinga of Adi Vishweshwar was found in the Vaju Khana located at Gyanvapi. On the same day, the Vujukhana was sealed by court order on the objection of the Muslim side. Time Line
  • Survey was ordered on 21 July 2023.
  • Survey started on 24th July but on the same day the Supreme Court put a stay, sent the matter to Allahabad High Court.
  • ASI survey started on 4 August 2023 after the order of Allahabad High Court.
  • ASI team conducted survey in Gyanvapi complex till (July), August, September, October and November 2023.
  • ASI filed its report on 18 December.
  • The court ordered to make the survey report public on 24 January 2024.
  • On the orders of the court, on January 25, 2024, the lawyers of both the parties received the survey report. Hindu side’s lawyer Vishnu Jain presented the report to the media at 10 pm.
]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/chronicling-gyanvapi-dispute/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Breaking Barriers]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/breaking-barriers/ When most other girls were dreaming of pink dress, some preferred to adorn themselves with the uniform of the defense forces. Rome was not built in the day so is the entire human civilization. Humanity has traversed through thousands of years and have evolved and grown into a close-knit society where we all have an important role to play. History is full of stories about great human figures that got catapulted to heroic statures and some have even attained God like status. But all these humans share a common thread. Almost all of them were males. We hardly see any female figures except for a few who could make inroads into the patriarchalism that prevails all over the world. Women have always been identified as playing second fiddle to men. Their role had always been restricted to bearing kids, looking after household affairs and obviously attending dotingly to her father and later to her husband. Except for a few societies, the girl child is always kept at second slot when compared to her male siblings who are better fed, groomed and always get the best of the available resources. But the last century has seen a lot of changes and more so the last two decades. There has been a surge in women taking up responsibilities and assuming an active role in fields which were considered to be traditional forte of men. Time has moved especially in favor of the fairer sex. The role of women in defense forces has evolved over the years, with many countries recognizing the valuable contributions that women can make in various capacities within their armed forces. The traditional view of defense forces as predominantly male-oriented institutions has given way to a more inclusive approach that acknowledges the diverse skills and talents that women bring to the table. The role of women in defense forces can be examined in several key areas: Thanks to the educational system, developing infrastructure, technological developments and obviously the opening up of the economies. Interestingly women have been dominating the educational, health, hospitality, telecommunication, IT and ITES sectors but recently they are slowly but steadily moving in so called masculine domain that is armed forces. Traditionally people felt uncomfortable even with the mention of the women fighting with the arms. It was felt that only men are fit to be in combats and women were seen as anomalies. But this has been proved as an archaic thought. Now women have started asserting themselves. They feel that all opportunities should be open to both men and women and they have proved their worth in every field. The recent decision of The Supreme Court regarding grant of permanent commission to women officers in armed forces will go a long way in changing the perceived gender bias against women. Women had their first induction in British Indian Army in 1927 as Military Nursing officers and as medical officers in 1943 to look after the troops, families and public during deployments which included female section of the population. According to https: //static.mygov.in data , it was only in the year 1992 that the Army, Air Force and Navy began inducting women as Short Service Commission (SSC) officers. This was the first-time women were allowed to join the military outside the medical stream and as of now there are more than 9500 women in military. Now they have created a place for themselves as fighter pilots in IAF and as administrators in supporting services. Women are also included in combat roles in five paramilitary forces, called the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs). They are allowing women entry from the rank of constable to direct entry officers. Now women are representing more than five percent of these forces. The government has plans that women would account for thirty three percent representation in CRPF and CISF and fifteen percent in the BSF, SSB and ITBP in coming days. IN Armed Forces, women have come a long way and have matched pace with the time. But there is so much still to be done. The armed forces have to be accommodative in assimilating the women power in all wings whether it be combat, administration or medical. It is the responsibility of both the government and the society at large to recognize the women power and let them achieve their full potential. We need to work upon a roadmap that entails societal changes, acceptance and inclusiveness of women in all spheres of life. It is quite evident that the role of women in defense forces has evolved over the years, with many countries recognizing the valuable contributions that women can make in various capacities within their armed forces. The traditional view of defense forces as predominantly male-oriented institutions has given way to a more inclusive approach that acknowledges the diverse skills and talents that women bring to the table. The role of women in defense forces can be examined in several key areas: Combat Roles: The Indian Army has started inducting women into combat support roles. Women are eligible for roles in the Corps of Military Police, marking a significant step toward allowing them to serve in combat-support capacities. The Indian Air Force has allowed women to serve as fighter pilots, breaking gender barriers in the traditionally male-dominated field of combat aviation. Short Service Commission: The Indian government has been working towards providing more opportunities for women in the defense forces through the grant of Permanent Commission (PC). This allows women officers to have a longer and more stable career in the military, beyond the initial Short Service Commission (SSC) period. Naval Roles: The Indian Navy has been actively working to include women in various roles. Women are now serving as officers in the Indian Navy, contributing to different branches, including aviation and the naval arm. Support Roles: Women have been serving in various support roles across all branches of the defense forces. These roles include medical services, logistics, administration, intelligence, and communication. Training and Education: Women officers contribute to the training and education of personnel within the defense forces. They serve as instructors in various defense training institutes, sharing their expertise with new recruits. Legal & Education Services: Women officers are actively involved in legal and education branches, providing legal expertise and contributing to the educational and training aspects of the defense forces. Peacekeeping Missions: Indian women have been participating in international peacekeeping missions under the United Nations. They play a crucial role in maintaining peace and security in conflict zones and are involved in various humanitarian activities. It’s important to note that while there have been significant strides, challenges such as gender bias, cultural norms, and societal expectations continue to be addressed. The Indian Defense forces are making ongoing efforts to create a more inclusive environment, recognizing the valuable contributions that women bring to the military. Republic Day 2024 Indian women are nowhere less in any way and they excel and present their calibre in every field. On the occasion of the 75th Republic Day, Nari Shakti took centre stage as women soldiers march down the Kartavya Path. For the first time, an all-women contingent of the Armed Forces Medical Services marched on Kartavya Path, led by Major Srishti Khullar, with Capt Amba Samant from the Army Dental Corps, Surg Lt Kanchana from the Indian Navy, and Flt Lt Dhivya Priya from the Indian Air Force. Meanwhile, the Indian Navy tableau also highlighted the themes of ‘Nari Shakti and ‘Atmanirbharta’, also showing aircraft carrier INS Vikrant and Navy ships Delhi, Kolkata and Shivalik and Kalavari Class Submarine. Another highlight of Republic Day was the motorcycle display that enthralled the guests and audience at Kartavya Path. The Central Armed Police women personnel exhibited their prowess of ‘Naari Shakti’. 265 women bikers on motorcycles showcase bravery and valour. Apart from these, the Delhi Police all-women band, led by Band Master SubInspector Ruyangunuo Kense also participated in the Republic Day parade for the first time on Friday. The Delhi Police Brass and Pipe Band comprises of 4 Women Sub-inspectors and 81 Women Constables. The band played the ‘Delhi Police Song. Delhi Police marching contingent which is the 15-time winner of the best marching contingent also marched down Kartavya Path. For the first time in its history, an all-women contingent is participating in the Republic Day Parade and is led by Addl. Deputy Commissioner of Police Shweta K Sugathan, IPS. The Red Safa clad smartly attired women, from the Delhi Police marching contingent comprise of one Addl. DCP, three women Sub-Inspectors, 44 women Head Constables and 100 women Constable. This contingent has a unique distinction of participating in the Republic Day Parade ever since India became a Republic in 1950. Its motto is ‘Shanti, Seva our Nyaya’ meaning `Peace, Service and Justice’. The Republic Day 2024 celebrations began after Prime Minister Narendra Modi paid floral tributes at the National War Memorial to honour bravehearts of the Indian armed forces. History In 1888, the British Indian Army (BIA) established a military branch known as the Indian Military Nursing Service (IMNS), which recr female nurses. This was the first time that the BIA recruited female service members into its ranks. Female IMNS nurses served during World War I and World War II, 350 of whom either died, were taken as prisoners of war or were declared missing in action; one of the largest casualties suffered by the IMNS occurred on February 1942, when the SS Kuala, which was transporting several nurses, was sunk by Imperial Japanese Armed Forces bombers.[4] In May 1942, the Women's Auxiliary Corps was established to assist BIA operations; by the end of World War II, it had recruited 11,500 women. Noor Inayat Khan, who was of Indian descent, served in the Special Operations Executive (SOE) during World War II. She was secretly sent to German-occupied France to assist in SOE operations there. Khan was betrayed and captured before being subsequently executed at the Dachau concentration camp, and was posthumously awarded the George Cross for her service. Kalyani Sen, the first Indian servicewoman who visited the United Kingdom, served in the Royal Indian Navy's Women's Royal Indian Naval Service during World War II.In 2021, the Indian Armed Forces' National Defence Academy entrance exam was opened up to female cadets. In the Indian Armed Forces women are allowed to join in combat service support branches and in non combatant roles only and they can only become officers except the Corps of Military Police of the Indian Army where women can become sepoys too. The Indian Air Force had 13.09% (2018) and 8.50% (2014) women; the Indian Navy 6% (2018) and 3% (2014); the Indian Army 3.80% (2018) and 3% (2014).As of 2020, three officers have the rank of lieutenant-general or equivalent, all in the Medical Services. In May 2021, 83 women were inducted as sepoys for the first time in the Indian Army, in the Corps of Military Police. As of 2020, Women are not yet allowed as combatant in the combat specialist forces, such as Ghatak Force, para commandos, etc. The para commandos is a voluntary service and the recruitment procedure of Para and Para SF does not strictly mention any gender for the soldiers that can participate. It is not clear if any women have been able to participate or qualify for this ELITE force. The Indian Airforce and the Indian Navy have allowed women to join the Garud Commando Force and the MARCOS respectively. It is not clear as of 2023, if any women have been able to qualify. Dr. Seema Rao, also known as "India's Wonder Woman" is India's first woman commando trainer, having trained over 15,000 Special Forces of India (including the NSG, MARCOS, GARUD) as full-time guest trainer for 20 years without compensation as a pioneer in close quarter battle (CQB).]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/breaking-barriers/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Indigenous Kavach anti-train collision system tested successfully]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/indigenous-kavach-anti-train-collision-system-tested-successfully/ A recent trial carried out by the Agra Division of North Central Railway has yielded promising results for, the Kavach, anti-train collision system, which was tested successfully at a speed of 160 kmph. It marks a significant advancement towards the Indian Railways' dream of establishing a semi-high-speed rail network. The Railway Ministry has achieved another milestone with the successful recent trial of braking parameters of the ‘Kavach’ anti-train collision system at a speed of 160 kilometer per hour. The trial was conducted by the North Central Railway's Agra Division and it has yielded promising results for the Kavach. Indian Railways is in the process of implementing the Kavach across its network to enhance operational safety. The Agra Division has developed a complete Kavach network on the 80-km stretch between Mathura and Palwal near Faridabad. It involves the placement of RFID tags on railway tracks in station areas and other places, installation of stationary Kavach units at several places such as stations, and installation of towers and antennas along the tracks. The new braking system helps loco pilots avoid overspeeding, signal passing and improves safety and also efficiency during adverse weather conditions. However, Similar safety systems are followed in other countries as well. Kavach was tested on a WAP-5 semi-high-speed engine, operating on the Palwal-Mathura section on 19 January. Shatabdi and Gatimaan Express pull passenger coaches at speeds of 160 kmph and commonly used WAP-5 engines. Presently, Kavach is deployed on routes where trains operate at a maximum speed of 130 kmph. With the introduction of trains like Vande Bharat, which can run at 160 kmph, it becomes crucial for the railway infrastructure to be upgraded to accommodate semi-high-speed operations. According to the railways, the Kavach system is already functional in three sections on a 1,465-km route and in 139 locomotives in South Central Railway. However, a trial cannot be conducted on that route because of speed restrictions. Inception of Kavach With three Indian vendors ‘Medha Servo Drives Pvt Ltd, HBL Power Systems Ltd and Kernex Microsystems’, this braking system was created by the Research Design and Standards Organisation (RDSO) under Indian Railways. Later, Kavach was adopted as our National Automatic Train Protection (ATP) System. The Railways have been conducting out field tests for this braking system on passenger locomotives, with further operational improvements in the works since 2016. In this system, railway tracks, signalling systems on railway tracks, and the engines of trains are installed with radio frequency devices sans relying on a central server that continuously send signals back and forth on a real-time basis to indicate that the track on which the train is operating has no obstacles. Kavach effectively controls the train's speed and automatically applies brakes when required, particularly in situations where the loco pilot may not be able to do so. The tracks will be equipped with pressure sensors capable of detecting weights exceeding 500 kg and then transmit signals to the train's engine, prompting the automatic application of brakes. It detects the obstacles up to 10 km ahead with the help of the devices installed on railway tracks. The features include transmitting line-side signals to the train cab, which is beneficial in high-speed and foggy conditions. The progress of Kavach, so far 1,659 km of railway line has been covered and an additional 500 km will be covered by March this year. In the next three years, at least 5,000 km will be covered. Constraints of the maximum train speed There is always a crucial need that still remains for the railways to upgrade tracks meeting requirements for managing maximum speeds achievable by semi-high-speed trains in India's railway network. The only 125 km stretch, divided into three parts between Delhi and Agra, currently permits trains to operate at a maximum speed of 160 kmph. Even these tracks are not fully free of train traffic, stopping engines from reaching their maximum speed. Trains are limited to a maximum speed of 130 kmph across the country. Efforts are underway to strengthen the Indian railway tracks. As a matter of fact, the Mumbai-Ahmedabad-Delhi (1483 km) and Howrah-Delhi (1525 km) rail corridors are among the first to support trains running at 160 kmph.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/indigenous-kavach-anti-train-collision-system-tested-successfully/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Conundrum of Coalition Governments]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/conundrum-of-coalition-governments/ A coalition government is a form of government in which political parties cooperate to form a government. The usual reason for such an arrangement is that no single party has achieved an absolute majority after an election. A coalition agreement is a negotiated agreement between the parties that constitute a coalition government in multi-party nations. It codifies the cabinet’s most essential common aims and objectives. It is frequently written by legislative party leaders. A coalition system’s core basis is the simple fact of temporary convergence of specific interests. Coalition politics is a dynamic affair in which coalition actors and organizations can dissolve and create new ones. Coalitions are divided into two types: internal coalitions and external coalitions. Internal coalitions are made up of people who already work in an organization, such as a workplace. Merits of Coalition Government A coalition government acts as a channel to meet the expectations and redress the grievances of different groups. India is a highly diversified country. There are different cultures, languages, castes, religions and ethnic groups. This means that the coalition government’s more representative in nature and reflects the popular opinion of the electorate. A coalition government comprises different political parties having their own ideologies or agendas. But the government policy requires the concurrence of all the coalition partners. Therefore, a coalition government leads to consensus-based politics. Coalition politics strengthens the federal fabric of the Indian political system. This is because a coalition government is more sensitive and responsive to regional demands A coalition government reduces the chances of despotic rule. This is due to the reduced domination of a single political party in the functioning of the government. All the members of the coalition participate in the decision making. Demerits of Coalition Government Usually, the inherent nature of coalition government is of instability. They are mostly unstable or prone to instability. The difference of opinion among coalition members leads to the collapse of the government Leadership of the Prime Minister is a principle of parliamentary form of government. This principle is curtailed in a coalition government as the Prime Minister is required to consult the coalition partners before taking any major decisions. The Steering Committee or the Coordination Committee of the coalition partners acts as the ‘Super-Cabinet’ and thereby it undermines the role and position of the cabinet in the functioning of the government machinery There is a possibility of the smaller constituents of the coalition government playing the role of a ‘king-maker’. They demand more than strength in the Parliament The leaders of regional parties bring in the regional facts in the national decision-making. They pressurise the central executive to act on their lines; otherwise, they would threaten to withdraw from the coalition The members of the coalition governments do not assume responsibility for the administrative failures and lapses. They could play blame games and there by escape from collective and individual responsibilities History of Coalition Government in India Post India's freedom on 15 August 1947, the Indian National Congress, the prominent political party and a key catalyst in the Indian independence movement, ruled the nation. Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister and his successor Lal Bahadur Shastri, and Indira Gandhi, the third Prime Minister, were all members of the Congress party. However, Raj Narain, who lost to Indira Gandhi in Rae Bareilly Lok Sabha election in 1971, lodged a case alleging electoral malpractice. Indira was found guilty in June 1975, and was barred by the High Court from holding public office for 6 years. Eventually, Mrs Gandhi declared a state of emergency under the pretext of national security. The next general election resulted in the formation of India's first ever national coalition government with Morarji Desai as then prime minister. It was also the first non-Congress national government. That government existed from 24 March 1977 to 15 July 1979, headed by the Janata Party, an amalgam of political parties opposed to the emergency imposed between 1975 and 1977. Following dwindling popularity of the Janata Party, Desai had to resign, and his rival Chaudhary Charan Singh became the fifth Prime Minister. Unfortunately, owing to lack of support, his coalition government failed complete its five-year term. Congress returned to power in 1980 under Indira Gandhi, and later his son Rajiv Gandhi became the sixth Prime Minister. The general election of 1989 once again brought a coalition government under National Front, which lasted until 1991, with two Prime Ministers, the second one being supported by Congress. The 1991 election resulted in a Congress-led stable minority government for five years. The eleventh parliament produced three Prime Ministers in two years and forced the country back to the polls in 1998. The first successful coalition government in India which completed a whole five-year term was the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance with Atal Bihari Vajpayee as Prime Minister from 1999 to 2004. Then another coalition, the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance, consisting of 13 separate parties, ruled India for two terms from 2004 to 2014 with Manmohan Singh as PM. However, in the 16th general election in May 2014, the BJP secured a majority on its own (becoming the first party to do so since the 1984 election), and the National Democratic Alliance came into power, with Narendra Modi as Prime Minister. In 2019, Narendra Modi was re-elected as Prime Minister as the National Democratic Alliance again secured a majority in the 17th general election.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/conundrum-of-coalition-governments/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[What is Republic?]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/what-is-republic/ The word Republic is used to denote that a country in which the supreme power is held by the people or their elected representatives (politicians) or by an elected or nominated President not by a permanent head like the King or queen of Britain. India is one of the important republican countries of the World. In India, the Republic Day is celebrated every year on 26th January in New Delhi with great pomp and pageant. The Republic Day is enthusiastically observed by citizens as one of the important national festivals of India. This national festival is also celebrated all over the country and all the administrative units like the capital cities, district headquarters, sub-divisions, panchayats and educational institutions with a lot of fervor. Why 26th January? On the 26th day in January of 1950, which is one of the memorable days in Indian history, the constitution of India came into force and India became a truly sovereign state. On that day, the people of India finally realized the dream of Mahatma Gandhi and the numerous freedom fighters those who fought for and sacrificed their lives for the independence of our motherland. The Republic Day is a national holiday of India to mark the adoption of the constitution of India and the transition of India from the British dominion to a republic on 26th January, 1950. It is always a solemn reminder of the sacrifice of the martyrs who dedicated their lives for the freedom movement and the succeeding wars. On the Republic Day, the independence pledge of nationalists is renewed. The Republic Day is without speeches. It is the only ceremony in which rhetoric is in the background and visuals are given priority. This national festival at Delhi and the state capitals revolves around the parade in which all the Defence, N.C.C., school children and cultural groups participate followed by a display of tableaux and folk dances. Salient features of the Constitution After a grand struggle, India achieved her long-cherished freedom on 15th August, 1947 from the British rule. The Independence Day, August 15th is celebrated to commemorate the birth of the world’s biggest democracy as a great national festival. India was governed by a constitution, which was framed by the Britishers previously. It was the Lahore session of the Indian National Congress at midnight of 31st December, 1929, the congress President Jawaharlal Nehru announced the congress policy that Complete Independence was the goal of India. It was to be ‘Complete freedom from British domination and imperialism´. In that historic session, Mahatma Gandhi also moved his famous resolution on ‘Purna Swaraj’. The resolution on Purna Swaraj was passed by the congress on the last day of the year 1929. The tricolour National flag, signifying independence, was unfurled by the Congress President Jawaharlal Nehru as the thunderous shouts of ‘Inquilab Zindabad´ or long live the resolution greeted the occasion from countless throats. The 26 January, 1930 was initially observed by nationalists as the day of Purna Swaraj or Complete Independence. The nationalists also took the independence pledge on that memorable day. The pledge declared ‘freedom as the inalienable right of the Indian people´ and criticized the foreign Government for ruling India. Arising out of Gandhi’s serious thought, a pledge had been taken that every year on January 26, the Republic Day would be celebrated and that the people would unceasingly strive for the establishment of a Sovereign, Democratic Republic of India. Although, India achieved its independence on August 15, 1947, it did not have a permanent constitution. A Constituent Assembly had been entrusted with the task of framing a new constitution for free India. On August 29, 1947, the Drafting Committee was appointed to draft a permanent Constitution with Dr. B.R. Ambedkar as the Chairman. A Draft constitution was prepared by the Committee and submitted to the Assembly on November 4, 1947. The Assembly met, in session open to public, for 166 days, spread over a period of 2 years, 11 months and 18 days before adopting the Constitution. After many deliberations and some modifications, the 308 members of the Assembly signed two handwritten copies of the document (one each in Hindi and English) on January 24, 1950. Two days later, the Constitution of India became the law of all the Indian lands. The constitution of India came into effect only on 26th January, 1950. Following the date January 26 ,1950, Rajendra Prasad was elected as the President of India. This was, in fact, a deliberate act signing the Constitution on 26th January, to mark and respect the freedom fighters who wanted 26th January as India’s initial Independence Day. Hence, India finally declared herself as a Republic State on 26th January,1950. Celebration of the Republic Day at the National Capital To mark the importance of the occasion, every year a grand parade is held in the capital New Delhi, from the Raisina hill near the Rastrapati Bhavan (President’s Palace), along the Kartavya Path, past India Gate and on the Historic Red Fort. The different regiments of the Army, the Navy and the Air-force participate in the parade with their finery and official decorations even the horses of the cavalry are attractively caparisoned to suit the occasion. The President takes salute at an impressive parade. Then, he comes forward to award the medals of bravery to the people from the armed forces for their exceptional courage in the fields and also the civilians, who have distinguished themselves by their different acts of valour in different situations. The parade is followed by a spectacular tableau from different states of the country. The Parade is also an occasion for the display of India’s military strength and a number of arms, ammunitions, tanks and fighter aircrafts, some of them indigenously developed, are paraded. The latest war weapons move slowly by the saluting base. The band plays martial tunes.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/what-is-republic/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Legal Luminary K. Parasaran, Fought for Ramlalla in Supreme Court at the age of 92]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/legal-luminary-k-parasaran-fought-for-ramlalla-in-supreme-court-at-the-age-of-92/ Veteran advocate and Attorney General of India K. Parasaran who fought for Ram Lalla in the Supreme Court at the age of 92. In 2019, when the bench of the then Chief Justice of India Ranjan Gogoi, hearing the Ayodhya case, asked him, "Would you like to sit on the chair and debate?", 92-year-old lawyer K. Parasaran politely said - ' So kind to you my Lords, the tradition of the Bar has been to stand and argue and I want to maintain this tradition. Since 2016, Parasaran's court appearances have been rare. But of two big matters. Parasaran was brought back from Chennai to Delhi. One was the Sabarimala case and the other was the Ayodhya case. An eminent Hindu scholar and an excellent government lawyer, Parasaran has enjoyed the confidence of every administration since the 1970s. His court speeches are often lectures on Hindu scriptures. Not only this, Supreme Court Justice (retd) Sanjay Kishan Kaul had given Parasaran the title of "Father of the Indian Bar for his contribution to law without compromising his religion". In the Sabarimala case, K. Parasaran appeared on behalf of the Nair Service Society to defend the ban on entry of menstruating women into the temple. His argument was that the court was asking the wrong question to introduce the mental right to pray? "If a person asks, 'Can I smoke while praying', he will get a slap. But if he asks, 'Can I pray while smoking,' he will be applauded." So ,The right question will bring the right answer, the wrong question will bring the wrong answer,'' he told the judges. During his arguments, Parasaran read out paragraphs from the Sundarakanda of the Ramayana to explain to the judges the "Nashtika Brahmacharya", or celibate nature of the deity Ayyappa. However, a five-judge bench of the Supreme Court ruled against the arguments and allowed the women to enter. Earlier, when K. was approached to represent him in the Ram Sethu case related to the legendary bridge connecting India to Sri Lanka. Parasaran argued in the Supreme Court against the government and to protect the causeway from the Sethusamudram project. When the judge asked why he was opposing the government, he recalled the Skanda Purana, which describes the link. He had said, "At least I can do this much work for Ram." Parasaran was born in 1927 in Srirangam, Tamil Nadu. His father Keshav Iyengar was a lawyer and Vedic scholar who practiced in the Madras High Court and the Supreme Court. Parasaran's three sons, Mohan, Satish and Balaji, are also lawyers. Mohan Parasaran served as Solicitor General for some time in the UPA-2 regime. The fourth generation of the family has also joined the bar. Parasaran started his practice before the Supreme Court in 1958. During the Emergency, he was the Advocate General of Tamil Nadu and was appointed Solicitor General of India in 1980. He served as the Attorney General of India from 1983 to 1989 Parasaran often found himself on the other side of Nani Palkhivala on major constitutional matters in the 1970s – Palkhivala mostly appearing for private interests challenging tax and administrative laws. In 1992, Mumbai-based Milan Banerjee, who enjoyed the confidence of the then Minister of State for Law HR Bhardwaj, was appointed Attorney General, but Parasaran was referred to as the "super AG" or "real AG". Since Banerjee was an expert in arbitration and commercial laws, Parasaran was indispensable to the government when it came to constitutional matters. Despite defending the government for decades, Parasaran was not shy about disagreeing with the political leadership. In 1985, as Solicitor General of India, he advised the government not to act on the show cause notice issued to demolish the Indian Express building because it was a legally weak case. However, when the Indira Gandhi government ignored his opinion, he refused to defend the government in court and offered to resign if forced to appear.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/legal-luminary-k-parasaran-fought-for-ramlalla-in-supreme-court-at-the-age-of-92/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Longest Legal battle in India History]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/longest-legal-battle-in-india-history/ One of the longest running battles in the legal history of India has come to an end on 9 November 2019. After this, the foundation stone of Ram Lalla's temple was laid there and now on January 22, the incomparable statue of Ram Lalla is going to be consecrated in the grand temple built in Ayodhya. Let us know from where and how the Ram Janmabhoomi dispute started and why Sanatan Dharma people had to wait so long to get the right to worship Ram Lalla. Everyone knows that on January 22, 1526, Mirbaki, the Shia Muslim commander of the Muslim invader Babar, demolished the grand Ram temple of Ayodhya and built the Babri Masjid. Lakhs of Hindus shed blood and made sacrifices for the reconstruction of Ram temple for almost 400 years. Maharaja Ranjit Singh had captured Ayodhya by sending an army of thousands of Nihangs and established Ram Lalla along with Nishan Sahib there, but this happiness could not last long. But, The first attempt of Sanatanis on Ayodhya through the court started 134 years ago. From the period of British slavery to the Civil Court of Faizabad in independent India to the Lucknow Bench of Allahabad High Court and then to the Supreme Court, we are presenting here the account of the legal battle that went on for years. During Colonial Period The first recorded legal history of the Ayodhya dispute is from 1858. On November 30, 1858, a man named Mohammad Salim filed an FIR against a group of Nihang Sikhs who had set up their mark inside the Babri Masjid and also performed havan and puja in front of an idol with "Ram" written on it. Awadh Police Station Officer Shital Dubey verified the complaint in his report dated December 1, 1858 and even stated that the Sikhs constructed a platform and installed the statue. This became the first documentary evidence that Hindus were present not only in the outer courtyard but also inside the inner courtyard. The legal battle began in 1885, when Mahant Raghubar Das filed a suit (No. 61/280) in the Civil Court of Faizabad against the Secretary of State for India in Council. In his suit, Mahant Raghuvar Das claimed that he is a Mahant and is situated on a platform in the outer courtyard and he should be allowed to build a temple there. But the British judge dismissed the case in 1885. A civil appeal was filed against the decision of 27 November 1885. Faizabad District Judge F E R Chamier decided to visit the spot before passing the order. He later rejected the appeal. A second civil appeal (No. 122) was filed against the dismissal of this appeal, which was also dismissed by the Judicial Commissioner's Court. There was no legal progress in the Ram Mandir case for the next 63 years. In 1934, there were riots in Ayodhya and Hindus demolished a part of the structure at the disputed site. This part was rebuilt by the British. What happened after independence...? The idols were found inside the central dome of the mosque on the intervening night of 22 and 23 December 1949. Then Faizabad DM KK Nair informed UP Chief Minister Govind Ballabh Pant on the morning of December 23 about a group of Hindus entering the site and placing the idol when the site was deserted. An FIR was registered in the matter and the gate was locked the same day. On December 29, the City Magistrate passed an order to attach the entire property under Section 145 of the CrPC and appointed Municipal Corporation President Priya Dutt Ram as the receiver. A week later, on January 5, 1950, Priya Dutt Ram took over as receiver. On January 16, 1950, Gopal Singh Visharad of the Hindu Mahasabha became the first person to file a case in this case in independent India. Gopal Visharad filed a suit against five Muslims, the state government and the District Magistrate of Faizabad, praying for the right to pray and worship in the inner courtyard. But on the same day, the civil judge passed an injunction order and allowed the puja. On May 25, the second suit was filed by Pramhansa Ramchandra Das against Zahoor Ahmed and others and was similar to the first suit. Nine years later, on December 17, 1959, Nirmohi Akhara filed a third suit to take over the management from the receiver. Two years later, on December 18, 1961, the Sunni Central Waqf Board, along with all the defendants named in the earlier suits, filed a fourth suit in the court of the Civil Judge, Faizabad, demanding the removal of the idols and handing over possession of the mosque. . On March 20, 1963, the court said that the entire Hindu community could not be represented by a few individuals. It ordered a public notice to be issued impleading Hindu Mahasabha, Arya Samaj and Sanatan Dharma Sabha as respondents to represent the Hindu community. On July 1, 1989, a fifth suit was filed before the civil judge in Faizabad by former Allahabad High Court judge Devaki Nandan Agarwal as a "next friend" of Ram Lalla Virajman (the deity, considered a minor legal person). . It was prayed that the entire site should be handed over to Ram Lala for the construction of the new temple. In 1989 the Shia Waqf Board also filed a suit and became a defendant in the case. New chapter of Ayodhya Ram Janmabhoomi struggle started in January 1986 On 25 January 1986, lawyer Umesh Chandra Pandey filed an application before the Munsif Magistrate, Faizabad, asking that the locks of the Ram Lalla temple be opened and devotees be allowed to worship the idols of Ram Lalla. The Munsif Magistrate rejected the application saying that the matter related to the matter is pending in the Higher Court and hence no order can be passed at present. Umesh Pandey filed an appeal against the order of the Munsif Magistrate in the Faizabad District Court on January 31, 1986. A day later, on 1 February 1986, both the DM and SP of Faizabad gave an affidavit in the court that there was no possibility of peace being disturbed due to the opening of the locks of the temple and the worship of Ram Lalla & there will be no problem in maintaining law and order in the city. After the affidavit of DM-SP, the court ordered to open the locks of Ram Lalla temple and the locks were opened on the same day. This was a turning point in the Ayodhya dispute and changed the political direction of India. After the locks were opened, Muslim leaders met in Lucknow on 6th February and formed the Babri Masjid Action Committee by making Zafaryab Jilani the convenor and challenged the decision of the district court in the Allahabad High Court. On 12 July 1989, the Allahabad High Court passed an order transferring all the trials to a three-judge bench of the High Court. On October 7 and 10, 1991, the then Kalyan Singh government of the BJP acquired the disputed complex along with some surrounding area (total land 2.77 acres) under the Land Acquisition Act to develop it for tourism purpose. This acquisition was challenged by the Muslims through six writ petitions. On December 11, the High Court had canceled the acquisition. The mosque was demolished despite interim orders passed by the Supreme Court and the High Court on December 6, 1992, and 49 FIRs were registered in this case against several people, including BJP leaders. After the demolition of the disputed structure On 21 December 1992, Hari Shankar Jain filed a petition in the Lucknow Bench of Allahabad High Court that worshiping Lord Ram was his fundamental right. On January 1, 1993, the High Court said that every Hindu has the right to worship at the place considered to be the birthplace of Lord Ram. Time Line (GFX) 1- Mughal invader Babar's commander Mir Baqi built the Babri Masjid after demolishing the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi temple in January 1528. 2- For the first time in 1885, Mahant Raghbar Das filed a civil suit in the Faizabad district court to build a Ram Janmabhoomi temple in the Babri Masjid court premises, but the court dismissed the suit. 3- After independence, on the intervening night of 22 and 23 December 1949, some Ram devotees placed the idols of Ram Lala inside the mosque (the main dome which was called the sanctum sanctorum). 4- On December 29, City Magistrate of Faizabad attached the disputed land with Municipality Faizabad. And appointed Faizabad Municipal Corporation President Priyadutt Ram as receiver. 5- In independent India, on January 16, 1950, Hindu Mahasabha members Gopal Singh Visharad and Paramhans Ram Charan Das filed the first civil suit in the Faizabad District Court, demanding the right to Trikal Sandhya of Ram Lalla, where the idol of Ram Lal was installed. 6- On 15 December 1959, Nirmohi Akhara filed a case and sought possession of the disputed site. 7- On 18 December 1961, the UP Sunni Central Waqf Board filed a case to remove the statues of Ram Lal from the disputed site. 8- On January 25, 1986, lawyer UC Pandey filed an application to open the lock of Ram Lalla temple for worship. 9- On the recommendation of DM and SP Faizabad, District Judge Faizabad ordered opening of the lock of Ramlala worship on 1 February 1986. 10- BJP leader Lal Krishna Advani took out Rath Yatra from Somnath to Ayodhya on 25 September 1990. But the then Bihar CM Lalu Yadav arrested Lal Krishna Advani on 30 October 1990 and the Rath Yatra failed. 11- Two years and almost 2 months later, on 6 December 1992, a huge mob of Kar Sevaks demolished the disputed site, resulting in the death of more than 2000 unarmed Kar Sevaks. 12- On 21 December 1992, advocate Hari Shankar Jain filed a petition in the Lucknow bench of Allahabad High Court to allow the worship of Ram Lalla, calling the worship of Ram Lalla a fundamental right. 13- On January 1, 1993, the Lucknow bench of the High Court said that every Hindu has the right to worship at the established place of Ramlala. A wave of joy ran among the Hindus...but 14- On January 7, 1993, the Government of India brought an ordinance and acquired the disputed site including the surrounding 67 acres of land. On October 15-24, 1994, the Supreme Court accepted that the government's action was correct. 16- In March 2002, the Allahabad High Court started hearing the title suit i.e. the case regarding the ownership of the disputed land of Ayodhya. 17- In July 2003, Allahabad High Court ordered excavation at the disputed site. On 18-30 September 2010, a three-judge bench of the Allahabad High Court, in its decision, divided the disputed site into three parts. One for Ramlala, second for Nirmohi Akhara and third for Muslims. But all three parties challenged the decision in the Supreme Court. 19- On January 8, 2019, the Supreme Court constituted a bench of five judges to hear the ownership case of the disputed site. 20- The Supreme Court conducted the mediation under the supervision of the proposed court. When it failed. On August 2, 2019, the Supreme Court started 51 days of regular hearing. 21- On October 16, 2019, the Supreme Court reserved its decision. 22- On 9 November 2019, the Supreme Court unanimously ruled that there is nothing disputed now, hence Ram Lala temple should be built at the Ayodhya site.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/longest-legal-battle-in-india-history/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Operation Cactus in Support of the Maldivian Government 1988]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/operation-cactus-in-support-of-the-maldivian-government-1988/ A crisis erupted in Male, the capital of the Maldive Islands in 1988. On the night of 2/3 November 1988, between 300 and 500 armed, Tamil / Sinhala-speaking mercenaries landed in Male harbour by boats from a mother ship and captured key locations. During this attempted coup, President Gayoom went into hiding and, in the early hours of 3 November, sought India's help and immediate intervention. During the next 24 hours, the nearest naval ships were diverted to Male at maximum speed, naval reconnaissance aircraft established surveillance over the Maldive Islands. On the night of 3rd /4th, Air Force aircraft landed troops on Male's airport on Hulule Island. On learning that these troops were headed for Male, the mercenaries hijacked the merchant vessel 'Progress Light', taking Maldivian VIP hostages with them, and set course for Sri Lanka. In Male, law and order was restored as soon as Indian troops arrived on the morning of the 4th. INS Godavari was diverted towards Colombo to embark, by helicopter, the team of negotiators that had been flown from Male to Colombo. Reconnaissance aircraft shadowed all moving contacts during the night of 3rd /4th. At first light on the morning of the 4th, the aircraft confirmed the detection of Progress Light and homed INS Betwa as soon as it arrived on the night of 4th /5th. INS Godavari who had by then embarked the negotiators from Colombo arrived by midday on the 5th. Negotiations for the release of the hostages made no progress. The mercenary leader insisted that the Progress Light would proceed only to Colombo and demanded intervention by an international team. The Sri Lankan Government intimated that the rebel ship would not be allowed to enter Sri Lankan waters. The Maldivian Government desired that the Progress Light should not be allowed to proceed to Colombo. Throughout the 5th, the negotiators were unable to dissuade Progress Light from steaming towards Colombo. On the 6th morning, when Progress Light was 60 miles from Colombo, pressure commenced with small arms fire, followed by air-dropped depth charges ahead of the ship, followed by a gun broadside across the bows. When, despite a final warning, Progress Light still refused to stop, a broadside was fired on the forward cargo section. The ship stopped immediately. Naval teams boarded the ship and rescued the hostages. Godavari's helicopter evacuated the injured hostages to the Military Hospital at Trivandrum. The mercenaries were handed over to the authorities at Male. Progress Light, already listing and flooding, capsized on the 7th morning, 56 miles southwest of Colombo. Assistance Rendered by the Navy in Peacetime Integral to the Navy's day to day operations are the myriad facets of the assistance that the Navy provides in peacetime at sea and in the island territories. Together with the Army and the Air Force, the Navy assists in disaster relief operations, particularly in the calamitous cyclones that devastate the coastal areas every year. (Reproduced rom https://www.indiannavy.nic.in/]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/operation-cactus-in-support-of-the-maldivian-government-1988/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Maldives’s past, present and future inalienably linked with India]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/maldivess-past-present-and-future-inalienably-linked-with-india/ The ‘disgraceful’ comment by Maldivian minister Maryam Shiuna about India and Prime Minister Narendra Modi notwithstanding, the two nations share ethnic, linguistic, cultural, religious and commercial relations that go back a long way. The uproar against the comment on the social media and call for boycott of Maldives and instant reaction of hurt feelings. But we should the strategic importance of Maldives to India, as former diplomat Nirupama Menon Rao opined. “In the age of social media, foreign relations and the practice of diplomacy are easily eroded by ill-advised remarks made irresponsibly by persons in the public domain. Which is what happened in the Maldives. The resultant backlash in India was to be expected. I only hope that India-Maldives relations which are too vital and strategic recover lost equilibrium as soon as possible. These are not ties to be trifled with. They matter too much. To both countries. We are equal partners. And must stay that way. This is not about sand and beaches,” she said on X. In this context it is important to understand the deep connection between India and Maldives from a historical perspective. History of Maldives Maldives islands were first inhabited in around 1500 BC. It witnessed migrations at regular intervals from South India and Sri Lanka. The islands attracted seafarers, merchants and settlers. People exiled from India, Malaysia, Indonesia, Africa and even from far off Greece and the Roman Empire arrived at islands. Around 947 AD Arab travellers began visiting the islands. Arab and Persian traders were wooed by spices, coconuts, dried fish and cowry shells. According to Maldives embassy cowry shells were an accepted currency from Africa to China until the 16th century). Maldivian society and culture were tremendously influenced by the trading community and subsequently the Maldives was officially converted to Islam in 1153 AD. Post conversion, Maldives rulers were called Sultans. King Koimala was renamed Sultan Mohammed-bin-Abdullah and his Maley dynasty ruled the Maldives for 235 years under 26 different Sultans. Maley rule was followed by the Hilali dynasty. Foreign powers first establish diplomatic and commercial relations with Maldives for the first time during Hilali dynasty. “Pearls of the Indian Ocean” was invaded by Portugal in the mid-16th Century. Portuguese ruled for 15 years before they defeated by greatest national heroe, Mohammed Thakurufaan. The dynasty established by Mohammed Thakurufaan – the Utheemu dynasty –remained in power for the next 127 years until the early 18th century. Raja of Cannanore in South India dispatched a Malabar raiding party to attack Male. The Utheemu dynasty collapsed due to this. Huraage dynasty under the leadership of Ghazi Hassan Izzaddeen ,which prevailed until 1968, succeeded. Maldives established diplomatic relations with Sri Lanka. In 1887, the Maldives became a British Protectorate and remained so until 26 July 1965. On 11th November 1968, the Sultanate was replaced by an independent Republic of Maldives. India-Maldives Bilateral ties India and Maldives share ethnic, linguistic, cultural, religious and commercial links. The relations have been close, cordial and multi-dimensional. India was among the first to recognize Maldives after its independence in 1965 and to establish diplomatic relations with the country. India’s relationship with the Maldives is free of any politically contentious issues. The one-time claim of Maldives to Minicoy Island was resolved by the Maritime Boundary Treaty of 1976 between the two countries, whereby Maldives has recognized Minicoy as an integral part of India. India’s assistance during the 1988 coup attempt further strengthened trust and long-term and friendly bilateral relations Maldives. The immediate withdrawal of our troops when they were no longer required assuaged fears of any Indian dominance or territorial aspirations, says Indian High Commission. India was the first to assist Maldives during the 2004 Tsunami as well as the water crisis in Malé in Dec 2014. “These three incidents (in 1988, 2004 & 2014) had established the advantages of India’s proximity and capacity to come to Maldives’ rescue in distress vis-à-vis any other country and are widely acknowledged by the Government and people of Maldives. India’s swift dispatch of 30,000 doses of measles vaccine in Jan 2020 to prevent an outbreak in the Maldives, and India’s rapid and comprehensive assistance to the Maldives during COVID-19 pandemic further reinforced India’s credentials of being the first responder,” says the High Commission. Timeline of major bilateral visits • 2018: Prime Minister Narendra Modi attended the inauguration ceremony of President Ibrahim Mohamed Solih in 2018 as the only Head of State /Head of Government. • 2019: PM Modi on his first overseas visit after taking oath of the office for his second term, visited Maldives on a State Visit in June 2019. PM also addressed a session of the newly constituted People’s Majlis. 2019: An inter-ministerial delegation led by Minister of Economic Development Fayyaz Ismail visited New Delhi in July 2019. • 2019: Chief of Defence Force (CDF) of MNDF Major General Abdulla Shamaal visited India in July 2019. During his visit he met Raksha Mantri, NSA, CAS, COAS and CNS and delivered speeches at IDSA (now MPIDSA) and NDC. EAM S Jaishankar and Foreign Minister Shahid co-chaired the JCM which undertook a comprehensive review of the bilateral agenda and charted a way forward. . The two Ministers also witnessed the exchange of Instrument of Ratification of Treaty on Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters and signing of the MoUs between the Financial Intelligence Units (FIUs) of Maldives and India. • 2021: CDF visited Bengaluru for AERO India • 2021 : Foreign Minister Shahid also visited India EAM visited the Maldives. During the visit, the UTF Agreement to develop a harbour for the MNDF, and a USD 50 million LoC for the MNDF were also signed. EAM gifted 100,000 doses of COVISHIELD vaccines to the Maldives. EAM also announced a USD 40 million LoC for sports infrastructure for the Maldives. AFCONS signed the contract for the EXIM Bank of India supported Addu Roads LoC project during the visit. • 2022: CDF undertook official visit to India where he met Chiefs of Army, Airforce & Navy besides graced and reviewed, as Chief Guest, POP at OTA Chennai. EAM visited Addu City in Maldives in March 2022. Several agreements were signed in areas of extending National Knowledge Network of India (NKN) to Maldives, capacity building & cooperation between Police Academies, reciprocal recognition of Covid vaccination certificate, and signing of Contract for Addu Reclamation Project, etc President Solih paid an Official Visit to India from 1-4 Aug 2022. Holds official talks with Prime Minister Modi. Meets with President Droupadi Murmu. Solih and Modi jointly launched 'first-pouring of concrete for the Greater Male' Connectivity Project'; reviewed progress on construction of 4000 Social Housing Units in Hulhumale' under Buyers' Credit and other ongoing bilateral projects. • 2023 EAM S. Jaishakar visited Northern Atolls of Maldives in January 2023. EAM witnessed exchange of several agreements Defence Minister Rajnath Singh visited Maldives on an official visit. During his visit, besides various calls on and meetings, DM attended the ceremony for the commissioning of the replacement ship for Huravee, in the presence of the H.E. President Solih. He also gifted MNDF an additional Landing Craft. MoS for External Affairs V. Muraleedharan visited Maldives on an official visit Foreign Minister Abdulla Shahid visited India on an official visit in July 2023. FM Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi congratulated the new democratically elected President of Maldives Dr. Mohamed Muizzu. PM Modi conveyed that “India remains committed to strengthening the time-tested India-Maldives bilateral relationship and enhancing our overall cooperation in the Indian Ocean Region”. Minister of the Earth Sciences of India Kiren Rijiju represented India at President Mohamed Muizzu’s swearing in ceremony of ceremony and also called on President Solih.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/maldivess-past-present-and-future-inalienably-linked-with-india/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[MPs suspension history in India]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/mps-suspension-history-in-india/ July 26, 2022: 19 Members of Parliament (MPs) were suspended from attending Rajya Sabha session for the remainder of the week for disrupting the House proceedings and demanding a discussion on price rises and a rollback of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) on daily essentials. November 29, 2021: 12 Rajya Sabha MPs have been suspended for the entire winter session for “unprecedented acts of misconduct”, “unruly and violent behaviour”, and “intentional attacks on security personnel”. September 21, 2020: Eight Rajya Sabha MPs were suspended on September 21, 2020 for unruly behaviour in the House the previous day on September 20. March 5, 2020: Seven Congress members were suspended from Lok Sabha during the Budget Session of Parliament. November 2019: Speaker Om Birla suspended two Congress members. January 2019: Birla’s predecessor Sumitra Mahajan suspended a total 45 members belonging to the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) after they continuously disrupted proceedings for days. August 2015: Lok Sabha Speaker Sumitra Mahajan suspended 25 Congress MPs for five days for “persistently, willfully obstructing” the House. February 13, 2014: Speaker Meira Kumar suspended 18 MPs from (undivided) Andhra Pradesh following pandemonium in the House over the Telangana issue. September 2, 2014: Nine members were suspended for five days. August 23, 2013: 12 members were suspended for five days. April 24, 2012: Eight members were suspended for four days. March 15, 1989: When Rajiv Gandhi was Prime Minister, as many as 63 members were suspended from Lok Sabha for three days.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/mps-suspension-history-in-india/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Hawa Mahal: An iconic marvel redefining India’s Architectural landscape]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/hawa-mahal-an-iconic-marvel-redefining-indias-architectural-landscape/ Hawa Mahal, the "Palace of Winds," stands out for several unique aspects that distinguish it as a captivating architectural marvel within India's cultural landscape: Iconic Design: • Distinctive Facade: Its five-story exterior boasts 953 intricately designed jharokhas (small windows) that resemble a honeycomb, creating a unique and ornate pattern. This feature distinguishes Hawa Mahal's facade, making it instantly recognizable. • Pyramid-like Structure: The building's top floors taper to form a pyramidal shape, resembling the crown of Lord Krishna. This design, along with the intricate lattice work, makes it an architectural marvel. Ventilation and Cooling System: • Innovative Airflow: The primary purpose of Hawa Mahal's jharokhas was to facilitate natural air circulation, creating a cooling effect within the palace during hot summers. The windows were strategically placed to catch and funnel the breeze, allowing ventilation throughout the structure. • Hawa Mahal Name: Its name, "Palace of Winds," derives from this ingenious ventilation system that ensured a constant flow of air, keeping the interiors pleasant even in scorching temperatures. Purpose and Functionality: • Royal Retreat: Built as an extension of the City Palace, it served as a retreat for the royal women of the court. The design of the jharokhas enabled them to observe the city's activities and processions while maintaining their privacy. • Strategic Location: Positioned in the heart of Jaipur, Hawa Mahal offers panoramic views of the cityscape and streets below, providing an excellent vantage point for observing daily life. Architectural Integration: • Rajput-Mughal Fusion: The palace's architecture seamlessly blends Rajputana and Mughal styles, reflecting the cultural fusion prevalent during its construction. • Artistic Embellishments: Intricate frescoes, ornate carvings, and detailed motifs adorn the interiors, showcasing the exquisite craftsmanship of that era. Symbolism and Cultural Heritage: • Cultural Symbol: Hawa Mahal symbolizes Rajasthan's rich cultural heritage and artistic legacy, standing as an emblem of the region's architectural brilliance and royal lifestyle. • Historical Significance: Its historical legacy as a summer retreat for the royal women and its architectural uniqueness contribute to its significance in Rajasthan's cultural narrative. Tourist Attraction: • Visitor Experience: Hawa Mahal's allure lies in its unique architectural features, historical significance, and the panoramic views it offers, making it a must-visit destination for tourists exploring Jaipur's cultural offerings. Conclusion: Hawa Mahal's distinct facade, innovative ventilation system, cultural significance, and fusion of architectural styles make it an exceptional monument, offering visitors a glimpse into Rajasthan's heritage, royal lifestyle, and architectural ingenuity. Its uniqueness and historical importance continue to fascinate and attract visitors seeking to experience India's rich cultural tapestry.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/hawa-mahal-an-iconic-marvel-redefining-indias-architectural-landscape/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Royal Rajasthan: Unveiling heritage & splendor in Jaipur and Udaipur]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/royal-rajasthan-unveiling-heritage-splendor-in-jaipur-and-udaipur/ Exploring the vibrant state of Rajasthan was a journey that unfolded tales of royalty, history, and cultural richness, with Jaipur and Udaipur standing out as jewels in this crown of heritage. During my visit to Jaipur, often referred to as the Pink City, every corner resonates with the grandeur of its past. The imposing Amer Fort (Amber Palace), a UNESCO World Heritage site, transported me to the era of Rajputana royalty. The intricate architecture and breathtaking views from its ramparts is a must-visit. Hawa Mahal, known as the Palace of Winds, and Sheesh Mahal, the Mirror Palace, offered a glimpse into the opulence of the royal lifestyle. The City Palace of Jaipur is a majestic complex with a fusion of Mughal and Rajput architecture, and the formidable Chittorgarh Fort further enriched my historical voyage. Rajasthan’s culinary landscape is a treat for food enthusiasts. From traditional Rajasthani thalis and my all-time favourite daal batti churma to the lip smacking pyaaz ki kachori, I truly enjoyed all the rich flavors of the region. As soon as I reached Udaipur, the ‘City of Lakes’ unfolded before me like a dream. The City Palace of Udaipur, a stunning architectural marvel on the banks of Lake Pichola, mesmerized me with its grandeur. The Monsoon Palace, perched atop the Aravalli Range, offered panoramic views of the city and its lakes. My next stop was Saheliyon ki Baari, a tranquil garden adorned with fountains and kiosks, provided a serene retreat. Exploring the Vintage Car Museum was like stepping back in time, witnessing a regal collection of classic automobiles that once graced the roads of Udaipur. The culinary delights of Udaipur were equally enchanting, with Jagat Niwas Palace being my top favorite choice offering a regal dining experience against the backdrop of Lake Pichola, and the cultural extravaganza at Chokhi Dhani serving a feast for the senses. Beyond the well-known landmarks, both cities revealed hidden gems. In Udaipur, there’s an essence of mystery lingering in every nook and cranny. The city’s hidden places, often overlooked by tourists, present a more intimate connection with its history and culture. Coming to the culture and dance form of Rajasthan - Ghoomar, a dance full of graceful movements, swaying hands, and rhythmic clapping accompanied by folk songs transported me to the heart of Rajasthani traditions. Another exciting experience was the Kathputli Dance, showcasing the ancient art of puppetry. The manipulation of wooden dolls by skilled puppeteers told stories that transcended time. Rajasthan’s charm lies not only in its regal structures but also in these lesser-known cultural treasures. Exploring these hidden facets added depth to my understanding of the city’s rich tapestry, highlighting the resilience and creativity of its people. In conclusion, my sojourn in Rajasthan, particularly in Jaipur and Udaipur, was a symphony of history, culture, and culinary delights. From the majestic forts and palaces to the hidden dance forms and cultural gems, each moment was a brushstroke on the canvas of this enchanting state. Rajasthan’s allure is not merely in its iconic landmarks but also in the undiscovered, beckoning travelers to unravel its myriad secrets.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/royal-rajasthan-unveiling-heritage-splendor-in-jaipur-and-udaipur/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[A unique legacy in Sujangarh]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/a-unique-legacy-in-sujangarh/ Sujangarh: This mansion of Sujangarh is unique in itself. This mansion gave two MLAs to Sujangarh in Bikaner State before independence. Maharaja Ganga Singh used to come and go here. A Golden Room was specially made for his stay whose ceiling is painted with 1 kg gold polish. It is one of the tallest mansions of Shekhawati. We are talking about this unique mansion of Seth Danchand Chopra of Sujangarh. Bangladesh, Bikaner was special to Maharaja Ganga Singh Danchand Chopra, a well-known Seth of Shekhawati, had built this mansion about 100 years ago. Danchand Chopra was given the post of MLA in Bikaner State and was also the magistrate of Sujangarh at that time. Danchand’s father Seth Ghevarchand had a big business in Bangladesh before the partition of the country. The fact that he was such a big businessman can be gauged from the fact that at that time he had built Golundo Railway Station there. Ghevar market of Golundo is named after him. At the time of partition, Ghevarchand came to Kolkata and shifted his business. After this Seth Danchand Chopra took over the business. Danchand was close to Bikaner Maharaja Ganga Singh. This was the reason why Maharaj Ganga Singh kept coming to Sujangarh. Seth Danchand died in 1940. His Chhatri remains in Bikaner as his Samadhi. Seth Danchand’s son Vijay Singh Chopra was also given the post of MLA in Bikaner State at the age of just 21. The mansion was built in 1928 at a cost of five lakhs, a bridge is built to connect the two mansions. The construction of the mansion of the famous Seth Danchand Chopra of Shekhawati started in 1922. Which lasted till 1928. Five lakh rupees were spent on this at that time. The mansion is built in 7 thousand square yards. Usually, the mansions of Shekhawati have a lot of rooms, but seven big halls have been built in this mansion. The work of wood and glass has been done with great detail. The murals from 100 years ago are still safe. The main gate of the mansion is made of pure brass. A bridge was specially built to connect the Chopra Haveli to the smaller mansion in front. This bridge is still safe today. For this, General Knowledge question was also asked 2 years ago Rajasthan Exam About this mansion of Gram Sevak Where is Danchand Chopra Mansion located? Golden Room is built in the mansion Whenever Maharaja Ganga Singh came to Sujangarh, he used to stay in the Golden Room of Chopra Haveli. The ceiling of this golden room is painted with 1 kg of gold. Not only this, at that time a tennis court and firing range was also built especially for Maharaja Ganga Singh in Sujangarh. Chartered plane landed in Sujangarh in 1955 Ashok Chopra, grandson of Seth Danchand Chopra, tells that in 1955, the health of Danchand Chopra’s mother, living in Sujangarh, worsened. The doctor said that the family members should meet him. Then the Chopra family had come here in a chartered plane, which had landed in Tharra Tal of Sujangarh. Because there was no airport or airstrip here. Therefore the airlines company refused to land the plane here. So the Chopra family had got the plane landed by giving a bank guarantee of Rs 60 lakh at that time. The plane made two trips to bring the family members. Seth Danchand Chopra was the chief guest in the program of BITS Pilani The country’s famous Birla Institute of Technology and Science had a big program in Pilani before independence. Then the chief guest of the inauguration ceremony was Seth Danmal Chopra. Ghanshyam Das Birla and former President Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, the then Vice Chancellor of Banaras Hindu University,]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/a-unique-legacy-in-sujangarh/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Soaring Above the Skies: The Unparalleled Journey with Etihad Airways]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/art-culture/soaring-above-the-skies-the-unparalleled-journey-with-etihad-airways/ In the ever-evolving world of aviation, where competition is fierce, Etihad Airways has consistently distinguished itself as a leader in delivering exceptional travel experiences. As the national airline of the United Arab Emirates, Etihad has redefined air travel with its commitment to excellence, innovation, and sustainability. Every journey with Etihad is a blend of luxury, comfort, and cutting-edge technology, making it a preferred choice for travelers worldwide. d Expanding Global Horizons Etihad Airways has earned its reputation as a global connector, bridging continents and cultures. With a network that spans over 90 destinations across six continents, the airline ensures seamless connectivity for business and leisure travelers alike. Its recent expansion plans for 2025 include new destinations that cater to a growing demand for unique travel experiences, offering passengers an even broader choice of cities to explore. What makes Etihad stand out is not just the number of destinations but the ease with which passengers can connect through its hub in Abu Dhabi. The airline has meticulously designed its schedules to offer smooth transfers, minimizing layovers and maximizing convenience for its passengers. Limited-Time Offers Take advantage of exclusive fares to some of Etihad’s top destinations:
  • Abu Dhabi: Round trip, Economy, from AUD 1914
  • Athens: Round trip, Economy, from AUD 1560
  • Barcelona: Round trip, Economy, from AUD 1495
  • Cairo: Round trip, Economy, from AUD 1820
  • Dublin: Round trip, Economy, from AUD 1599
Hurry! Book your flights by 16 December for travel until 31 March 2025. The Pinnacle of Passenger Experience Etihad Airways has always prioritized its passengers, and this focus is evident in every aspect of its operations. From the moment you step aboard, you are welcomed into an environment designed for relaxation and enjoyment. For premium travelers, the airline’s Business and First-Class offerings are nothing short of extraordinary. Private suites, fine dining curated by renowned chefs, and exclusive lounges create a travel experience that rivals even the finest luxury hotels. Meanwhile, the Economy Class is far from ordinary, offering ergonomic seating, ample legroom, and an array of entertainment options that cater to all tastes. A Future-Ready Fleet Etihad’s fleet is a testament to its dedication to innovation. With significant investments in upgrading its aircraft, the airline is poised to offer passengers even more comfort and convenience. By 2025, Etihad plans to retrofit its Boeing 787 and 777 fleets, introducing new cabins that feature modern aesthetics, advanced technology, and eco-friendly designs. The upgraded cabins will include high-speed Wi-Fi, immersive entertainment systems, and thoughtfully designed interiors that enhance passenger comfort. These changes not only elevate the travel experience but also reflect Etihad’s forward-thinking approach to aviation. Sustainability at the Core As the world shifts towards more sustainable practices, Etihad Airways has positioned itself as a pioneer in eco-conscious aviation. Its commitment to sustainability goes beyond words, with tangible actions aimed at reducing its environmental impact. The airline has set ambitious goals to achieve net-zero carbon emissions by 2050. This involves investing in sustainable aviation fuels, optimizing flight operations to reduce fuel consumption, and implementing initiatives that promote environmental responsibility among passengers. Programs like "Conscious Choices" allow travelers to contribute to sustainable practices, ensuring that every journey has a positive impact. Unveiling Abu Dhabi For many travelers, flying with Etihad is an introduction to the wonders of Abu Dhabi, the capital of the UAE. The airline offers exclusive stopover packages, allowing passengers to explore the city’s rich heritage, modern marvels, and world-class entertainment. From the architectural grandeur of the Sheikh Zayed Grand Mosque to the thrilling adventures at Ferrari World, Abu Dhabi offers something for everyone. Etihad’s partnership with local attractions ensures that passengers can make the most of their time in this vibrant city, whether they’re stopping for a few hours or staying for a few days. A Vision for Tomorrow Etihad Airways isn’t just adapting to the future of aviation; it’s actively shaping it. With plans for growth, technological advancements, and a steadfast commitment to passenger satisfaction, the airline is poised to maintain its leadership in the industry. Its ability to balance luxury, efficiency, and sustainability sets it apart as a trailblazer in modern air travel. The Etihad Experience What truly defines Etihad Airways is its unwavering promise to its passengers: to deliver a journey that is as memorable as the destination. Whether you’re traveling for business, embarking on a family vacation, or seeking new adventures, Etihad ensures that your time in the air is a part of the story you’ll cherish forever. With a perfect blend of luxury, innovation, and sustainability, Etihad Airways invites you to experience travel in its finest form. Choose Etihad and discover a world where every journey is crafted with care, excellence, and inspiration.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/art-culture/soaring-above-the-skies-the-unparalleled-journey-with-etihad-airways/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Madhya Pradesh’s political odyssey: a history in making]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/madhya-pradeshs-political-odyssey-a-history-in-making/ Up until 1972, the Congress party received a clear mandate. From 1952 till now, 15 legislative assembly elections have taken place. Congress party ruled for 40 years in the span of 71 years, while BJP remained in power for around 21 years. The Janata Party held power for three years between 1977 and 1980. In the elections before 1952, Congress came to power in a 232-member assembly. Congress won 194 seats, acquiring 49% of the votes, while the opposition Kisan Mazdoor Praja Party (KMPP) received only 5% votes. KMPP secured 8 seats, and the Socialist Party obtained 2 seats. In the 1962 legislative assembly elections, after the delimitation, the seats increased to 288. Congress again won unilaterally, securing 142 seats while Jan Sangh got 41 seats, and the opposition Praja Socialist Party got 33 seats. The 1967 election in a 296-member assembly saw Congress securing 167 seats, and Jan Sangh won 78 seats. In 1972 as well, Congress received an absolute majority. Post-Emergency, an anti-Congress wave swept across the nation. Opposition parties like Congress and the Communist Party formed the Janata Party. Several parties, including Jan Sangh and Socialist Party, merged into the Janata Party. In the 1977 Madhya Pradesh assembly elections, Congress was ousted from power for the first time, and the Janata Party won with 230 seats, making Kailash Joshi the CM. Congress had to settle for 84 seats. In the midterm elections of 1980, Congress returned to power with a full majority of 246 seats. After changing its name from Jan Sangh, the Bharatiya Janata Party secured 60 seats. The formula worked in 1985, Congress formed a government with a full majority, and BJP, in opposition, was limited to 60 seats. In 1990, BJP formed a government with a massive majority, winning 220 seats. Sundar Lal Patwa became the Chief Minister. In 1992, following the Babri Masjid demolition, the Centre dismissed Patwa’s government. In 1993, elections were held again in Madhya Pradesh, giving Congress an absolute majority with 174 seats. In 1998, Congress secured 172 seats again. Digvijay Singh formed a government for the second time with a full majority. From 2003, BJP received a full majority three times. In 2003, the people gave BJP a full majority of 173 seats out of 230. In 2008, BJP’s seats decreased to 143, yet Shivraj Singh Chouhan secured a full majority. In 2013, amidst the Modi wave, BJP received a massive majority for the third time, winning 165 seats while Congress secured 58 seats. Post the Mandsaur incident, assembly elections took place in 2018. Congress won 114 seats while BJP registered victory on 109 seats. BJP had more votes than Congress in terms of percentage, but it faced a loss of 56 seats.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/historically-speaking/madhya-pradeshs-political-odyssey-a-history-in-making/ Thedailyguardian en-US <![CDATA[Post-Budget Impact: Navigating Term Insurance Choices in India’s Current Economy]]> https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/art-culture/post-budget-impact-navigating-term-insurance-choices-in-indias-current-economy/ New policies, reforms, and incentives have been adopted in India's latest budget to empower people, boost industry, and stabilise the economy. However, what does this signify for those who purchase term insurance plans? Several economic circumstances, including the recently implemented budget, may influence your decision to get term insurance. Term insurance is essential to financial planning as it cushions families against unforeseen events. Given post-budget economic shifts, knowing how to modify your decisions in this dynamic environment is critical.  This guide aims to help you navigate these choices and select the right term insurance plan for your needs in 2024 and beyond.

Budget Highlights Relevant to Term Insurance Policies

Understanding the impact of the 2024-25 budget on the Indian insurance sector involves analysing the announcements that may influence premium prices, tax benefits, and the overall financial situation of an individual. This year's budget includes several initiatives to increase personal savings, promote financial stability, and facilitate access to insurance coverage. Thus, some key things to look for in this budget related to term insurance policies are as follows:
  • Modifications to Tax Benefits: Term insurance plans offer several tax benefits under Sections 80C, 80D and 10D. Policyholders can claim tax exemptions on premiums paid and maturity benefits obtained under certain provisions. Any changes to these budget sections could directly impact term insurance's attractiveness.
  • Economic Adjustments: Budgetary allotments for GDP growth, healthcare, and infrastructure have an impact on total disposable income, which in turn affects how much people are prepared to spend on term insurance.
  • Digital Initiatives and Insurance Accessibility: The government promotes digital access to financial products, including insurance, to facilitate online policy comparison and purchase.

Advantages of Buying a Term Insurance Plan in India’s Current Economy

Buying a suitable term life insurance policy will give you the following benefits:

1.     Financial Stability for Your Loved Ones

If you are the only earning member of your family, getting a term insurance plan is a smart financial choice. It will ensure that your family is financially protected in your absence. The sum assured can cover daily expenses, clear debts, and pay for emergencies.

2.     Affordable Premiums and Premium Return Options

You can get a term insurance policy at an affordable rate. Also, the premium rates are considerably low if you are still young and healthy. Apart from low premiums, some term insurance plans allow you to add a return of premium (ROP) rider. This optional add-on benefits you by returning your premiums if you outlive the term. Moreover, a term insurance calculator can estimate your premium for a specific policy.

3.     Get a Joint Life Option

Some term insurance plans benefit you by adding your spouse to the same policy. This will give a lump sum amount to one partner if there is an untimely death of the other. With this benefit, it is possible to cover household expenses or financial responsibilities without setbacks.

4.     Simple and Flexible Plans

Term insurance plans are straightforward and flexible. This means they can be easily customised based on your needs. For instance, paying a slightly higher premium can enhance your term plan coverage by adding an optional rider, such as critical illness or accidental death.

Factors to Help You Choose the Best Term Insurance Plan

Here are some other factors which will help you choose the right policy plan: Claim Settlement Ratio: This ratio represents the percentage of claims the insurance company has successfully settled out of the total claims received. A high claim settlement ratio indicates the insurance company has a good track record of settling claims. Benefits on Taxes: Section 10D and Section 80C tax deductions (up to ₹1.5 lakh) are attractive aspects of term insurance policies. These deductions were maintained in the most recent budget, making term insurance a great way to reduce taxes and increase financial stability. Options for Customising the Plan: If your financial needs change, you can easily customise an existing term insurance plan. You can adjust your coverage amount, riders, premium pay model, payout options, and premium payment frequency to meet your changing circumstances.

Final Thoughts

Post-budget, there are a few key tips to consider about term insurance. One is to increase the coverage amount as the sum you consider enough today may not be enough tomorrow when inflation pushes the costs. Also, you must take advantage of current tax laws by utilising Section 80C deductions, which can help reduce your taxable income.]]> January 7, 2025, 9:13 pm https://latest.thedailyguardian.com/art-culture/post-budget-impact-navigating-term-insurance-choices-in-indias-current-economy/ Thedailyguardian en-US